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Provectus Announces a New Partnership with Tecton to Collaborate on Feature Store for Machine Learning – IT News Online

PR.com2021-05-20

Palo Alto, CA, May 20, 2021 --(PR.com)-- Provectus, an AI-first consultancy and solutions provider, today announced its partnership with Tecton, the enterprise feature store company, with the aim of standardizing and enhancing the machine learning production stack for enterprises.

Provectus and Tecton will closely collaborate in three major areas:

Joint contributions and enhancement of Feast. Provectus will contribute to the next generation of Feast, the leading open-source feature store. While Tecton will remain the major contributor to Feast, Provectuss efforts will be focused on bringing Feast to AWS as well as on core data models and APIs.

Provectus - a partner of choice. Provectus will become a partner of choice for Tecton, providing users of both the Tecton and Feast feature stores with consulting and professional services.

Design and standardization of open-source feature store APIs. Provectus and Tecton, along with users of ML feature stores, will join forces to define common, non-opinionated vendor agnostic APIs for feature stores.

Feature Stores for Machine Learning is a relatively new concept. They constitute the most critical piece in the modern ML production stack. As such, feature stores need to be clearly defined, standardized, and aligned with industry best practices. Provectus and Tectonhave the experience and expertise to accomplish those goals.

When we introduce a feature store to our clients, the platform acts as an essential component that provides a clear path to production for online ML use cases such as Recommendations and Fraud Detection. You will have to build it one way or another, says Stepan Pushkarev, CTO at Provectus.

Tectons founding team previously built the Michelangelo feature store at Uber. Willem Pienaar, who now serves as tech lead at Tecton, pioneered the development of Feast, one of the first open source feature stores. Provectus has deep expertise designing and building feature stores for various enterprise clients.

Strategy-wise, composability, cloud agnosticism, and a multi-cloud approach are fundamental guidelines for the CIOs of modern enterprises. The fact is, machine learning infrastructure is not an exception, says Pushkarev. For Provectus, collaboration with Tecton and Feast is a chance to unite the community towards a better machine learning stack for enterprises.

In the past few years, feature stores have evolved considerably; Provectus, Feast, and Tecton share a common vision of their future, which is outlined in the recent blog posts A State of Feast and Feature Store as a Foundation for ML. A new version of Feast has recently emerged and was announced by Willem Pienaar & Jay Parthasarthy. At the apply() conference, the Provectus team gave a presentation on the roadmap for Feast and AWS integration.

About ProvectusProvectus is an Artificial Intelligence consultancy and solutions provider, helping companies in Healthcare & Life Sciences, Retail & CPG, Media & Entertainment, Manufacturing, and Internet businesses achieve their objectives through AI. Provectus is headquartered in Palo Alto, CA. For more information, visit provectus.com

About TectonTecton provides an enterprise-ready feature store for machine learning that enables organizations to manage the complete lifecycle of features, from engineering new features to serving them in production for real-time predictions. Tecton is headquartered in San Francisco, CA. For more information, visit tecton.ai

About FeastFeast is an open source feature store for machine learning that helps data scientists and ML engineers bridge the gap between data and machine learning models. It provides the fastest path to production for ML features. For more information, visit feast.dev

Contact Information:ProvectusIryna Ryslyayeva+1-800-950-9840Contact via Emailhttps://provectus.com/

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Provectus Announces a New Partnership with Tecton to Collaborate on Feature Store for Machine Learning - IT News Online

Chronicle Columnist Heather Knight Is Basically at War With Progressive Supervisors – SFist

SFist has noted in the past that columnist Heather Knight has emerged, in at least some ways, a spiritual successor to C.W. Nevius at the Chronicle. While not as stridently critical as Nevius was of SF progressives on topics like homelessness, Knight has been taking on the Board of Supervisors on various issues, and things have been escalating in recent weeks.

Critiques of the Supes from Knight are by no means new, but she has some particularly notable bones to pick with the likes of Aaron Peskin and Dean Preston lately, and it's basically get-out-the-popcorn time as Peskin has started lashing back, referencing Knight's column during public meetings.

Let's start back in March, when Knight delighted in an effort by Supervisor Myrna Melgar to track the number of times that male supervisors spoke during meetings versus women, and the number of times they interrupted. Whose picture tops the column about the results of Melgar's data study? Peskin's! And Knight points to the fact that Melgar is the lone female on the Land Use and Transportation Committee with Peskin and Preston, and she barely gets a word in edgewise. "Those men make up two-thirds of the committee, but talked a combined 84% of the time," Knight notes, from Melgar's data.

Knight's April 21 column was a Nevius-esque salvo against the evils of SF bureaucracy for small businesses, focusing on ice cream shop owner and SF native Jason Yu. He reportedly spent 16 months and $200,000 trying to open his shop, Matcha n More at 20th and Valencia streets, and he was blocked essentially, as Knight frames it, over objections from a nearby competitor, Garden Creamery. Yu abandoned his plans rather than lose more money on the project, and Knight pointed out that Yu didn't get to benefit from the streamlined approvals process that is now possible under Mayor Breed's Prop H.

Then two weeks ago, on May 5, Knight wrote a column that got the hackles up of many SF progressives, running with the headline, "Is San Francisco more conservative than Moscow? Top San Francisco official says yes." That top official was SFTMA Director Jeffrey Tumlin, and she quoted him as saying, having worked on transit projects in Moscow himself, that San Francisco is "definitely" more conservative than Moscow.

"San Franciscans, on a national political metric, we are far to the left," Tumlin said. "But when it comes to our own city, we are so resistant to change that the result is a lot of conservatism."

Many critics of SF politics and the development and planning process here have noted this contradiction. One article that got a lot of attention in the last decade was this 2014 piece for TechCrunch by Kim-Mai Cutler that focused on how SF's resistance to change over five decades was responsible for the present-day housing crisis.

But when Knight took Tumlin's comments and wrote "the idea holds true on a host of major issues including housing, climate change, small business reform and addressing our drug crisis," essentially accusing the Board of Supervisors for embracing the status quo, you know that's a declaration of war.

Tim Redmond, the editor of 48 Hills one of the last bastions of capital-P Progressive commentary in SF came out swinging a few days later with his own column.

"If you know the history of post-War San Francisco, you know that 'progress' and 'change' in [the] local economy has been driven almost entirely by a small number of powerful people, mostly white men, who sought to redesign the city for their own profit," Redmond writes. "They destroyed light industry and blue-collar jobs to build financial-services and tech offices... They encouraged the gentrification of neighborhoods all over the city... They wiped out Black and Brown communities... So: Communities resisted. People fought back against unchecked development... Some of us would like to say: Slow down. Protect existing vulnerable communities first. Save historic and environmentally sensitive areas. Use government to regulate these changes so that they dont overwhelm what is frankly a pretty fragile city and tax the people who get rich from them to protect the people who the late-capitalist idea of progress leaves behind."

But now, Knight has come back with a new column, and it's focused squarely on Peskin and Preston, stemming from a Monday meeting of the above-mentioned land-use committee on which Melgar also sits. There was a proposal up for discussion that Knight highlighted back in November, backed by Mayor Breed and Supervisor Matt Haney, they would end the ability of a single SF citizen to appeal any project they care to appeal that comes up for city approval.

The proposal would require anyone looking to file an appeal at the city to gather 50 signatures or the sign-off of five supervisors in order to get an appeal hearing scheduled. The proposal came after two gadflies had caused an estimated 100 hours of work for aides and supervisors by filing multiple appeals between them last year of various emergency measures by the SFMTA and city making it a "pandemic hobby" to complain that everything requires CEQA review, even in a pandemic. The Board of Supervisors unanimously rejected every appeal.

At Monday's meeting, Peskin and Preston tabled the proposal, and Knight is fuming. Peskin even called out Knight, though not quite directly, saying during the meeting, "Fundamentally, this is a solution looking for a problem," and noting that the ordinance was tied to "the subject of however many articles in one Chronicle columnists thing, column."

Knight got a quote from the mayor's office, from spokesperson Jeff Cretan, who said, "Its really challenging when we talk about changing the status quo in San Francisco, and we cant even get these tailored solutions to get rid of bureaucracy approved."

That column prompted another foe of Knight's, the blog District 5 Diary, to pen its own response today, calling Knight a "status quo megaphone" for City Hall/the mayor.

Anyway, the war goes on. Yes, the Chronicle has been more on the business-friendly, centrist end of the media spectrum for the past two decades, and they've never really employed a progressive counterpoint columnist to the likes of Nevius or Knight. But doesn't anyone see the absurdities at work here?

As Peskin himself said during the absurd debate over that Ferris Wheel, the "bright side" to moving into post-pandemic normalcy is that they get to have "these kinds of squabbles again between the Board and the executive branch."

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Chronicle Columnist Heather Knight Is Basically at War With Progressive Supervisors - SFist

Global Machine Learning Market To Power Robustly And To Witness Profitable Growth During The Forecast Period 2020-2026 The Manomet Current – The…

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Global Machine Learning Market To Power Robustly And To Witness Profitable Growth During The Forecast Period 2020-2026 The Manomet Current - The...

In Blair-world, tech is the bright new progressive cause. But he ignores the real reasons for change – New Statesman

Tony Blair has long claimed to know what is necessary for progressives to become, in his term, change- makers. His recent essay for the New Statesman, in which he prescribes how the Labour Party can be resurrected as a progressive force, is no exception. His opponents are always small c conservatives, unable to grasp what the future demands.

Once, it was globalisation that defined the progressive task. Now, it is the 21st century technological revolution. This, Blair says, represents the most far-reaching upheaval since the 19th-century Industrial Revolution; progressives will succeed if they are the ones who understand this revolution, [and] show how it can be mastered for the benefit of the people.

Whatever the structural force for change Blair identifies, the world is always fast-forwarding to the future at unprecedented speed, where opportunities only go to those swift to adapt, as he told the Labour Party conference in 2005. This is how he believes time works: of course, history has a direction, he insisted to Jason Cowley in an interview in 2016. To be a progressive, for Blair, is simply to hitch ones political commitments to the ride.

In reality, Blairs rhetoric is an unreliable guide to how New Labour governed during his premiership between 1997 and 2007. New Labour did not succeed by mastering globalisation. Only in finance was Britain aligned with economic globalisation, and here the party merely encouraged the City to continue what it had already been doing since the 1960s. It did not reskill British workers to make them more competitive. While it presided over an expansion of university education, the system failed to produce a vanguard of a new knowledge economy. If a central feature of globalisation in the 2000s was the creation of integrated Atlantic-Eurasian supply chains, British manufacturing firms were a sideshow. Unlike their counterparts in Berlin, for example, Blairs governments lacked a strategy to build export markets in China. Instead, the growth in UK employment during the New Labour years depended on the domestically focused service sector.

[See also:Labours loss of Hartlepool is the final death rattle of a movement that has abandoned its heartlands]

For all his man-of-the-world presentation, Blairs rhetoric never really attempts to explain real-world change. In his 2005 conference speech, he claimed that to stop and debate globalisation was as pointless as discussing whether autumn should follow summer. But whether globalisation is defined as the internationalisation of economic activity that began in the 1970s, or the increase in the movement of people around the globe, it is obviously not a physical force beyond human agency. Before the breakneck ascent that began in the 1990s, a period of globalisation had already risen and fallen between the 1870s and the early 1930s.

In thrall to the idea that the future makes the times faster, more exciting, Blair is selective about what change progressives must understand in order to win power. The second age of globalisation is now giving way to trade wars, national industrial strategies that break up international supply chains, and tighter borders. The only sign that Blair acknowledges this is by dropping the word globalisation from his vocabulary. Instead, he now insists that it is the technological revolution that divides the world into those who are equipped to adjust and those who, stuck in the past, will fail.

Change that appears, as Blair sees it, historically misdirected does not attract his attention. While Brexit has profoundly altered British politics over the past seven years, his latest intervention on Labours mortality crisis bypasses it. This conveniently allows him to ignore the fact that by casting the EU as a symbol of political and economic modernity, Blair and his acolytes downplayed the scenario in which Labours anti-EU voters would adjust to the changing times by simply deserting the party.

[See also:Politics is turning on its axis and the one politician who gets this is Boris Johnson]

Blairs present story about real-world change is so high on the abstract idea of a new-tech future that it is insensitive to the most monumental specific change now under way. We may be living through something comparable to the start of the Industrial Revolution. But if we are, it is because governments across the world profess a commitment to replacing the energy-basis of most economic activity by 2050 or 2060. Clean energy is not one more instance of upheaval, as Blair classes it, in a list that also includes nutrition, gaming, financial payments, [and] satellite imagery. Nor does it, where public services are concerned, demand an overhaul of health and education; Blair has been calling for those since he became Labour leader in 1994.

Rather, the principal political question the future is now asking all politicians is whether another energy revolution can be realised without jettisoning the idea of economic and technological progress on which Blairs world-view depends. In material terms, radically curtailing the use of fossil-fuel energy is not an instance of linear history. Absent an unprecedented expansion of nuclear power, it is a project to reverse the shift from low-density biomass energy to high-density fossil-fuel energy that began the Industrial Revolution in the late 18th century, by moving back to lower-density energy in the form of renewables. It aims to reset time so that our present civilisation does not meet the same ecological reckoning that has helped end every other civilisation that has existed, including the Roman world.

If this energy revolution is to succeed, it will indeed require a huge technological leap. But it takes an impressive amount of faith that history is unidirectional a view that is now being put to the test to think that such an uncertain future is tailor-made for any political project, especially a political project like Blairs: one so ideologically fixed that it is unable to confront the world as it really is.

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In Blair-world, tech is the bright new progressive cause. But he ignores the real reasons for change - New Statesman

Will New York Join the List of Cities With Progressive DAs? – The Nation

Members of the National Organization for Women protest outside the Manhattan DA's office on October 13, 2017, after District Attorney Cyrus R. Vance Jr. made the decision not to pursue sexual abuse charges against movie producer Harvey Weinstein. (Spencer Platt / Getty Images)

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New York CityOne of the more consequential political races in America will be decided here on June 22. And it has nothing to do with Andrew Yang.

On the day Democrats in New York City will choose the candidate who will probably become the next mayor, Manhattanites will be effectively electing their next district attorney. Its the sort of race that will have far more of a seismic impact on the city and nation than the attention its been paid would indicate; the winner will be setting a criminal justice agenda that will inevitably ripple outward to DAs across the country.

Part of this has to do with the offices sheer size: The outgoing DA, Cyrus Vance Jr., presides over 500 prosecutors and a budget that nears $170 million. Manhattan is the beating heart of the real estate industry, Wall Street, and the white-collar crimes that seize headlines. Vance has crossed paths with the likes of Donald Trump, Harvey Weinstein, and Dominique Strauss-Kahn.

His failures, to most of the public, have been of the high-profile variety: not prosecuting Weinstein much sooner, not prosecuting the Trump children at all, and bungling the Strauss-Kahn case.

Regular watchers of Law and Order and other police procedurals are acquainted with another version of the office: a tough but fair institution wrangling with a procession of criminals that hard-bitten, if well-meaning, prosecutors and cops must lock up.

But a darker reality pulses belowthe office, under Vance and his predecessors, has been overly punitive and even predatory, according to legal observers and public defenders who have battled it on a daily basis. It is a place, they say, where the progressive reforms that have swept up offices around the nation have been, at best, begrudgingly or belatedly acknowledged.

Where do we start with how repressive, how predatory, that prosecutors office has been for communities of color in Manhattan? asked Rigodis Appling, a member of Black Attorneys of Legal Aid and a longtime public defender. I really think they think its their job to simply protect property and they charge things as such. When you value property more than human life, thats where it becomes disturbing and youre not doing justice.Current Issue

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There are eight Democrats running to replace Vance, who faced mounting pressure not to seek reelection. With scant polling available and a number of contenders who have raised north of $1 million, no single front-runner appears to be dominating the field. Unlike the mayoral race, this is technically not a municipal contest, which means no ranked-choice voting: Progressives do run the real risk here of splitting votes and allowing a more moderate candidate to triumph.

The winner would only be the fourth Manhattan DA since 1942. Before Vance won election in 2009, Robert Morgenthau and Frank Hogan each held the post for decades.

Danny Frost, a spokesman for Vance, argued that the DA had made great strides beyond his predecessor, Morgenthau, cutting prosecutions in half and investing forfeiture funds into various reform initiatives, including the Manhattan Family Justice Center.

Many of the candidates running espouse the principles of reform that have come into vogue in the last four years, as progressive prosecutors like Larry Krasner in Philadelphia, Chesa Boudin in San Francisco, and Kim Foxx in Chicago have taken power. The contenders fall into various camps: the former prosecutors, a civil rights attorney, a public defender, and an elected official. Some are traditionalists, wary of the left flank; others race headfirst into reform.

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All are reckoning with two competing currents: the demands to radically overhaul a system that has imprisoned too many people of color and growing calls, from conservatives and law enforcement, to hunt for a solution to New Yorks spike in shootings and murders.

Im running against a bunch of former prosecutors who have been complicit in and propped up and perpetuated this system, said Eliza Orlins, a longtime Manhattan public defender who has also been a television personality. Ive been in the trenches fighting this office.

Under Vance, certain reforms popular with progressives have been implemented, including a decision to no longer prosecute those who jump subway turnstilesbut public defenders view of the office is particularly dim. Orlins, who served as a public defender with Legal Aid, and other progressives describe Vance as a prosecutor relentlessly committed to going to trial to win cases against poorer, nonwhite defendants. In Manhattan, juries tend to be whiter and wealthier and more favorable to law enforcement than the more working-class, diverse juries in the outer boroughs.

Appling described troubling trends: Vances prosecutors charging people who steal packages from building lobbies with burglary, a violent felony, which can carry years in prison, as opposed to petit larceny, a lesser charge. The office is willing to charge defendants who are caught up in predatory NYPD practices like Operation Lucky Bag, in which police planted a bag, usually with money or other valuables inside, in a public place and waited for someone to take it, arresting them on the spot.

Before New York state reformed its outdated discovery laws, public defenders said Vances office was notorious for withholding information from the defense until right before trial, creating undue pressure on terrified defendants to plead guilty to inflated charges.

The discovery practices of the Manhattan DA were the impetus behind changing the discovery laws, said Nick Encalada-Malinowski, the civil rights campaign director at VOCAL-NY, a reform group. There are a certain set of candidates who are interested in shrinking that system.

Orlins is one of two candidates, along with civil rights attorney Tahanie Aboushi, who have said theyd slash the DAs budget by 50 percent if elected. Both are heartened that Krasner, a former public defender, beat back a law-and-order challenger on Tuesday.

We can restructure the office where we are trimming the fat, said Aboushi, who is endorsed by the Working Families Party and successfully sued the Fire Department for discrimination against Black firefighters. We should be focusing on serious crimes.

In their voting guide, Five Boro Defenders, a collective of public defenders and civil rights attorneys in New York, graded all the contenders on their ability to do the least amount of harm with an office that has traditionally had a carceral mission.

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Orlins was one candidate rated the highest. The other was not Aboushi but Dan Quart, a State Assembly member who has a long legislative record of pushing criminal justice reforms in Albany, including ending the ban on gravity knives, which are often carried by blue-collar workers but used to be illegal, allowing Vance and other DAs to rack up more prosecutions.

Im the only one with a real record of achieving results on decarceration, says Quart.

Another top contender in the progressive lane, Alvin Bragg, has won the backing of Preet Bharara, Charlie Rangel, Jerry Nadler, and several large labor unions. Bragg, who grew up in Harlem and served as the chief deputy attorney general in New York, made a name for himself seeking full transparency into how the NYPD handled Eric Garners death. He speaks often about his experience as a Black man being repeatedly stopped by police.

All of my policies have emerged from my really having experienced almost every part of the criminal justice system, Bragg said. My brother in-law living with me after getting out of incarceration. Me having been stopped three times at gunpoint growing up.

Among the four candidates competing for the left lane in the primary, there are some clear differences. In a voter guide assembled by the Brooklyn Community Bail Fund, Bragg said he would not reduce the budget of the DAs office at all. Only Aboushi and Orlins would eliminate pretrial detention altogether. Quart was the only candidate to say he would request only supervision on a defendant, not electronic monitoring. All but Bragg said theyd try to reduce the number of people in jail pretrial by at least 80 percent.

In addition to two former prosecutors with lower levels of name recognition and endorsements, Liz Crotty and Diana Florence, Lucy Lang, a Vance ally, is campaigning on the premise that someone who has worked as a prosecutor in the Manhattan DAs office can also fix it. The former head of the Institute for Innovation in Prosecution at John Jay College, Lang has won the backing of several reform-oriented prosecutors across America, including Kim Gardner in St. Louis.

My candidacy is informed by and supported by people most directly impacted by the system, said Lang, who has said shed beef up the sex crimes unit in the DAs office. People who have been incarcerated, people who have been impacted by violent crime.

However, if there is a single candidate looming over the rest, its the primarys most prolific fundraiser: Tali Farhadian Weinstein, a former federal prosecutor. Married to Boaz Weinstein, a multimillionaire hedge fund manager, Farhadian Weinstein has raised more than $2 million by aggressively targeting Wall Street megadonors. She veers to the right of several Democrats in the race, speaking more on the campaign stump about rising crime rates and gun violence, and is viewed as a candidate who would not greatly depart from Vances traditionalist approach. She is also one of the only candidates who will not rule out entering into information sharing agreements with federal agencies like ICE and Homeland Security Investigation. Expected to advertise far more heavily than most of the Democrats, Farhadian Weinstein took a measured view of Vance as her rivals pounced on her fundraising. The office has done some things well, some things less well, she said.

For Farhadian Weinstein, a key focus would be gender-based violence. We will be taking on violence against women, she said.

Her prominent progressive rivals, with time ticking down in the primary, are not holding back against her. Her ties to Wall Street are very problematic, Aboushi said, pointing to donations as large as $35,000 sent to Farhadian Weinsteins coffers. For some people, thats an annual salary.

Farhadian Weinstein, dismissing these criticisms, pointed to the large amounts of money her rivals have raised, including those whove taken cash from law firms that might have business in front of the DA.

I really caution others to not put out purity tests they cant pass, she said.

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Will New York Join the List of Cities With Progressive DAs? - The Nation