Mediaboss Marketing

n honor of Womens History Month, Post Break, Post New York Alliance (PNYA)s free webinar series, will examine the way two top female editors have worked with their assistants to deliver shows for HBO, Freeform and others.

By ArtisansPR Published: March 23, 2021

Free video conference slated for Thursday, March 25th at 4:00 p.m. EDT

NEW YORK CITYA strong working relationship between the editor and her assistants is crucial to successfully completing films and television shows. In honor of Womens History Month, Post Break, Post New York Alliance (PNYA)s free webinar series, will examine the way two top female editors have worked with their assistants to deliver shows for HBO, Freeform and others.

Agns Challe-Grandits, editor of the upcoming Freeform series Single, Drunk Female and her assistant, Tracy Nayer will join Shelby Siegel, Emmy and ACE award winner for the HBO series The Jinx: The Life and Deaths of Robert Durst and her assistant, JiYe Kim, to discuss collaboration, how they organize their projects and how editors and assistants support one another. The discussion will be moderated by Post Producer Claire Shanley.

The session is scheduled for Thursday, March 25th at 4:00pm EDT. Following the webinar, attendees will have an opportunity to join small, virtual breakout groups for discussion and networking.

Panelists

Agns Grandits has decades of experience as a film and television editor. Her current project is Single Drunk Female, a new, half-hour comedy for Freeform. Her previous television credits include P. Valley and SweetBitter for STARZ, Divorce for HBO, Odd Mom Out for Bravo and The Breaks for VH1. She also worked for Showtime on The Affair and Nurse Jackie. In addition, she edited The Jim Gaffigan Show for TV Land, Gracepoint for Fox, an episode on the final season of Bored to Death for HBO, and 100 Centre Street, directed by Sydney Lumet for A&E. Her credits with HBO also include Sex and the City and The Wire.

Tracy Nayer has been an Assistant Editor for more than ten years and has been assisting Agns Grandits for five. She began her career in editorial finishing at a large post-production studio.

Shelby Siegel is an Emmy award-winning film and television editor who has worked in New York for more than 20 years. Her credits include Andrew Jareckis Capturing the Friedmans and All Good Things, Jonathan Caouettes Tarnation, and Gary Hustwits Helvetica and Urbanized. She won Emmy and ACE awards for HBOs acclaimed six-part series The Jinx: The Life and Deaths of Robert Durst. Most recently, she edited episodes of Quantico (ABC), High Maintenance (HBO) and The Deuce (HBO). She began her career working under some of the industrys top directors, including Paul Haggis (In the Valley of Elah), Mike Nichols (Charlie Wilsons War), and Ang Lee on his Oscar-winning films, Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon and Brokeback Mountain. She also worked on the critically acclaimed series The Wire.

JiYe Kim began her career in experimental films, working with Anita Thacher and Barbara Hammer. Her first credit as an assistant editor came for Alphago (2017). Her most recent credits include High Maintenance, The Deuce, Her Smell and Share.

Moderator

Claire Shanley is a Post Producer whose recent projects include The Plot Against America and The Deuce. Her background also includes post facility and technical management roles. She served as Managing Director at Sixteen19 and Technical Director at Broadway Video. She Co-Chairs the Board of Directors of the NYC LGBT Center and serves on the Advisory Board of NYWIFT (NY Women in Film & Television).

When: Thursday, March 25, 2021, 4:00pm EDT

Title: The E&A Team

REGISTER HERE

Sound recordings of past Post Break sessions are available here: https://www.postnewyork.org/page/PNYAPodcasts

Past Post Break sessions in video blog format are available here: https://www.postnewyork.org/blogpost/1859636/Post-Break

About Post New York Alliance (PNYA)

The Post New York Alliance (PNYA) is an association of film and television post-production facilities, labor unions and post professionals operating in New York State. The PNYAs objective is to create jobs by: 1) extending and improving the New York State Tax Incentive Program; 2) advancing the services the New York Post Production industry provides; and 3) creating avenues for a diverse talent pool to enter into The Industry.

http://www.pnya.org

Read more:
PNYA Post Break Will Explore the Relationship Between Editors and Assistants - Creative Planet Network

The concept of a machine that thinks derives from ancient Greece. However, as the introduction and the events and achievements for the development of artificial intelligence are significant events and related to some of the subjects covered in this article:

1950: Computing Machinery and Knowledge is written by Alan Turing. In the article, Turingknown for cracking the ENIGMA code of Nazi society during the Second World Warproposes to respond to the question do machines think? and implements the Turing Test (link exists outside of IBM), which would decide if a robot can show the same intellect as the human. Since then, the importance of the Turing test has been discussed.

1956: at the first-ever Dartmouth College AI meeting, John McCarthy coins the word artificial intelligence. (The Lisp language was invented by McCarthy.) Later that year the Logic Theorist, the first AI software in use was developed by Allen Newell, J.C. Shaw, and Herbert Simon.

1967: The first computer-based on a neural network, Frank Rosenblatt produces the Mark 1 Perceptron which is learned through checking and mistakes. A year later, Marvin Minsky and Seymour Papert released a book called Perceptrons, the seminal work of neural entries and an argument against future research ventures of neural networks for at least a while.

1980: Backpropagated neural networks network training algorithms are commonly used in AI applications.

1997: IBMs Deep Blue champion Garry Kasparov defeats than in the chess match (and rematch).

2011: Ken Jennings and Brad Rutter at Jeopardy beating winners of IBM Watson!

2015: The Minwa Supercomputer of Baidu uses a special deep neural network called a neural network to recognize and categorize images that are more precise than the human average.

2016: the AlphaGo software from DeepMind, guided by a deep neural network beats in a five-match game Lee Sodol, the world champion Go. The win is important in light of the large number of moves available (more than 14.5% after only four moves!) as the game progresses. Subsequently, Google bought a rumored $400 million from DeepMind.

Artificial intelligence allows computers and devices to imitate the mental capacity of the human mind to perceive, understand, solve problems and take decisions.

The word artificial intelligence refers to a human-like intelligence demonstrated by a computer, robot, or other machines in computer science. Artificial intelligence refers in common use to a computer or a machines capacity to imitate the human minds capacity to learn from examples and experience, to recognize objects, to understand and respond to language, to make decisions, to resolve problems and to combine these and other capabilities to full function, for instance, to greet a guest at the hotel.

AI is now part of our daily lives after decades of being confined to science fiction. A huge volume of data and the subsequent growth, as well as the vast availability of computing technology, are making a boost in AI development feasible, which allows all this data to be processed more quickly and reliably than human users can. AI finishes by typing our terms, gives instructions when asked, vacuums our floors, and suggests what to buy or watch next. It also helps qualified practitioners perform quicker and with better results by pushing software, such as medical image processing.

As popular today as is artificial intelligence, it can be difficult to grasp the language for AI and AI since certain words are used interchangeably, and in some cases synonymous. What is the difference between machine learning and artificial intelligence? Between the learning process and profound learning? Between speech recognition and production of natural language? Zwischen AI weak and AI strong? This article will help you overcome these and other terms and grasp the concepts of AIs working.

Continue reading here:
You need to Know about the History of Artificial Intelligence - Technotification

Work is underway to build a quantum computer in Abu Dhabi, in the UAE, ushering an important milestone for the region in this breakthrough era in computing.

We are at the cusp of a new era with the advent of quantum computing, Faisal Al Bannai, Secretary-General of ATRC, said. We are proud to embark on building one of these wonderful machines which will help us in various fields, from discovering new medicines to making new materials to designing better batteries to various Artificial Intelligence applications.

A quantum computer uses quantum mechanics phenomena such as superposition and entanglement to generate and manipulate subatomic particles like electrons or photons - quantum bits also known as qubits - to create exponentially stronger processing powers that can help perform complex calculations that would take much longer to solve even by the worlds most powerful classical supercomputers.

Prof Latorre explained that preparatory work has already begun. The first step in the process is to build a laboratory, equip it and complete installation of the cleanroom equipment, all of which is on track. Once done, the first qubits will be prepared, characterised and benchmarked. We expect the first simple quantum chips Made in Abu Dhabi should come by the end of the summer, he said.

QRC is one of seven dedicated research centres at Technology Innovation Institute (TII).

Originally posted here:
UAE To Add A New Milestone by Building Its First Quantum Computer - Al-Bawaba

A member of an election commission carries a mobile ballot box in Ivano-Frankivsk region during Ukraine's May 2014 presidential election. (REUTERS/Kacper Pempel)

Ukraines public governance system is in dire need of transformation and President Zelenskyy has identified digitization as the best route towards greater accessibility and accountability. Our goal is to make sure that all relations with the state can be carried out with the help of a regular smartphone and the internet, commented Zelenskyy during the presentation of the governments Diia mobile application in February 2020. However, a promised move towards internet voting for Ukrainian elections may be premature for the countrys fledgling democracy.

Ukraines vision for digital transformation is ambitious and includes holding online voting for all elections and referendums. This aspiration to bring Ukraines public governance into the digital age should be applauded, but there are number of serious obstacles that must be taken into account when considering internet voting. Premature implementation of online voting could potentially have dire consequences for Ukraines democratic development, political stability, and electoral integrity.

Subscribe for the latest from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

While the use of the internet for remote voting has considerable future potential, it is a new approach that has only been successfully implemented in very few cases and with limited scope. These cases all need to be considered before implementing wide-scale internet voting in Ukraine in order to learn crucial lessons, compare contexts, and realistically evaluate if it is an appropriate step forward for the country.

Internet voting was first used for binding political elections in 2000 in the United States in a pilot across several states targeting out-of-country voters. Since then, approximately a dozen countries have experimented with this technology. A few nations use internet voting in some parts of their country or for certain voters. The list includes Armenia, Australia, Canada, Panama, Switzerland, and the US.

Countries that use internet voting tend to target specific categories of voters. For example, this often includes out-of-country voters, diplomatic or military personnel posted abroad, domestic absentee voters, or voters with disabilities.

Estonia is the only country that uses internet voting nationwide, but this step came following decades of investment in a full e-governance transformation and infrastructure. In Estonia, todays internet voting system was added as part of an overall e-governance system that already had the trust of the public. This system is linked to mandatory electronic ID documents as well as a large-scale e-governance ecosystem that includes an inter-agency data exchange system.

The Estonian government has been developing both of these features since the 1990s. Only after extensive use and gradual expansion of preexisting services (in areas like social security, taxation, and property registration) did Estonia launch its online voting efforts, and even then only gradually.

Todays Ukraine exists in a very different context. It has a significantly larger population that does not yet have similar levels of trust in digital technologies, and its digitized identification system is significantly lacking. According to the most recent data, only 5.6 million Ukrainians (out of 40 million) have digital IDs, while the countrys citizen registry requires broad reform and modernization.

Internet voting is still a developing technology when it comes to security and trust. Many countries have chosen not to use it after conducting feasibility studies or pilots due to these concerns. Some did so after limited pilots of internet voting (the United Kingdom and Norway), others initially adopted internet voting but decided to discontinue it (India, France, the Netherlands, and Spain). Even a pilot of this technology, if not properly planned and communicated to voters, could have a lasting negative impact on public trust in electoral technology and election integrity.

Security, as well as the perception of security, should be a key consideration before implementing internet voting. Especially given the ongoing military conflict between Ukraine and Russia, there is a high risk of e-voting technology being compromised. It is important to note the recent leaks of personal information of citizens from state registries, and the recent history of sophisticated cyber attacks against Ukraine.

Countries that experience frequent and sometimes devastating cyber attacks must take all necessary measures to increase the resilience of their existing election infrastructure. At this stage, Ukraine does not have the necessary technological infrastructure to adequately pilot internet voting. If piloting did move forward, it would first have to be carefully researched, planned for and resourced. By no means should a pilot take place as part of a live election event.

Trust is probably the most critical aspect of any election process. Allegations of election fraud or irregularities, even if unfounded, can have a devastating impact on political stability, as we have recently seen in several high-profile elections.

In Ukraine, there is currently significant distrust of internet voting among voters and politicians. This distrust may threaten public willingness to accept election results through this system, particularly if those who lose an election accuse the system of fraud or manipulation.

The example of the recent US election is particularly revealing. Importantly, if an online voting exercise fails and the publics trust in e-democracy is impacted, this could have negative consequences for all tech initiatives and for democratic development itself in Ukraine.

In light of these concerns, the introduction of online voting or the conduct of a pilot exercise tied to a live election event in Ukraine requires a bit more thought. Fifty-four Ukrainian NGOs share this sentiment and co-signed IFESs Joint Statement on Internet Voting Pilot during Local Elections 2020 in early July last year.

Crucially, this does not mean that Ukraine should abandon the idea of digitizing and modernizing the election process. There is a clear need for a more transparent and accessible result management system. Ukraine could also consider implementing solutions for electronic voting and electronic counting including ballot scanners and verified voter paper trails, as well as crucial risk limiting audits.

However, these technological solutions can only be effectively introduced in the controlled environment of an election precinct, not in an individual voters home or on a smartphone, where it is more difficult to police instances of fraud, vote-buying, and coercion. It is also critical to ensure the Central Election Commissions leading role in discussing the implementation of any modern IT solutions for the electoral process, as it is the only institution mandated to take on the challenges of administering them.

Technology can serve as a tool to bring greater electoral integrity to a country, making government interactions with citizens more transparent, efficient, and accountable. Ukraine is right to aspire to this. However, if applied or used inappropriately, technology can also set a country back. Much progress has been made over the past decade to improve Ukraines electoral administration and protect electoral integrity. A misstep in introducing internet voting could now potentially cast doubt on the foundations of democracy in Ukraine and jeopardize this hard-won progress.

Serhii Savelii is the Senior Legal Officer of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) in Ukraine. Meredith Applegate is the Program Advisor for the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) for Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, and co-author of the IFES white paper Considerations on Internet Voting: An Overview for Electoral Decision-Makers.

Wed, Jul 29, 2020

The Ukrainian Institute was established in 2018 in order to make the most of the countrys untapped soft power potential, but this cultural diplomacy initiative faces numerous political and bureaucratic obstacles.

UkraineAlertbyMarina Pesenti

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Centers mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

See the original post here:
The risks of rushing to internet voting in Ukraine - Atlantic Council

The national flags of Ukraine and the US on display outside Kyiv in this file photo from 2016. (REUTERS/Valentyn Ogirenko)

The election of Joe Biden raised the welcome prospect of a return to normalcy in the US-Ukraine relationship after his predecessor Donald Trump tried to use it for political advantage. But the first two months of the Biden administration has also demonstrated that this return to the norm is proving to be complicated.

While Kyiv has signaled its interest in starting a relationship with the new US administration at the highest level, there has still not been a phone call between President Zelenskyy and President Biden. It is true, as Ambassador Bill Taylor has observed, that the relationship does not require a presidential call. American and Ukrainian interests can be served without it.

Biden put down a marker in his first call with President Putin that Moscows aggression in Ukraine was a major obstacle to an improvement in US-Russian relations. This was a clear signal of strong American support for Ukraine in thwarting the Kremlins ongoing aggression in eastern Ukraines Donbas region.

Subscribe for the latest from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

Perhaps if Ukraine had not appeared as an issue in the recent US presidential election, the call between presidents Biden and Zelenskyy might have already taken place. But these unusual circumstances have also yielded some good results.

The Biden administration has indicated that reform and the fight against corruption are a priority. And over the past few months, partly in an effort to hasten the presidential call, the Ukrainian president has taken more reform steps than at any time since he removed his reformist prime minister, Oleksiy Honcharuk, and most of the cabinet, one year ago.

Indeed, the process started before the inauguration, after the US Treasury Department sanctioned seven Ukrainians including Oleksandr Dubinsky, a senior MP in Zelenskyys Servant of the People Party and close colleague of Ukrainian oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, for interfering in the US presidential elections on behalf of Russia. Zelenskyy quickly had Dubinsky removed from his partys parliamentary faction, and then from the party itself.

More important was the decision taken by Ukraines National Security and Defense Council to ban three television stations controlled by the Ukrainian politician and close Putin associate Victor Medvedchuk. While some argue that this step was a violation of press freedoms, the decision was taken on national security grounds that these stations have been a regular conduit for Kremlin disinformation and were at least partly funded by assets from Kremlin-occupied Donbas.

Washington had sanctioned Medvedchuk in March 2014 because of his role in Russias occupation of Crimea, and had thought his relationship with former Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko peculiar. Zelenskyy has now rectified this.

The steps against Medvedchuk were followed by the leveling of fraud charges against the former CEO of Privatbank, Oleksandr Dubilet, and two of his deputies. Privatbank was taken away from oligarch Igor Kolomoisky in 2016 and nationalized after long-standing allegations of massive fraud at the bank.

These recent charges were interpreted as a major blow against Kolomoiskys efforts to regain ownership of Privatbank, or to receive compensation for losing it. In early March 2021, Washington announced visa sanctions against Kolomoisky and his family, a move which was taken very seriously in Ukraine.

Given the strength of entrenched interests in Ukraine, Zelenskyys strong steps have occurred in the face of major opposition and counter-steps. Even as the authorities go after senior Privatbank employees allegedly involved in fraud, a case has also been opened against Kateryna Rozhkova, First Deputy Governor of the National Bank of Ukraine, who played an important and laudatory role in the nationalization of Privatbank.

In fact, Rozhkova is being charged with treason and embezzlement precisely for her role in that effort. While serving as a timely reminder of the urgent need to reform Ukraines prosecution service and court system, this case also cuts against Zelenskyys efforts to woo Washington.

So, too, does the case brought by brothers Hrihoriy and Igor Surkis, who seek USD 350 million from the Ukrainian government that they allegedly lost as shareholders of Privatbank when the bank was nationalized. This case is widely viewed as a dress rehearsal for Kolomoiskys own efforts to either regain Privatbank or receive compensation.

The Surkis brothers won their suit in Kyivs notorious Pechersk Court last year. However, a subsequent Supreme Court ruling temporarily blocked the execution of the court decision. The case is returning to court this month. A decision to confirm the earlier Pechersk Court ruling would likewise resound in Western capitals.

Zelenskyy has consistently sought to clear the decks for a better relationship with Washington. Given the overlap of interests and values between the US and Ukraine, bilateral relations are going to get closer as the Biden administration settles in; but issues like the Rozhkova prosecution and the disposition of Privatbank assets can slow down Zelenskyys charm offensive. That would not serve US or Ukrainian interests.

John E. Herbst is Director of the Eurasia Center at the Atlantic Council and a former US ambassador to Ukraine.

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Centers mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

See the article here:
Returning the US-Ukraine relationship to normalcy - Atlantic Council