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Posted: Apr. 7, 2017 12:50 am

HAMPTON -- A Democratic candidate for state Senate spoke at a Skylands Tea Party meeting with hopes of finding some measure of common ground, but it didn't take long for the guns to come out. Metaphorically speaking, of course.

Jennifer Hamilton, a state Senate candidate in the 24th Legislative District, was invited to speak at the Skylands Tea Party's monthly meeting at the Hampton Diner on Wednesday night by the group's president, Doug Amedeo.

Prior to giving the floor to Hamilton, Amedeo explained his reasoning for inviting a Democrat to his fellow conservatives.

"Jennifer opposes the gas tax and has said she wants to be a fiscally responsible state senator," he said. "I wanted to know what she meant by that, and I think she should tell us."

Amedeo later said, "We need to get past treating political parties like sports teams," and encouraged the group to be respectful.

Hamilton spoke for just under 10 minutes and almost immediately hit her stated goal -- and campaign slogan, "Joining Together to Bridge the Divide" -- of identifying similarities between opposing political ideologies.

She asked the room who thought their taxes were too high and nearly every hand went up. Hamilton asked her small contingent of Democratic supporters in the room -- which included Sussex County Democratic Committee Chairwoman Leslie Huhn and 24th District Assembly candidate Michael Pirog -- the same, and all of their hands were raised as well.

"We have just found common ground," Hamilton said to a small spattering of applause. "It's a start."

Hamilton said her goal in running for state Senate is to "find those common problems that we all see every single day" and find a way to fix them.

The 34-year-old attorney from Sparta said she was "under no illusion" that her speaking at the meeting would sway voters in the room but that she hoped it would start a dialogue.

"I think (dialogue) is something that we have been missing," Hamilton said. "I think it is something that is so important, and I think it's something that we should all demand from our representatives."

Hamilton expressed her views about the sagging local economy -- she called it her "biggest arch-nemesis" -- as well infrastructure, property values/taxes and the gas tax increase.

"These are problems that I believe are universal and they transcend party lines," she said. "If I were in Trenton, those are the issues that I'm going to fight for."

She acknowledged there were issues where Democrats and Tea Partiers were going to disagree. Once Hamilton had finished speaking, the group posed numerous questions to her about those wedge issues, including the one everyone in the room knew was coming: firearms.

Skylands Tea Party Vice President William Hayden, who just last week entered the GOP primary to challenge state Sen. Steve Oroho, R-24th Dist., was the first to speak up.

"Second Amendment. Where are you?" Hayden asked.

Hamilton didn't back away from the topic: "What are your concerns?" she asked.

Hayden said he was in favor of concealed carry in the state, to which Hamilton said Sussex and Warren counties were "two of the safest" in New Jersey.

"But I have no concerns about us and our gun ownership here in Sussex County," she said. "I have no problem with people having firearms. ... I have no intention of bringing legislation that's going to restrict any of your rights to own a gun."

Hamilton's thoughts on pension payments to state employees -- a statewide political battle that has divided political parties from within in recent years -- also were questioned.

"I believe that benefits that are given to employees for their service, for their hard work, for their loyalty and their commitment ... they've been paying into that system," Hamilton said. "I think that those are not negotiable. What is negotiable, however, is the future of those pension systems."

The other hot topic of the night was sanctuary cities. A Tea Party member questioned Hamilton's view on a bill sponsored by state Sen. Brain Stack, D-33rd Dist., which the Democratic candidate deferred answering until she had more information about the legislation. When pressed on the larger issue, Hamilton said she believed sanctuary cities were acceptable in certain instances but agreed with the group that finding ways to reduce illegal immigration need to be worked on.

Hamilton's appearance at the meeting was met with civility, and several members of the Skylands Tea Party said afterward that they appreciated her willingness to address a "hostile crowd."

But not everyone was pleased at Hamilton's appearance. After the small group of Democrats left the diner, a woman who had abruptly left when the candidate began speaking returned to the room and expressed her "outrage."

"We had a Democrat in here -- those Democrats are at war with us," the woman said. "I'm outraged that the Tea Party would even consider being polite to these people. They have no business being at our meetings."

After the meeting, Hayden admitted he was surprised Hamilton had been invited to speak and said he would have to "put out some fires" with a few members.

"I thought she did good," Hayden said of his potential general election opponent. "She walked into the lion's den, don't get me wrong. She's a very affable person."

For her part, Hamilton said there were a lot of "good moments" in the nearly h our-long back-and-forth with the Skylands Tea Party.

"I hope I started a dialogue," she said. "I really do. I don't know that anyone's minds are going to be changed, but perhaps when they're thinking about the issues and the voice that they want to represent them, they'll look and say, At least this is a person who is willing to listen.' "

Freeholder candidate speaks too

A 2017 GOP primary candidate for Sussex County freeholder was also afforded a chance to speak to the Skylands Tea Party on Wednesday night. Ailish Hambel, the former chair of the Sussex County GOP committee, was invited by Hayden.

Hambel is running against Herb Yardley in a contested primary for one, three-year term on the freeholder board. Democratic freeholder candidate Daniel Perez awaits the winner of the Republican primary.

Hambel spoke about her journey that started as an Irish immigrant to the U.S. to eventually becoming a Sparta Township councilwoman and business owner.

"I want you to understand that I feel very, very qualified," she said. "I am very conservative. I listened to all of you and I agree with this room completely."

Phoebus run in 2019?

Assemblywoman Gail Phoebus, R-24th Dist., was the third and final speaker of the evening.

Phoebus, whose departure last week from the state Senate primary challenge to Oroho opened the door for Hayden's campaign, said she dropped her campaign bid because of financial concerns and wanting to spend time with her family.

However, Phoebus casually mentioned her political career was not yet over.

"Trust me, I'm not done," she said. "I'm going to run the next time around for my Assembly seat again."

David Danzis can also be contacted on Facebook: ddanzisNJH, on Twitter: @ddanzisNJH, or by phone: 973-383-1274.

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Tea Party hears from candidates, even a Democrat - New Jersey Herald

Bev Courtney, member and former president of the Las Cruces Tea Party shares her views on why she got involved with the group, President Trump, and immigration on this episode of "In Focus."

Bev Courtney is former president and a current member of the Las Cruces Tea Party. Courtney on a recent episode of In Focus shares why she got involved with the organization.

There was so many people there, and there was high energy, I liked the things they said, I agreed with them, says Courtney.

Courtney says she is a supporter of President Donald Trump. She says Trump was successful in his campaign, because his message resonated with people like her.

He talked about lowering taxes, about building the wallIm not going to say that I am for the wall, but I am for equal justice under the law, says Courtney.

Bev Courtney says when she heard Trump was running for President she thought that due to his wealth, he would not be able to be bought.

We all know, if you follow the money it really will undermine the American values, says Courtney.

President Donald Trump has selected billionaires and also millionaires to serve in his cabinet, and when asked if she thought Trumps cabinet members could understand the challenges that are facing working families today she says that she can only hope so.

All I can hope for is that their values are the right place, says Courtney.

Education Secretary Betsey DeVos nomination was approved as the Secretary of Education after Vice-President Mike Pence voted to break a tie in the U.S. Senate to confirm DeVos. Courtney says that DeVos shares her values.

Im conservative, Im family values, says Courtney.

When asked about immigration enforcement Courtney says that she doesnt have the answers, but she individually is concerned about people who may be in the country illegally and may have never been convicted of a crime.

I would like to see them have a path to citizenship, because right now they are like slaves, if they are exploited by not paying a proper wage. says Courtney about individuals in that situation being underpaid. Also, Courtney questioned that parents who may be in the country illegally may not notify law enforcement if any crimes are committed against their children.

Courtney says the Tea Party wants Peace and Safety, Fair Taxes, and working families to be able to prosper, and give their kids the opportunities that that they have had.

Read the original here:
Las Cruces Tea Party Member Shares Thoughts On President Trump And Other Issues - KRWG

This article first appeared on the Atlantic Council site.

While the world is distracted by multiple crises, Ukraines ruling elites are trying to undo the modest progress the country has achieved since the Maidan Revolution.

Despite the mainstream narrative, when it comes to reforms in post-revolutionary Ukraine, the record has been anything but black and white.

But if you need a consensus on the most outstanding achievements, most Ukraine watchers would probably agree on four: the establishment of market prices on gas; a globally hailed e-procurement system; the creation of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine; and the launch of an electronic declaration system that discloses the assets of public officials.

The last two are now at the epicenter of the biggest attempt to rollback reforms since the Maidan Revolution.

Ukraine has fallen out of focus in the last year. Local rent-seeking elites havent wasted the opportunity and have started rolling back reforms that impede the profitable coexistence of big business and politicians.

The former head of Ukraine's tax and customs service, Roman Nasirov, under investigation for embezzlement, attends a court hearing in Kiev, Ukraine, March 6, 2017. Maxim Eristavi writes that the democratic freedoms won in the Maidan protests are being steadily eroded by crooked politicians, elites and oligarchs. Valentyn Ogirenko/reuters

Ukrainian oligarchs, whose positions were damaged by the popular uprising of 2014, still managed to retain control over many key state institutions.

The real picture started to emerge last year with the governments almost full purge of reformers. Around mid-2016, almost all key reforms in the country had come to a halt. But things quickly escalated this spring.

In March 2017, the newly created National Anti-Corruption Bureau indicted Roman Nasirov, the head of the State Fiscal Service of Ukraine. Nasirovs arrest is the biggest anticorruption case in history and a huge embarrassment for the General Prosecutors Office. Prosecutor General Yuri Lutsenko had been promising to launch big anti-corruption cases but never did.

Related: How Putin Uses Fake News to Wage War on Ukraine

The retaliation was swift: the presidents parliamentary majority, in a bipartisan effort with key oligarchic groups and opposition politicians tied to former President Viktor Yanukovych, sped up the nomination of the auditor for the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU). The auditor must determine whether the current management of the two-year-old institution was successful enough in fighting corruption.

Anticorruption activists see this move as a disguised tactic to sack Artem Sytnyk, the 37-year-old head of NABU, and install someone less eager to prosecute graft. Auditor candidates from civil society were brushed off and a virtually unknown protg from the ruling party was pushed forward through procedural violations.

Only an uproar among key reformist MPs, foreign allies and Ukrainian civil society stopped the candidacy. But another vote is soon to follow.

The next step was to curtail civil society, which plays a crucial watchdog role. It was cunningly combined with an attempt to water down the key reform of electronic declarations. Packaged in manipulatively formulated legislation, the same bipartisan group exempted junior officers, sergeants and rank-and-file combatants who fought in eastern Ukrainian from the e-declaration requirements. One can easily see how bureaucratic maneuvering can add virtually any official to this group.

This vote happened with procedural violations, too. The same amendment forces Ukrainian nongovernment organizations and their sub-contractors as well as journalists who write about corruption to declare their assets the same way officials do.

Like Russias foreign agent laws, the move puts severe operational restrictions on Ukraines vibrant civil society. By adopting the amendments, the authorities have openly declared war on civil society for the first time since the Maidan Revolution, Mykhailo Zhernakov, an expert at the Reanimation Package of Reforms, wrote, and hes right.

Related: The Ukraine Payments That Link Manafort to Putin

With Ukraine awash in a record amount of foreign aid and grants in recent years, theres no doubt that enhanced transparency for NGOs is a must. At the same time, the new law exploits the drive for transparency in an effort to weaken the anticorruption movement.

As someone who works extensively with NGOs in Ukraine, I find the environment in Kiev one of the harshest in Eastern Europe. Already facing a human resources deficit, such a substantial increase in the operational obligations the new law requires will push plenty of civil society initiatives over the edge.

Corrupt elites have marshaled enormous wealth in Ukraine in the last twenty-five years of their unchecked rule. For example, during pre-trial hearings, Nasirov had nine lawyers arguing on his behalf. NABU had just two detectives making their case. So, forcing the same transparency requirements on the anticorruption movement as the corrupt officials they are supposed to expose will make for a tragically unfair game.

Poroshenko signed the controversial amendment on March 27 amid growing calls from civil society and foreign allies to veto it. In a rare move, even the EU Commissioner for Neighborhood Policy criticized the law. Some of my anonymous high-profile sources in Brussels told me that it has the potential to endanger the implementation of Ukraines pending visa-free regime.

Buoyed by the passage of this amendment, Ukraines ruling elites will keep at it. A lack of international attention and ineffective diplomatic strategies on the part of Ukraines allies will embolden the counterrevolution forces. Things could quickly get out of control, with the rise of populism and the blockade in eastern Ukraine threatening the countrys recently restarted growth and the IMFs $17.5 billion program.

It is time for Ukraine's friends and donors to call the bluff of the countrys ruling elites by making clear that recent counterrevolutionary moves must be rolled back and Ukraines political leadership will face serious consequences in terms of political and economic support for any future ones. Trivial statements and tweets wont work this time; old-school political pressure is needed.

One of the main lessons of the Maidan Revolution for Ukrainian allies has been that local civil society is the best partner in delivering progressive change in Ukraine. Now is the time to reaffirm strong vocal support for it. And making sure that Ukraines ruling elites know the exact price for attacking reforms.

Maxim Eristavi is a nonresident research fellow with the Atlantic Council and co-founder of Hromadske International, an independent news outlet, based in Kiev.

Here is the original post:
Ukraine's Corrupt Elites Make a Mockery of Western Support - Newsweek

Ukraines DTEK Trading, owned by Rinat Akhmetov, and Moldovas state-owned intermediary, Energocom, signed a one-year contract, on April 1, for the supply of electricity to Moldovan distributors. Energocom/DTEKs only competitor was the Kuchurgan Power Station, which is located in Transnistria and belongs to the Russian state-owned electricity giant, Inter RAO. According to Moldovas Ministry of Economy, the winning bid offered to sell power at $50.20 per megawatt/hour (MWh), compared to Kuchurgans offer of $54.40 per MWh (MEC.gov.md, April 1). However, questions remain as to why DTEK had to go through the Moldovan intermediary and did not submit a bid directly. Moreover, there are concerns about DTEKs capacity to cover Moldovas energy needs in full (Exprt-Grup.org, March 31). The arrest of the deputy minister of economy in charge of the energy portfolio on the day of the auction deadline added further intrigue, despite, so far, corruption charges not being connected to the bidding process. Speculation mounted as the auction deadline was extended repeatedly without a clear justification. Nonetheless, the fact that Moldova switched from the Russian supplier in Transnistria to a Ukrainian company is significant in ways that go far beyond market economics.

The decision took many by surprise, as the key figure in Moldovan politicsthe head of the ruling Democratic Party, oligarch Vlad Plahotniuchad a vested interest in maintaining the old contract despite accusations that importing energy from Transnistria not only legitimates, but also, in effect, sponsors separatism. Moldovan independent experts, as well as politicians, accused Plahotniuc of benefiting from the shell-company that had served as a middleman between Moldova and Kuchurgan Power Station since January 2015 (Adevarul.ro, April 1). The Tiraspol-based offshore-owned intermediary Energokapital (second-largest taxpayer in Transnistria) is considered the brainchild of Transnistrias former leader Yevghenii Shevchyk and Moldovan leaders Vlad Filat and Plahotniuc (Ecfr.eu, July 7, 2016; Jurnal.md, July 24, 2016). Maintaining the existing deal was Plahotniucs preferred option following Filats arrest; but the status quo did not sit well with either Ukraine or Moldovas Western partners. Related:Oil Heads Higher As Iran And Saudi Arabia Draw On Reserves

Having lost control over its large coal mines in the east (see EDM, February 28, March 29), Ukraine is eager to compensate as much as it can by exporting power generated by its nuclear power stations. DTEK Trading bought the export rights from Energoatoma Ukrainian state enterprise that operates the countrys four nuclear power stations. Coincidentally or not, the day before the deadline of Moldovas energy import auction, the Washington Times featured a piece titled Ukrainian Corruption Casts Nuclear Pall Over Europe, stoking fears about Ukraines alleged inability to ensure the safe operation of its nuclear facilities (Washington Times, March 30). The article leans in favor of Russia. Of course, Ukraine had long sought to replace Russia on the Moldovan energy market, but to date, Chisinau had only used this as leverage with Moscow and Tiraspol. Moreover, the lucrative kickbacks from Energokapital (about $19 million a year) were likely difficult to pass up (Jurnal.md, July 24, 2016). Yet, several factors had been making it increasingly difficult for the Moldovan government to continue with business as usual. For one, Transnistria does not pay Russia back for the Russian natural gas it consumes to produce electricity, passing the debt onto Moldova. Second, the Russian aggression in Ukraine had alarmed the small country with a separatist region. And, last, but certainly not least, the election of a pro-Russian president has compelled Moldovas government to forgo business as usual in order to mollify pro-Western Moldovans and the countrys development partners.

It remains unclear why Kuchurgan decided to submit a price higher than the $49 per MWh they had been charging last year. Given that the intermediary Energokapital was no longer in the picture, the price should have been lower still. Yet, the bigger question now is what Transnistria does with its energy surplus. In 20052009, when Moldova had a contract with Ukraine and not Inter RAO, Transnistria was able to sell part of the electricity generated by the Kuchurgan Power Station to Romania. Currently, Romania is unlikely to help Tiraspol out and neither is Ukraine. Losing such a significant revenue stream puts incredible pressure on an already austere Transnistrian budget. Spending cuts in Russia will also make it difficult for Moscow to pick up the tab (see EDM, June 29, 2015). Therefore, Moldovas decision has even larger geopolitical implications. Related:Did The Banks Just Give U.S. Shale A Carte Blanche?

Due to increased domestic contestation by the opposition, Plahotniuc has been trying desperately to boost his legitimacy by proving himself to the West, yet without antagonizing Russia directly. The Moldovan leadership has gone to great lengths to avoid linking the Russian government to the actions of its intelligence services. This is despite accusations of Russian special services harassing Moldovan officials traveling to Russia, their sabotage of a Moldovan law enforcement investigations into a major transnational money laundering scheme, and the recruitment of a former Moldovan Democratic Party legislator as a spy for Moscow (Adevarul.ro, March 9). But following the election of a pro-Russian president in Moldova, Moscow is now focused on ensuring that pro-Russian forces secure a majority in Moldovas next parliamentary elections, scheduled for 2018. Consequently, Russia has diminished its space for maneuver. It cannot retaliate against Moldova without undermining the chances of the pro-Russian parties in the next election. Vladimir Putin recently made President Igor Dodon several token concessions regarding Moldovan exports and labor migrants. Dodon is also creating expectations about progress in the Transnistrian conflict settlement (see EDM, January 26). If the Kremlin were to retaliate on any of these fronts, it would undermine its own political projects in Moldova.

The politically agile Plahotniuc may have hoped to persuade the European Union that cutting Transnistria out of the energy deal would be detrimental to the conflict settlement process, but Plahotniuc has lost the battle, even while saving face for now. Clearly, the deal is a major win for Ukraine. Apart from the much-needed cash inflow and a snub at Russia, Ukraine is also hoping to access the EU energy market via Moldova. The new contract may ultimately prove to be a big win for Moldova if DTEK is able to ensure supply and price stability, since Plahotniuc is likely to use any hitches as a pretext to go back to his preferred option. In light of the difficult economic conditions in Transnistria and Russias increasingly limited leverage over Moldova, there is some hope that pressure for a positive development in the conflict settlement may emerge at the grass roots level to the point when it can no longer be ignored or stifled by the authorities.

By The Jamestown Foundation

More Top Reads From Oilprice.com:

Original post:
Moldova Picks Ukraine Over Russia In New Energy Deal - OilPrice.com

This article first appeared on the Atlantic Council site.

Russias occupation of Crimea has reached its third anniversary, and there is no evidence in sight that President Vladimir Putin will withdraw his occupation forces.

Both the United States and Canada have reiterated their support for continued sanctions against Russia as long as Crimea continues to be occupied. Still, ending Russias illegal occupation could take decades.

To increase the effectiveness of Western pressure on Russia, three additional policies are necessary.

First, Ukraine must stop expecting the West to assume the heavy lifting of sanctions against Russia while Ukraine itself continues to trade with Crimea and the two Russian proxy enclaves, the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk Peoples Republics (DNR and LNR).

Ukrainian leaders have no moral leg to stand on when they call on Washington, D.C., and Brussels to continue the sanctions regime while Ukraine benefits from trade with Crimea and the DNR and LNR.

In fact, Ukraines policy of supporting Western sanctions while reaping profits from trade with the occupied regions was dashed only by Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar activists, not by government policies.

A boy aims a sniper rifle during an exhibition of weaponry and military equipment in the Black Sea port of Sevastopol, Crimea, on November 26, 2016. Taras Kuzio writes that Putins biggest export to the West is not oil and gas, but corruption. In the West, political consultants, lobbyists, lawyers, tax advisers, private schools and journalists have all been corrupted by their acceptance of dirty money. Pavel Rebrov/reuters

It is time for the United States to demand that Ukrainian leaders get real about sanctions. Activist-initiated blockades only serve to increase tensions and political instability, and could threaten Ukraine with a third Maidannone of which are in the U.S.s interests.

Second, Western diplomats and policymakers should advise members of Russias opposition that they cannot be expected to be viewed as democrats if they continue to support Putins illegal annexation of Crimea, or back Putins claim that Ukrainians are not a separate people from Russians.

Western democracy-promoting foundations that receive funding from the U.S. government such as the National Endowment for Democracy should threaten to withdraw their support for those members of Russias opposition who endorse Russias chauvinist and imperialist actions.

Related: How Putin uses fake news to wage war on Ukraine

Until now, the majority of Russias opposition groups have supported Putins land grab in Crimea. A Russian democrat ceases to be a democrat when he talks about Ukraine, former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma presciently wrote in his book, Ukraine Is Not Russia.

Indeed, of Russias fractured opposition, only Boris Nemtsovwho was assassinated in February 2015and the very marginal Yabloko party have not held chauvinistic views of Ukrainians and opposed Putins occupation of Crimea.

Alexei Navalny, who was behind the massive March 26 protestsRussias biggest in five yearsis typical of Russias opposition; members tend to be more nationalistic than democratic. Like Putin, Navalny believes that Ukrainians are not a separate people; he supports the integration of Russia and Ukraine, and opposes sending weapons to Ukraine.

Related: Putin's supervillain adventures have cost him dear

Third, the EU needs to get its act together.

Until now, the EU has supported sanctions with one hand while simultaneously serving as a "global laundromat" and accepting billions of dollars of dirty money from Russia with the other. A new report by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project found that Putins Russia laundered $20 billion to $80 billion between January 2011 and October 2014.

According to Anders Aslund, an expert on Russian economic policy, Russia and Ukraine have exported over $700 billion and $100 billion, respectively, to the EU and offshore tax havens since 1991.

Accepting dirty money from Russia encourages corruption by providing outlets for stolen funds. These can be used for subversion, information warfare, corrupting European politicians, undermining trust in banks and purchasing real estate.

In truth, Putins biggest export to the West is not oil and gas, but corruption. In the West, political consultants, lobbyists, lawyers, tax advisers, private schools and journalists have all been corrupted by their acceptance of such funds.

Accepting dirty money deepens the cynical belief among Russian leaders that everybody has a price: it is just a question of negotiation. This, in turn, undermines the Wests moral stance on the benefits of good governance and the rationale behind the EUs sanctions policy.

U.S. policymakers should advise Ukrainian leaders, Russias opposition and the EU to end their contradictory policies, which have permitted Russia to erode and evade the sanctions regime.

Taras Kuzio is a senior fellow at the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Albertaand a nonresident fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at Johns Hopkins-SAIS. His book, Putins War Against Ukraine: Revolution, Nationalism, and Crime,was published in March.

Read the rest here:
How Ukraine and the West Could Push Putin Out of Crimea - Newsweek