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This is a tough subject.

As a trainer, I have a really hard time with social media and the time it takes our kids away from real time with their horsesthe hours and hours wasted on screen time that could be spent in the barn.

Ive lost track of how many times Ive heard I just didnt have time, or I didnt get to it, or I forgot from students. The practice and grooming and loving comes second to the screen, and the other things they have to dohomework, chores, jobsbecome more important than just being quiet with their horse. Im not sure kids even enjoy the little moments anymorethe inviting smell of the barn, the butterfly that their horse is watching, the loving look from their horse.

And then there are the posts. The endless no thought behind what is real, what is appropriate, what is hurtful, and what is just not necessary posts filling up their social media feeds are devastating to our sport.

Take the posts about horses. Why should everyone know something about someone elses horse? Why would anyone want to make fun of another persons horse? Why is it okay to bend the truth about things and for others to read those fabrications as if they are facts?

This sport is so special because of what it can teach a young personthe responsibility, the love, the grit, the hard work, the list goes on and on. As a trainer you need it all to go hand in hand so the rider can be the best of the best. And in real time, not on a screen or in a post.

Im not sure its even possible anymore with the time crunch of this increasingly digital world. Time spent at the barn was once freely given and is near impossible to duplicate. The lessons in patience and observation athletes would learn from watching their horse play with a butterfly or while driving across the country to a show cannot be taught. Its acquired through experience and is what fuels the passion, the drive, the desire to be the best.

You simply cannot replace the real time required, nor can you take back the images and the posts that they consume online.

As a trainer, I know there has to be a balance. I know social media isnt going away. But I feel the balance is too hard for a kid to grasp on their own and that less screen time can only mean more when it comes to riding.

As a judge, I cant help but think that screens are holding up the ring. I spend many minutes and hours in the judges box waiting for a competitor in the ring, but when I look up to see what everyone is doing ringside, theyre inevitably on their phones.

What would they be doing if their phone wasnt there to distract them? Would they be helping others? Would they be working and seeing others work, pushing our young ones to do as they see?

I wonder how we keep our sport alive and thriving in the digital age. The job of a judge is to rate and review the class the best you canand, in turn, you hope to inspire riders and the sport to grow. When you walk into the ring and the judge verifies where you are compared to the competition that day, it drives you to work and get better, to move to another division, etc.

But when you are distracted by a constant stream of social posts that are maybe not entirely correct or dont show the whole picture, what toll does that take, particularly on the mental health of children?

If phones werent within reach of every fingertip, would kids watch each others trips more? Would they learn from sitting at the ring? Would they actually see the judges perspective? Would there be less negativity about the judging if they watched all the trips in a class and understood what mistakes were made and why the ribbons went way they did? That is the piece that you cant always teach, but you get when youre in real time!

As a mom, the worst hat I wear is my social media police hat. You want your kid to be social and have friends and not be weird. You also want your kid to be their own person and to do what they love and contribute positively to society.

I know, as a mom, that working with a live animal and all that comes with that teaches our kids more, Id argue, than any other sport. Beyond the grit and determination and strategy of competition, horses teach empathy and resilience, failure and sacrifice, patience and perseverance. Horses teach ALL life lessons. But Im not sure kids learn from it now like we did when we had literally nothing else to do.

I have always pushed my kids to not have any screen time at all and, I can tell you, that doesnt work. So then you try to understand their side and get involvedand you experience the feeling it gives you and you dont want a kid to feel that way.

You hear that social media can help kids make connections they may not have otherwise. It can give them an identity in the horse world and help promote them. Networking is not only word of mouth anymore. Its social media spreading the word.

And, at the same time, it means they now have to grow up so fast! They have to understand how not to compare themselves to others, how not to get hurt by posts that arent truly directed at themhow to stay real in a virtual world.

As a parent, you have to teach them all of it before they go down a bad path of rage and devastation that social media can lead to. Kids dont get to live and learn anymore. They have to learn first. And as parents, we have to give them the tools to navigate that.

I know social media isnt going away. I also know itd be better for everyoneour kids, our horses, our sportif less time was lost to screens and if we we used social media more as a tool than a crutch.

Horses teach the same life lessonsand in a better wayall by themselves.

Dana Hart Callanan is a successful hunter, jumper and equitation coach, an R judge, and a sales broker. In this column, she answerscommon questions about A level sport.

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Q&A: What Is Social Media Doing to Our Kids and Our Sport? - Horse Network

Respondent demographics

Median age of respondents was 26 years (IQR 21.532.5), and all reported current engagement in commercial sex work at the time of data collection (Table1). 85% of respondents reported living in one of the three casas trans. Five respondents (25%) were born in Lima/Callao. Among respondents born elsewhere, median time spent living in Lima was 5 years (IQR 1.6-7). 35% of respondents reported being in a partnership and 55% reported having one or more dependents.

In SNIs, respondents nominated a total of 161 alters they had interacted with in the past month (Table2). Median age of alters was 26.5 years (IQR 22-39.5). Median social network size was 7 (IQR 6-10.5, range 317). 33% of alters were cisgender men, 34% were cisgender women, and 33% were TW. All respondents nominated at least one family member as part of their network, with family comprising 52% of alters. Seven respondents reported being in a partnership at the time of the study. There was overlap noted between TW networks, where several respondents nominated the same TW alter(s) (Fig.1A-D).

There was no difference in the perceived provision of emotional support based on alter relationship type (Table3) or gender identity (Table4). Family members were less likely to provide financial support (adjusted (a)OR 0.21, CI 0.080.54) compared to non-family members. TW alters were more likely to be considered sources of financial support (aOR 3.08, CI 1.227.75) compared to alters who were not TW. Being a family member was associated with a lower likelihood of providing instrumental support compared to non-family member alters, while being a TW was associated with a higher likelihood of providing instrumental support (aOR 6.24, CI 2.8113.84) compared to non-TW alters. Family members were less likely to provide HPS than non-family alters, while TW alters were more likely to provide HPS (aOR 3.24, CI 1.188.92) compared to non-TW alters.

Respondents reported weekly communication with 77% of non-family and 45% of family alters. Respondents reported weekly communication with 83% of TW alters compared to 49% of non-TW alters (aOR 6.95, CI 2.8217.10). Family members were significantly more likely to communicate with respondents via telephone and computer and less likely to communicate in person. In comparison, alters that were TW were more likely to communicate with respondents in person and less likely to communicate via phone.

Respondents primarily viewed family members as sources of emotional support that appeared to be valued despite the distance and superficiality of many of their interactions. However, several respondents did report more involved family members, which contributed to positive feelings and support for self-efficacy and health promotion.

In SNIs, 75% of respondents reported receiving emotional support from family members (Fig.1A). In qualitative interviews, almost all respondents identified a family member, most often a cisgender woman such as a mother or sister, as one of the most trusted, influential, and closest members of their network. Families were widely considered an important source of social and emotional support, which was often simply associated with their role as family members. Several respondents echoed the sentiment that they trusted and felt closest to their mothers simply because she is my mama. Even respondents with family members who did not accept their gender identity sometimes considered them close network members.

Discussions with family members were often described to be superficial, involving general encouragement to maintain a healthy lifestyle and avoiding explicit discussions about sexual health, HIV/STI prevention and trans-specific issues such as access to gender-affirming healthcare. Family members expressions of concern and questions about wellbeing were not always well-articulated and were instead encompassed by the general advice to take care. This level of support was generally considered basic and less practical within the context of respondentslifestyles, but was still appreciated as a demonstration of care.

She [mother] is always giving me advice, telling me to take care of myself, how am I, she is always asking, if I have eaten lunch or not 23 years old, from Pucallpa.

We just chat like this how are you girl, are you doing well? My brothers, my sisters-in-law, everyone, Take care of yourself are you doing well? 36 years old, from Pucallpa.

However, when families accepted respondents identities and openly discussed issues including HIV/STI risk, gender-affirming procedures, and/or sex work, respondents often described feeling encouraged to engage in HIV preventive behaviors and empowered in the face of discrimination. One respondent even described her mother helping her pay for gender-affirming care, while others described feeling emotionally supported through their transition.

I think she [mother] felt bad when I started to get depressed because I was feeling the bullying from people, so we talked more and she understood my suffering and my desire to be a woman physically because internally I have always been one. So then she said, Im going to support you. 38 years old, from Lima.

She [sister] always tells me whatever you decide I will always support you, I have no reason to be judging you, nor telling you things. 22 years old, from Cajamarca.

Though less common, some respondents also reported receiving encouragement from family to engage in HIV/STI prevention, with one respondent describing that her mother reminded her to take PrEP and another stating that her mother buys her condoms.

When [my mother] found out I was gayshe accepted me for who I am. [She told me] to take care, that there are [sexually transmitted] diseases, that I should always use protection. 19 years old, from Pucallpa.

More often, when respondents felt comfortable discussing HIV/STI prevention with family members, respondents were the ones initiating this conversation to educate their family about these issues.

I have explained to [my mother] the risks that Im exposed to from working in the street I tell her that there are various sexually transmitted diseases like HIV, AIDS, syphilis. 27 years old, from Piura.

Some even used their experience and knowledge to advise younger family members, such as siblings, nieces, and nephews, about HIV/STI prevention.

I told [my sister], you have to use a condom so that you dont get pregnant, another reason is there are plenty of sexually transmitted infections like HIV, the condom isnt just for pregnancy, but also for other risks that you need to protect yourself from, I told her. 23 years old, from Pucallpa.

Based on qualitative discussions, respondents appeared to hold the role of active support figures for the rest of their families. The support respondents reported receiving from their family was primarily social and emotional, while the support respondents provided to family was often much more tangible. While six respondents nominated a family member as a potential source of urgent financial assistance if needed (Fig.1B), almost no respondents reported receiving consistent financial support from their families. On the other hand, several respondents reported that they were responsible for providing consistent financial support to their families and notably, almost half of respondents reported having no sources of consistent financial support themselves.

My family is depending on me, theyre passing through a [difficult economic] situation. I send them 100, 150, 200 Soles weekly. 28 years old, from Pucallpa.

I support [my mother] economically I send her money weekly for her food costs, or for my nieces costs, for her school. 27 years old, from Piura.

Eleven respondents (55%) identified a current or former romantic/ primary partner as part of their network. Of note, no respondents included any other sexual partners among this list, though other partners were briefly mentioned in interviews. Almost all partnered respondents reported receiving emotional support from their primary partner (Fig.1A). In interviews, several respondents described partners who made them feel respected and confident, which contributed to feelings of empowerment and resistance against stigma and discrimination.

He makes me have a lot of confidence in myself. With the other partners I had, it was like they hid me, dont come to my work, wait for me on the corner. Him no, sit at my side while I work or come to my house, come to the room where I live. Things like that. 38 years old, from Lima.

Most respondents with long-term partners reported being financially supported by these partners in some way, such as helping with rent payments, though a few TW also described financial arrangements that involved shared expenses within these relationships.

Well we both support each other, my partner and I. The day that he doesnt have [money], well I go out [to work] like him, he is also working. 38 years old, from Lima.

Most partnered respondents described partners checking in on their health generally or even taking care of them when they were sick. However, with regard to HIV/STI prevention, respondents felt responsible to educate and provide that type of support to their partners.

He [partner] did know about HIV but didnt know some things that I, from experience, know a ton. About precautionsabout how to avoid contracting [HIV]. 38 years old, from Lima.

In this way, respondents were again found to be important sources of support within their other relationships. While the type of social support received in return was not always as tangible, when present and robust, it had the potential to contribute to emotional wellness and empowerment.

In SNIs, respondents reported receiving a significant amount of support at all levels from other TW. Importantly, this support was concrete, bidirectional, and shared within their community. 70% of respondents reported receiving emotional support from other TW and 75% reported receiving instrumental support from other TW (Fig.1A C). Respondents and other TW in their networks had a unique and important role in creating new social structures and channels of support within their community. Many respondents reported moving from other regions to come to Lima and feeling supported by TW in the area who welcomed and oriented them to the local community. In this way, the casas trans represented gateway points for integration into the local community of TW and were essentially a pre-existing support system and network that TW who were new to Lima could connect with.

Everyone [in my family] lives in Pucallpa All I have here are the trans girls that are also my friends. 28 years old, from Pucallpa.

Several respondents who did not have supportive family members cited this fact as another key reason for moving to Lima, where they found a more supportive environment. These new and alternative systems of support created by TW for other TW contrasted significantly with the more traditional family and romantic relationship structures respondents described. Support systems within the trans community were generated organically as a result of shared identities and experiences, and were crucial for defining social norms, sharing knowledge, and facilitating labor opportunities.

I decided to change physically [transition], so I made the decision to come [to Lima] and I contacted the girls here and at that time they were already working in this environment [sex work]. 28 years old, from Pucallpa.

I simply came [to Lima] because I had friendships here, and then I stayed. My friend encouraged me, dont go, get to work here, here well make money and I stayed to work. 19 years old, from Tarapoto.

Financial and instrumental support was described to be bidirectional in these relationships; TW helped each other out as needed.

When sometimes she [TW friend]doesnt have [money] and I do, and sometimes when I dont have [money] and she does, I invite her to eat like this and she does the same. We support each other. 19 years old, from Tarapoto.

When I need to eat, she [TW friend] supports me because she has a kitchen, she cooks or she lends it to me, and also she lends me clothes, or I also lend her things and its like this. 23 years old, from Pucallpa.

In general, respondents tended to have fewer sources of HPS, and TW represented a majority of those sources (Fig.1D). TW network members were reported to provide more active and concrete HPS in the form of knowledge sharing, facilitating access to services, and modeling HIV preventive behaviors, especially in the context of sex work, in contrast to the general encouragement respondents sometimes described receiving in relationships with family or partners. Often, older or more experienced TW educated younger or newly arrived TW, such as those that were new to the city and/or the profession of sex work. Several respondents reported that the friend that introduced them to sex work and this community of TW also taught them about prevention.

When I started working in this [sex work] a trans friend [told me] that I always have to use condoms, always in this routine that I have, I have to use them because it is sex work. 31 years old, from Trujillo.

Thus, although some respondents received HPS from family, TW were typically the source of HPS and education for their non-TW network members. In relationships with other TW, the provision of this type of support was often bidirectional as respondents described being in positions to both give and receive all types of support within their network of other TW.

A-D Social network graphs depicting alters nominated as potential sources of emotional support, instrumental support, financial support, and HIV prevention support

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Both/And: Mixed methods analysis of network composition ... - BMC Public Health

A recent study sheds light on the links between our psychological makeup and how we interact with smartphones and social media. The research, published in BMC Psychology, shows that individuals with certain attachment styles may be more prone to develop stronger emotional bonds with their smartphones, potentially leading to maladaptive usage.

In todays digital age, smartphones are more than just communication devices; they are an integral part of our daily lives. Previous research has often approached smartphone usage from an addiction perspective, but this approach has been criticized for oversimplifying the complex behaviors associated with smartphone use.

Prior studies have hinted at the psychological underpinnings of our interactions with technology, particularly focusing on Problematic Mobile Phone Use and its links to mental health issues. Recognizing the need for a deeper understanding, researchers in Italy embarked on a study to explore how adult attachment styles and interpersonal relationships might influence smartphone use.

I was interested in the topic of users relationship with their smartphone and of the psychological functions the device performs for different reasons, explained study author Emanuela S. Gritti, a licensed clinical psychologist and adjunct professor at the University of Milano Bicocca and University of Urbino Carlo Bo.

One point is the widespread presence of smartphones in everyday life in so many different areas of the world and their addictive potential. Even more importantly, I believe that understanding how individual interpersonal patterns (i.e., features of interpersonal dependency and adult attachment style) generalize to the emotional bond with the device and interact with other relevant psychological correlates (e.g., self-esteem, emotion regulation) may help understanding smartphone and social networking sites consumption.

For their study, the researchers recruited 376 participants, primarily from university courses and through a method known as snowball sampling. After excluding some participants for incomplete consent forms and response biases, the final sample comprised 341 individuals, with a balanced representation of genders and an age range from 18 to 77 years.

Participants were asked to complete a series of questionnaires, assessing various aspects of their psychological profile, including their attachment styles, interpersonal dependency, self-esteem, and emotional processing abilities. Additionally, they responded to questions specifically designed to measure their attachment to their smartphones and their intensity of social network use.

Attachment to smartphones refers to the emotional bond a person forms with their device, characterized by feelings of dependence, anxiety when separated, and viewing the smartphone as a source of comfort (e.g. Having my phone makes me feel safer). Intensity of social network use, on the other hand, involves not only the frequency of using social networks but also the degree of reliance on these platforms for social interaction and validation (e.g. Social networking has become part of my daily routine).

The researchers found that individuals with anxious attachment styles those who often feel insecure in their relationships showed a tendency to form stronger emotional bonds with their smartphones. This group was also more likely to use social media intensively, suggesting a digital extension of their interpersonal anxieties.

Interestingly, the study also found that relationship status played a role in these dynamics. Single individuals with anxious attachment styles were more prone to destructive overdependence (excessively relying on others for emotional support, decision-making, and validation), alexithymia (a difficulty in identifying and expressing emotions), and lower self-esteem. These psychological vulnerabilities were, in turn, linked to a more intense emotional bond with smartphones and greater social media usage.

On the flip side, the study noted that single individuals with higher self-esteem tended to use social media more intensely. This finding hints at the role of social media in self-expression and identity consolidation, particularly among those not in a relationship.

A take home message of the study is that there is more to smartphone use than carrying out a series of useful communication and functional activities, Gritti told PsyPost. People might differ in how they bond with their smartphone based on their interpersonal style (e.g., how they manage distance and closeness in relationships) and this will have an effect on how and with which intensity they will use it.

However, the study is not without its limitations. A notable caveat is the reliance on self-reported data, which can sometimes introduce biases based on how participants perceive or wish to present their smartphone and social media usage. Future research could benefit from incorporating more objective measures of digital behavior to corroborate these findings.

It would be valuable in future investigations to assess actual smartphone use, therefore integrating assessment based on participants self-reported descriptions, to exclude potential desirability or recall biases in participants reports of their digital behavior, Gritti said.

The study significantly adds to the literature showing that smartphone and social network use are multidetermined behaviors. For instance, our study suggests that other individual psychological and demographic variables contribute to smartphone and social network use, such as level of self- esteem and marital status.

The study, The smartphone as a significant other: interpersonal dependency and attachment in maladaptive smartphone and social networks use, was authored by Emanuela S. Gritti, Robert F. Bornstein, and Baptiste Barbot.

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Attachment styles influence the tendency to form emotional bonds ... - PsyPost

In an era dominated by digital communication, the role of executives in shaping a companys online presence is more crucial than ever. Social media platforms have evolved beyond personal networking, transforming into powerful professional communication and brand-building tools.

This article explores the significance of executives engaging in social media and how social leadership can bring value to individuals and the organizations they represent.

A social CEO, also known as a social media CEO or social executive, refers to a chief executive officer (CEO) or top-level executive who actively engages and participates on social media platforms for professional purposes.

In contrast to traditional leadership styles that may have been more reserved or behind the scenes, a social CEO embraces social media to communicate, share insights, and connect with various stakeholders, including employees, customers, investors, and the broader public.

Traditionally, executive communication was confined to press releases, official statements, and occasional interviews.

However, the rise of social media has reshaped this landscape. Executives now have direct channels to communicate with a global audience in real-time. Platforms like LinkedIn, Twitter, and even Instagram have become mediums for fostering transparency, authenticity, and accessibility in executive communications. Building Personal Brand and Corporate Reputation

Executives who actively engage on social media contribute significantly to building both their brand and the reputation of the company they lead. Through thought leadership, insightful content sharing, and authentic interaction, executives can humanize the brand, establishing trust and credibility among stakeholders, employees, and the broader public. This, in turn, contributes to a positive corporate image and can influence consumer perception. Fostering Employee Engagement and Advocacy

Executives who leverage social media create a sense of connection and community among employees. By sharing company updates, celebrating milestones, and recognizing employee achievements, executives can foster a positive work culture and encourage employee engagement.

Moreover, socially active executives can turn employees into brand advocates, amplifying the companys message across their networks. Introducing innovative features through social media app development can provide a platform for seamless internal communication, strengthening the bond between executives and employees.

In times of crisis, social media becomes a vital tool for executives to manage and control the narrative. By addressing concerns, providing timely updates, and expressing empathy, executives can mitigate potential damage to the companys reputation. Social media offers a direct line of communication, allowing executives to address issues promptly and transparently, reinforcing trust even in challenging situations.

Executives who establish themselves as thought leaders on social media gain influence within their organizations and industries. Sharing insights, participating in relevant discussions, and contributing to industry trends elevate an executives profile, positioning them as a go-to authority. This benefits the individual executive and enhances the companys standing in the industry.

While the benefits of executive engagement on social media are evident, some challenges must be navigated carefully. Executives must strike a balance between personal expression and maintaining professionalism. Additionally, managing the potential risks of social media, such as online criticism and misinformation, requires a strategic and measured approach.

Executives on social media have the power to shape perceptions, influence industry discourse, and drive organizational success. Social leadership goes beyond personal branding; its about building meaningful connections, fostering trust, and contributing to a positive corporate culture.

As social media continues to evolve, executives who embrace its potential for communication and engagement will find themselves at the forefront of a new era in leadership, where transparency and authenticity are paramount.

Featured image credit: Freepik.

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Executives On Social Media: The Value Of Social Leadership - Dataconomy

Internet users in the UK are more fond of YouTube than Facebook. The video streaming platform overtook Metas social network as the UKs most-used social media in May 2023. And while 18-24 year-olds visit an average of six platforms, 96% of them go to YouTube, according to the latest Ofcom report.

In the UK, YouTube has overtaken Facebook (including Messenger) to become the most-used social platform. With a total adult audience of 43.5 million in May 2023, the video platform is used by 91% of online adults, according to the Online Nation report from the UK telecoms regulator, Ofcom.

Facebook, meanwhile, comes in second place, recording a drop of 1.4 million adult visitors between May 2022 and May 2023. With a total adult audience of 43.4 million, it is used by more than nine in ten adults.

TikTok on the rise

TikTok saw a notable increase, overtaking LinkedIn to reach fifth place with an audience of 21.2 million UK adults in May 2023, an increase of 4.6 million compared to May 2022. Some 44% of online adults use TikTok (+9 pts in one year), which continues to appeal strongly to young adults, indicating a shift in social media preferences among younger generations.

The photo-sharing app BeReal has grown in popularity, particularly among 18-24 year-olds, reaching 1.4 million UK adult users in May 2023. CapCut, a video editing app, has also grown in popularity, especially among younger users.

Demographic differences

The research reports that almost all children (97%) aged 8 to 12 had visited a social networking service, with notable differences in usage by age. Platforms such as YouTube, Facebook, TikTok and Snapchat were widely used, with a trend for greater usage among older children.

Between January and February 2023, 96% of 8-12 year-olds went on YouTube, 72% on Facebook, and 66% on TikTok. Some 72% of 11-12 year-olds used TikTok, compared with 37% of 8-10 year-olds. Even though the Chinese platform is technically out-of-bounds for under-13s, one in five 8-10 year-olds visited the app every day.

Among internet users aged between 18 and 24, half of whom use six social networks, 96% visited YouTube in May 2023, 87% went on Facebook and Facebook Messenger, 86% went on Instagram, 72% on TikTok, 71% on Snapchat and 61% on X, formerly TikTok.

Girls spend longer on Snapchat

There are clear differences in the amount of time spent on social networks by age group. For example, Facebook visitors aged 45 and over spent an average of 29 minutes a day on the platform, compared to just 12 minutes for 18-24 year-olds.

Conversely, young adults spent more time on platforms such as TikTok and Snapchat: In May 2023 the 3.8 million UK 18-24-year-old TikTok visitors spent an average 55 minutes on TikTok per day (May 2022: 3.5 million, 53 minutes), while the 3.8 million 18-24-year-old Snapchat visitors spent 58 minutes per day (May 2022: 3.5 million, 42 minutes).

In comparison, those aged 45+ visiting TikTok (8.2 million) and Snapchat (1.8 million) spent on average 9 minutes daily on each service in May 2023 (May 2022: TikTok 11 minutes and Snapchat 5 minutes), reads the report.

The 36% of online 8-12-year-olds who used Snapchat spent an average of 1 hour and 18 minutes a day on the app, with girls spending 33 minutes more on the app than boys.

And while YouTube was the most popular choice, used by 96% of online 8-12-year-olds, they spent less time on the platform, at 63 minutes. Unlike Snapchat, boys spent longer on YouTube than girls, with 1 hour and 19 minutes versus 48 minutes.

As for TikTok, the 66% of TikTok-using online 8-12 year-olds spent 46 minutes a day on the platform, with 52 minutes for girls and 37 minutes for boys. AFP Relaxnews

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YouTube is the UK's favourite social media - The Star Online