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Quantum computers really do represent the future generation of computing. Cloud-based quantum computing is tougher to drag off than AI, therefore the ramp-up is going to be slower, and therefore the learning curve vessel attributable to the rather nebulous science behind it, a sensible, operating quantum computer remains a flight of fancy. Bits are the elemental computing units, however, they will store only two values 0 and 1. Developers use quantum computing to encrypt issues as qubits, that work out multiple mixtures of variables promptly instead of exploring every possibility discretely. The deployment of quantum circuits and therefore the support systems necessary for their operation could be an expensive and troublesome process. Among the scope of the analysis, firms that already use these systems modify cloud-based quantum computing via the platforms they build.

Many startups and technology giants, together with Microsoft, IBM, and Google, acknowledge the worth of creating progress during this field, as this is often so successive major step in technology and computing. Quantum computers area unit lightning-fast compared to a typical Windows 10 computer or a macOS computer that makes them even quicker than the foremost powerful supercomputers we have these days. Once users area unit allowed to access quantum physics-powered computers via the web, then its quantum computing within the cloud.

Rigetti computing could be a startup that has developed a quantum processor thats in operation and Computing 128 qubits. They recently declared a Quantum Cloud Service, that developed on its existing quantum computing within the Cloud programming toolkit. This service can bring each ancient and quantum computer along on one cloud platform to assist users to build applications exploitation the ability of qubit technology.

Bill Gates~ It isnt clear when it will work or become mainstream. There is a chance that within 610 years that cloud computing will offer super-computation by using quantum. It could help use solve some very important science problems including materials and catalyst design.

It will create a distinction in several areas with enhancements in implementation and error correction. This new technology can reach a useful purpose with the participation of a lot of individuals and their collaboration. Cloud-based quantum computing offers an immediate interface to quantum circuits and quantum chips sanctioning final testing of quantum algorithms and provides how that allows individuals to create enhancements in quantum computing. Businesses and other domains will apply by exploitation QC on the cloud and dont ought to look forward to quantum computing technology being mature and widespread.

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What is cloud-based quantum computing and How does it work? - Medium

A Quantum physicist is revealing that while quantum computers pose no risk to Bitcoin mining, they threaten the algorithms that keep Bitcoin and the internet secure.

In a recent video, Anastasia Marchenkova argues Bitcoin has a built-in design that protects it against entities using quantum algorithms to mine BTC at a rapid rate.

Lets say one day we actually did discover a quantum algorithm that could solve this faster. Bitcoin is designed to adjust the difficulty if we mine blocks too fast. So even if we found this quantum algorithm, the difficulty would just get harder.

However, the quantum physicist warns that quantum computing poses a serious risk to cryptographic algorithms which keep cryptocurrencies and the internet at large secure.

Theres two common cryptosystems RSA and elliptic curve encryption and these are affected by quantum computers. When youre online, information that you send is encrypted, often with these two. Both of these are vulnerable to attacks by quantum computers which means a large enough quantum computer will be a problem for anyone online

There actually is a quantum algorithm to break RSA and elliptic curve encryption. Bitcoin does use elliptic curve encryption (ECC) to generate the public key, which is created from the private key which authorizes transactions

That means that someone with a large enough and coherent enough quantum computer, with coherence meaning the length of time the quantum information can be stored, can actually get your private key from your public key and thats a very serious problem That private key can then be used to authorize transactions that the owner doesnt want to have happen. So as quantum computers become better and better, the security of RSA and elliptic curve is no longer effective.

Crypto sleuths continue to track the advancement of quantum machines. They have the capability to crack complex mathematical problems using quantum bits, or quibits, which can maintain a superimposition by being in two states at the same time.

While the future of cryptocurrencies may be threatened, Marchenkova says digital assets can adopt developments that can effectively resist quantum-based attacks.

So well need to pick an algorithm that can actually stand up to quantum attacks. We call this post-quantum cryptography which are classical algorithms not based on quantum principles that can stand up to quantum computing attacks. One of the current leading candidates is lattice-based cryptography

Another approach is using asymmetric cryptography like AES (advanced encryption standard) which is weakened by quantum computers but not broken in such a manner like RSA and elliptic curve

There are also other coins already using hash-based cryptography. And so far, like I mentioned, hash-based cryptosystems actually resist quantum computing attacks. We dont know if thats going to hold true forever but so far that seems to be the case.

I

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Will Quantum Computers Break Bitcoin and the Internet? Heres the Outlook From Quantum Physicist Anastasia Marchenkova - The Daily Hodl

The alt-right has taken the media by storm this summer. From the rise and downfall of Milo Yiannapoulos to Trump tweeting anti-Semitic graphics to the hiring of Steve Bannon, chairman of Breitbart News, to run the Trump campaign, the neo-white supremacist movement has never been more visible.

The movement and its racist, anti-Semitic, anti-immigrant and homophobic ideologies is supported by a network of online publications. Here is a short primer on this corner of the internet.

The conservative news site Breitbart has quickly become recognized as the leading publication in the push to take the views of the alt-right into the mainstream. Andrew Breitbart, one of the founding editors of the Huffington Post, created the site in 2007. Its latest chairman, Steve Bannon, was just hired to be the manager of the Trump campaign.

Breitbart has deemed the alt-right the hipster right, and helped tie the American movement to its European ultranationalist counterpart, Generation Identity. Breitbart is also a vehicle for Milo Yiannapoulos, the ultra-conservative commentator, to attack mainstream Republicans, such as Paul Ryan. in his capacity as technology editor.

Breitbart made its biggest, most lasting splash when it published An Establishment Conservatives Guide to the Alt-Right in June. The article, written by Milo Yiannapoulos and Allum Bokhari, was an apologia for the intellectual and cultural leaders of the alt-right. It praised the human biodiversity phenomenon, calling the pseudoscientific racist movement group of bloggers and researchers who strode eagerly into the minefield of scientific race differences.

The Yiannapoulos/Bokhari article also completely sidestepped the question of the movements viciously racist and anti-Semitic cartoon culture, writing that, for the cartoonists, it was simply a means to fluster their grandparents.

Jared Taylor founded AR in 1990 as part of his New Century Foundation, an early center of pseudoscientific ideas about race. It has been both a print magazine and an online publication. It claims to promote a free flow of ideas about segregation, education and immigration, but regardless of its calm tone and academic look and feel, the magazine openly peddles white nationalism, according to the watchdog Southern Poverty Law Center.

AR hosts conferences that bring in many white supremacist speakers, many of whom hide behind euphemistic terms like racialism, white advocacy and the alt-right.

AR is unique among the movements publications in that it has demurred on the subject of Jewish inclusion. In a 2006 op-ed, Taylor wrote defended his decision to publish articles by Jewish writers as a way to broaden the movement.

AR has taken an implicit position on Jews by publishing Jewish authors and inviting Jewish speakers to AR conferences, he wrote. It should be clear to anyone that Jews have, from the outset, been welcome and equal participants in our efforts.

Richard Spencer, the leading voice of the alt-right, founded Radix Journal in 2012. It is a publication of the National Policy Institute, the Washington think tank that is the center of the movements push into mainstream politics. Spencer is the chairman of NPI, and contributes regularly to Radix.

Biannually in print and in several posts a day online, Radix posts long format, personal essay-style pieces promoting white racial heritage, decrying the tragedy of multiculturalism and attacking mainstream conservatives as cuckservatives a Republican who makes a concession of any kind to the Democrats.

Billing itself as The Worlds Most Visited Alt-Right Site, the Daily Stormer is the most openly neo-Nazi media outlet of the alt-right. Andrew Anglin, an avowed neo-Nazi, started the site in 2013 after shuttering his year-old site, TotalFascism.com. Total Fascism published long-format articles promoting white supremacy, while Daily Stormers articles look a lot like classic Buzzfeed articles in style: lots of GIFs, snarky comments and embedded Tweets and Youtube videos.

The switch was a highly calculated move by a media savvy neo-Nazi, according to Keegan Hankes, a data intelligence analyst at the SPLC.

It was more effective as propaganda to generate content and not long format essays, said Hankes.

Named for the first white person born in North America (Virginia Dare), VDARE is a white supremacist website that the SPLC has described as an anti-immigration hate website. Both Jared Taylor and Richard Spencer have contributed to VDARE.

Peter Brimelow, a self-described paleoconservative, founded VDARE in 1999. Brimelow believes that immigration is to blame for the September 11 attacks.

At the RNC in July, a tweet from VDAREs Twitter account was shown on the main TV over the stage.

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The Right Stuff is an anti-Semitic blog run by Mike Enoch, who has been a speaker at National Policy Institute events. A virulent anti-Semite, Enoch has said that the movement is one based around ethno-nationalism, meaning that nations should be as ethnically and racially homogeneous as possible.

The Right Stuff also runs the podcast The Daily Shoah, which created the parentheses, or (((echoes))) meme, in a 2014 podcast. The meme was created because all Jewish surnames echo throughout history, an allusion to the age-old conspiracy that Jews run the world through a secret network of power.

After the (((echoes))) meme came to widespread media attention in May the Anti-Defamation League added it to their list of recognized hate symbols.

Jonathan Greenblatt, the CEO of the ADL, has said, The echo symbol is the online equivalent of tagging a building with anti-Semitic graffiti or taunting someone verbally.

Contact Ari Feldman at feldman@forward.com or on Twitter @aefeldman.

Link:
6 Media Pillars of the Alt-Right The Forward

I am not the target audience for this. I found this thought echoing around my head as I read Andrew Reeds March 12 column Steven Pinker Wants to Repair Campus Culture. The piece has a pretty veneer and frames itself as hopeful, but concerned. I am not convinced its true purpose is quite so positive.

The essay is a discussion with Steven Pinker, focusing primarily on the recent wave of illiberalism, particularly on college campuses. A full and nuanced rebuttal of the article would be the length of a novel, which Im sure is by design. It is riddled with over-simplifications, misrepresentations and conservative buzzwords that mean very little but have loaded connotations. Anyone familiar with these rhetorical strategies, or indeed with the content Reed discusses, will immediately recognize how the focus of the argument skews reality. This is why I was quickly convinced that the article wasnt written with my fellow Brown students and me in mind. Instead, it seems aimed at those who already believe that there is an epidemic of political correctness and cancel culture ruining our institutions of higher learning. It says to these people: You are right, this is an issue you should be focused on, and I can give you more evidence to confirm it.

Reed opens with an introduction of Pinker, a Harvard professor turned celebrity intellectual. Pinkers work argues that society is improving on the whole, but he has recently become concerned about cancel culture and censorship. Reed, a staff columnist at an Ivy League newspaper, does not note the irony of his discussion of this topic with a tenured professor who has published 16 books. Clearly, both are able to broadcast their views on prestigious platforms despite Pinker receiving criticism from members of the Linguistics Society of America, the New York Times, the Washington Post and the general public; as well as becoming embroiled in controversy over connections with Jeffrey Epstein.

Pinker claims that illiberalism on college campuses is not new, but that it originated in the 70s and has gotten steadily worse since. Reed cites several recent examples of cancellation: He writes that In 2017, Evergreen College in Washington State descended into chaos when a white professor refused to leave campus after a group of activists organized a day without white students and faculty. Interested to learn more about this clearly outrageous occurrence, I looked at the source he provided. As it turns out, the issue is not quite as Reed has presented it; Evergreens Day of Absence is an event that has been held for decades, and usually involves students and faculty of color leaving campus while white community members stay behind. In light of Trumps election and incidents of harassment at Evergreen (including a police officer shooting two Black students in 2015), organizers proposed a reversal of tradition. Of course, controversy followed and one professor publicly opposed white students and faculty being encouraged to leave campus. A video of student protestors later engaging with the professor and calling for him to be fired went viral, and he went on Tucker Carlsons show on Fox News to talk about being silenced. The school, student activists and a Black professor were then targeted by the alt-right and were doxxed and threatened. Not only was the event canceled the next year, but so were classes after an anonymous caller claimed he had a weapon and was going to execute as many people on that campus as I can get a hold of. Even this description is a simplification, but Reed summarizing the incident as chaos conveniently ignores that the people who suffered most were students and activists who already felt unheard and unrecognized.

The other examples Reed employs are similarly not quite as supportive of his argument as they appear: the Middlebury College incident was also complex and student protesters who did not participate in the violence were disproportionately punished. Rather than quashing debate, the incident sparked fierce discussion on the campus; rather than de-platforming Charles Murray, he became the topic of national conversation and was actually invited back to the school for the third time last year. Finally, the Lisa Littman case is far from an example of illiberalism in academia, but rather an incident of rigorous academic critique and revision to create better scholarship. Littman retained her position at the University and her work is still published.

These tactics continue throughout the rest of the piece, where Pinker goes on to claim that college administrators are now part of the problem. He invokes postmodernism and Marxist critical theory, academic terms which have been co-opted and muddied to the point of uselessness by conservative talking heads, and manages to define the ideologies behind them in a way that is painfully dishonest. These are umbrella terms for complicated and diverse schools of thought, which often contradict each other and cannot be distilled down to statements like history is a struggle.

In one particularly amusing quote, Pinker says that nowadays, the radical student protesters bring in the campus bureaucracy to multiply their own power, something they wouldnt have been caught dead doing when he was an undergraduate. Pinker studied for his Bachelor of Arts at McGill from 1973 to 1976 and he may be partially correct the relationship between student activists and university administrations was certainly strained in the late 60s and early 70s. There could be shocking, disproportionate consequences for disruptive advocacy. McGill fired a professor in 1969 for leading protests, and in 1970, four student activists were killed by the Ohio National Guard in what is now referred to as the Kent State Massacre. I hardly think that students and university administrators are allied now (the Middlebury case that Reed references illustrates this), but surely improvements from the antagonistic relationship of 50 years ago make students and faculty safer and therefore benefit open debate.

Though I find Reeds piece to be a disingenuous representation of the culture in higher education, I share his and Pinkers concerns about narrow viewpoints, and I agree that there is a lot at stake. Who controls the conversation in academia? What are the best ways to make sure that there are diverse viewpoints? In answering these questions, Pinkers emphasis on cancel culture overblows the issue and distracts from the more pressing problem of accessibility in academia especially at elite universities like Brown and Harvard a problem that far more directly restricts campus discourse and narrows the range of acceptable viewpoints. Around 29 percent of Brown students come from private schools suspiciously higher than the two percent of American students at large who are in the private school system. Almost 20 percent of Brown students are from the top one percent of incomes in the United States, with a whopping 70 percent of students coming from the top 20 percent. When Pinker started his Bachelor of Arts at McGill, Brown had only been fully co-educational for two years. Progress was made during the 70s because of lawsuits and student activism that forced the school to be more accessible to and supportive of its underrepresented faculty and students.

My time at Brown exposed me to a huge range of ideas and perspectives. These changed how I see the world and taught me how to communicate productively with people who hold different views from mine. Its clear, however, that there is more work to be done. Though I never felt silenced by my peers, I often felt out of place and insignificant beside the vast wealth and power of the administration. The University was built to serve the needs of white men from private schools. When I see discussions about who deserves a platform, I think about how hard my fellow students with marginalized identities have had and continue to have to fight for their voices to be heard. In order to convince their audience to fear the perils of censoring other viewpoints, Pinker and Reed inaccurately describe and fail to contextualize the people and views they critique. The essay is emblematic of how lamentations of cancel culture often work, more effectively than any protest, to silence others.

Anna House 20 can be reached at anna_house@alumni.brown.edu. Please send responses to this opinion to letters@browndailyherald.com and op-eds to opinions@browndailyherald.com.

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House '20: Steven Pinker and who decides how campus culture should be repaired - The Brown Daily Herald

COLUMBIAA Gilbert man linked to the riots at the U.S. Capitol in January is expected to plead guilty to making threatening phone calls to a former federal prosecutor over information released on the leader of the alt-right group Proud Boys.

During a Feb. 3 search of the man's Lexington County residence, FBI agents found multiple items, including a U.S. Capitol Police shield, which federal law enforcement said in court documents showed "probable cause" that James Giannakos Jr. participated in the mob that overran the Capitol. The riots were an effort to prevent Congress from certifying the results of the 2020 presidential election.

The FBI also confiscated a "riot bag" that contained a map of the District of Columbia's Metro system, eye protection, a bike helmet, a tactical vest with hard plates, baton, flashlight, masks and gloves,according to a search warrant filed in federal court.

The event, which followeda rally held by then-President Donald Trump, resulted in the deaths of five people a Capitol Police officer and four protesters as well as more than 100 injuries.

Riot gear and a Washington, D.C., subway map were confiscatedin February by FBI agents from a Gilbert home where James Giannakos Jr. lived, according to court documents. Giannakos has not been charged in connection to the Jan. 6 riot, but he pleaded guilty to threatening a former federal prosecutor.U.S. Department of Justice/Provided

No reason was given in court records why federal authorities have not charged Giannakosfor his alleged involvement in the riot. The U.S. Attorney's office in South Carolina declined comment, with spokesman MichaelMule' saying, if any charges are filed, they will come from the office for the District of Columbia.

A call toGiannakos' attorney was not returned.

This month, however, Giannakos signed a plea deal forthreatening a former federal prosecutor in Florida and her employer. The caller was upset over the release of news thatProud Boys leader Enrique Tarrio was an FBI informant. A change of plea hearing to finalize the agreement will be held at a later date, according to Mule'.

"If anything happens to Mr. Enrique Tarrio, the same thing will happen to you and your family," read a transcriptof a voicemail from a phone number linked to Giannakos' residence that was included in court documents.

The man in the voicemail, who introduced himself as James, was angered over the release of information about a confidential informant who was reportedly Tarrio, according to an affidavit filed in federal court.

"If anything happens to him, I promise you and your associates will pay for it. You will be held responsible," the voicemail continued.

Messages left on the voicemails of other employees at the former prosecutor's law firm demanded the attorney be prosecuted, telling one employee that the federal lawyer's "family is in danger and so are you," according to the transcript included in an affidavit.

Giannakos pleaded guilty to the crime of making an interstate threat and faces up to five years incarceration and a $250,000 fine. But federal prosecutors will lobby for a lower sentence in exchange for his cooperation in identifying and testifying against others involved in crimes of which he has knowledge, which could include other Capitol riot participants.

At least four other South Carolinians have been arrested for their roles in the Capitol breach to date.

William Robert Norwood III, 37, of Greer faces charges including theft of government property for allegedly stealing an officers helmet and tactical vest, which an FBI agent said were later found in a storage trailer in Greenville.

Andrew Hatley was charged with breaking into the U.S. Capitol after an investigation that relied on GPS data and a selfie the man allegedly took while inside the building.

And two 19-year-olds from the Fort Mill area Elias Irizarry, a Citadel cadet, and Elliot Bishai, a U.S. Army recruit were each charged with three federal misdemeanors for entering a restricted building and disorderly conduct on Capitol grounds.

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5th SC resident linked to Capitol riot to plead to making threatening calls to ex-prosecutor - Charleston Post Courier