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Theater review: New Long Wharf show honors lives lost in Crown Heights – Middletown Press

NEW HAVEN Thirty years have passed since Anna Deavere Smith conducted dozens of interviews surrounding the tragic incidents in Crown Heights, a suburb of New York City, that highlighted an accident that resulted in the death of a 7-year-old Black child and the stabbing of a Jewish scholar visiting from Australia.

Fires in the Mirror: Crown Heights, Brooklyn and Other Identities will be unveiled dramatically at Long Wharf Theatre until Sunday.

It is a disturbing portrait of the racial differences that divide us.

Smith has woven these interviews, using the participants own words, into a personal and powerful reflection of the actions that became the Crown Heights riots in 1991.

On a distinctly African set by Diggle, with sand as a continuum of Black culture and its grounding, the remarkable actress Cloteal L. Horne creates the identity of 26 people from both the Black and Jewish community who are intimately involved in the tragedy.

From well-known personalities such as the Rev. Al Sharpton and activist Angela Davis to Orthodox Jewish women and revered rabbis, the story of the events unfolds in dramatic fashion, as each participant explains their unique perspective on difficult events.

With bare feet and only a few props, and a change in accent and personality, Horne is able to skillfully make each voice distinct and state their message of responsibility clearly. The whole picture becomes clear as so many tragedies are wrapped into one.

Each member of the community has been deeply affected by loss, from the Jewish driver who accidentally kills the little boy to the brother of the Jewish scholar who is the unfortunate victim of retribution by a gang of Black youth.

Along the way, slavery is revealed as a crime against humanity where 250 million are lost over 300 years. It is contrasted with the Holocaust and its toll of 6 million lives taken by the Nazis. Anti-Semitism is exposed as a deep-seated hatred.

The play ends with a communal call: We deserve a better world and Healing is possible.

Nicole Brewer directs this emotional outpouring of testimony.

Theater goers must show proof of vaccination and wear a mask while in the theater.

Be part of the audience that honors the lives lost in Crown Heights Brooklyn and ensures that the anger and rage that prompted it never happen again.

For tickets ($59), call Long Wharf Theatre, 222 Sargent Drive, at 203-693-1486 or visit longwharf.org. Performances are Tuesday at 7 p.m., Wednesday at 2 p.m, Thursday at 7 p.m., Friday at 7 p.m., Saturday at 2 p.m. and Sunday at 2 p.m.

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Theater review: New Long Wharf show honors lives lost in Crown Heights - Middletown Press

The role of General Counsel in Times of Crisis with Maria Feeley, Chief Legal Officer of Washington and Lee University – JD Supra

In this episode of On Record PR, Gina Rubel goes on record with Maria Feeley, the Chief Legal Officer of Washington and Lee University, to discuss the important role of the general counsel in times of crisis and GCs expectations of outside counsel.

In my experiences, crisis and reputational management issues come in all shape, sizes, and flavors. They each have a unique set of circumstances around them, but they can each have an equally devastating impact on reputation, brand management, and relationships with key stakeholders. They can result in, a firestorm or even, what can be a more damaging these days is a social media storm. Ive been in various roles, I currently chair a college board and have been outside counsel and inside counsel to various institutions from an elite liberal arts college with a $2 billion plus endowment, a large public HBCU (Historically Black Colleges and Universities) to a university with seven different colleges, and a more modest under $200 million endowment. Then I chaired the board of a small school thats been around for a hundred years but doesnt have anywhere near those resources.

One thing Ive realized is that none of those institutions are immune to crisis, and theres so much overlap in the types of situations that they could face and, and what they can do to prepare. Some examples at one of the institutions, I was there in my first year with a new president and there was a horrific viral internet story. The hashtag was justice for jazzy. I wont go into the horrific details of what one first year student did to another. Twitter was angry and rightfully so and we were being tweeted at, by Jesse Williams, Van Jones, Al Sharpton. We were on MSNBC every night for a while. That was followed by a Title IX lawsuit involving a division one athlete and coach, which gets more attention when youre talking about D1 athletes.

Then we had a stabbing on our campus during accepted students day.

Not only do we have our normal population, but we had all the visiting high school seniors and their parents during a lockdown with the police trying to find the perpetrator. We had an NCAA investigation and negotiated public resolution, which you can also read about. After a while, I was the athletic director, the department thrived, we had our mens of all teams first ever NCAA tournament appearance. as a reward, a few months later, the board voted to go from D1 to D3. Theres now a federal lawsuit pending and relentless media coverage. So, thats just one institutions array of issues that youve got to manage. When I was at an HBCU, at my first public board meeting, they fired the first female president in the institutions history a year and a half into her contract. Two days later, most of the cabinet was separated from the institution.

A few months later, there was a shooting at homecoming resulting in the death of student followed by a football concussion lawsuit.Even at the small liberal arts college, right outside Philadelphia, which is celebrating its 100th anniversary this year, I oversaw a presidential search where we selected to hire the first male president in the history of the institution that until 10 or so years ago was all female. As you can imagine, some people understood the decision, but a lot of alums needed some careful attention in communication. The array of issues that can come at you and turn into something that you didnt expect. Within hours. Theres a lot of things to think about when youre trying to avoid or successfully manage a crisis.

Gina Rubel: Whats fascinating as both lawyers, we deal with reputation, manage crisis communications, and litigation communications. I cant tell you how many lawyers dont appreciate the importance of those issues and dont understand the language of brand management. Theres so much opportunity to add value to the services corporate law firms provide as outside counsel by understanding how these issues interplay with everything.

Hopefully, youve figured that out before the crisis. Its not just as a GC sitting with my board chair hat on. Whenever you get involved at a high level or C-level position or board level governance position with an institution, youve got to do an assessment first. Youve got to figure out what talent is there and who is going to be able to be on the team to successfully navigate through these reputational issues. You might inherit a great team with pros that have connections to the media that know how to talk to the media, or you might inherit a very green team. You might have a first-time president or a first-time board chair or your PR office might not be local. You might have somebody that came from another state, and they have great contacts in Wisconsin, but they dont have any in Georgia where you might be located.

Assessing your team first is important because if you dont know everybodys skillset and experience levels going into a crisis, then you dont know whos capable to do what it takes to manage through a crisis. Thats one thing that I recommend doing. Take the temperature of everybody, get a sense of who is going to be on that team when youre in crisis mode. That is the first thing that a GC or any high-level executive should do when they join an organization.

It is interesting to me how different institutions are in terms of how they identify and choose board members. Most of my experience is in the nonprofit, higher education sector. Corporate is very different and its changing a lot as you have places trying to help diversify boards. But in higher ed space, I find its unique to each institution. One of the things that Ive tried to do as a board chair is to be much more strategic in identifying people to be on the board and to orienting them. They might not know that theyre going to create a crisis, or they might not understand what their role is. You must train them and orient them and educate them about what it means to be on a board. Teach them how, if they speak and purport to be speaking on behalf of an institution, they could create a firestorm. Teach them what to do if they are contacted by the media. Teach them not to speak off-the-cuff and to know the protocol.

Do you train board members around a crisis plan and how crises are managed?

I do. This has been a subject matter expertise area for me, I find that it is way better to train people or educate people or provide them with information well before they need it than to be scrambling at the end to try to control your message, to decide whos going to be the point of contact for media inquiries. I have a very short orientation for new board members that I like to do because you dont want to provide too much information. You want to provide the most important information right away. For me, one of the most important things is understanding that when you are on a board, youre part of a governing body, you shouldnt go rogue and individually do things. That includes speaking or responding to the media and leaking to the media. That is part of the training that I do with the board that I chair. When Im asked to train boards at other institutions, I always incorporate that information.

As I indicated earlier, brand reputation issues, crises, they come in all different sizes, shapes, and forms. They require unique responses to some extent, but there are some things that you can do well in advance before a potential crisis is even on your radar. I include that in planning. From my perspective, there are things that you could do to lay the groundwork so that you are well prepared to navigate quickly. The first few hours of a crisis can be critical. You should already have some things in place so that youre nimble and able to do things quickly. For example, I mentioned assessing the team is the first thing that you want to do but build the right relationships early so that you are not picking up the phone to call an external crisis management firm when the crisis has already been going on for a few hours.

Have that relationship now because you want those external partners to already know your institution, to know the key players, to know your state stakeholders, to understand your culture. How are they going to give you quick and good advice if they dont know you? You want advice thats narrowly tailored to your institution and your specific situation. Building those relationships immediately when you enter the job is important. Then you need to build those internal relationships so that you will be a trusted advisor. How could you be a trusted advisor if people dont know you? It takes some time to build trust. The other thing that is important is to figure out the central point of contact, particularly if theres anticipated litigation. Its important to determine whos going to be central command. Is it going to be in the GCs office? Is it going to be in your marketing and communications office or is it going to be somewhere else because of who you have on the team? Identifying that person so that everybody knows who it is before a crisis is important. You can get into trouble if the right hand doesnt know what the left hand is doing, and then you can end up having inconsistent messages and your strategy wont be consistent and on point. Those are two things you could do early on. Building those external partnerships, internal relationships and make sure whos going to be on the team and whos going to take the lead when youre in a situation. If you havent done that before you are in the situation that can eat up a lot of valuable time.

Gina Rubel: One of the things to add to that, especially for our audience of listeners, which is both in-house marketers at law firms and lawyers themselves is to understand when they play a role as well. The type of crisis is going to dictate when your outside counsel is going to need to be a part of that team. Thats defined in your plan based on the type of crisis. If its a cyber breach, for example, you may have your privacy counsel available. Somebody who works in data security available, but you also know that you must contact your insurance provider first, because the cyber policy says that.

Yes, but not connected to the law firm, but outsourced by the law firm. I deal with a lot of big firms that I trust that their very experienced attorneys, have been through this, and they know how to deal with the media. I much prefer to have a relationship where even if the main partner at the firm, doesnt have the subject matter expertise for the particular issue that Im dealing with, he could have the good judgment and experience to understand the big picture issues, because you dont have to be a subject matter expert for example, you mentioned cybersecurity to understand how the social media or the traditional media coverage can go. That person can partner with the crisis communication team that either you select, or they recommend. That way youve got somebody else in the loop that also understands your brand, your culture, and knows your people. Each firm that I work with has a relationship manager. I keep that person involved in everything, even when its not within their subject matter expertise, because they kind of reign in some of their colleagues that might not get that its not just about winning this legal battle.

Ive been doing this a long time and I was in big law for most of my career. Ive built my own network. I dont go through the RFP process. I want to work with people I know that Ive seen and tested. Now if I was ever in a situation where I had to do that, I would. But one of the benefits of coming out of big law is that you have worked with so many of these people and youve been in against them in many different cases. Thats the highest compliment. I often hire people that Ive been on the other side of the courtroom.

Some trends are unique to the schools that arent elite that everybodys trying to get into because of the prestige factor or because they have a high ranking. One trend that is in higher ed right now, which is wreaking havoc is demographic changes so that schools that are largely dependent on tuition revenue for their operating budget are seeing decreased enrollment numbers of traditional aged college students. That has had a ripple effect so that we have seen so many, closings and mergers of colleges and universities throughout the country in a way that we had never seen before. See Inside Higher ed: Pennsylvania Board Votes Yes on Consolidation

It is a national trend and its a crisis throughout the industry because, if you are dependent, if youre not sitting on a multi-billion-dollar endowment and youre dependent on tuition revenue and you are seeing a decrease every year and youre still doing things the same way, delivering services in the same way with the same amount of staff, youre not going to survive. The mass of higher ed thats not in that small category that has the billions of dollars in the endowment has had to adjust and its going to have to continue it to adjust. As there are less students graduating from high school than there were by virtue of demographics changes. You also have a lot of people that dont see the same value. They are getting steered towards different types of careers, they want to take a break, theres a lot more non-traditional age college students that demand to be provided services in a different way. I do call it a crisis because a crisis is something that can bring you down in the end. I do think there are a lot of schools that have been completely brought down and there are more to come if they dont adjust.

This was going on before the pandemic. The pandemic added a new layer, a new wrinkle. You have colleges and universities that were already in fiscal crisis in trying to manage that because of the change in demographics and the enrollment challenges facing most institutions. Then when you add the fact that now a lot of your customer bases decided that theyre going to put college off, or they want it delivered in a different way in the comfort of their own home and they dont want to pay the same amount as they would have for that in-person experience, it has compounded a problem that was already there.

Thats been a huge shift as well. Years ago, nobody talked about mental health. If they did, there were negative connotations and that has changed. This generation of college students understands that mental health is as important as physical health. Theyre demanding attention in that area. Theyre aware of their own mental health and they want it to be cared for. They want support in place if they need it. If you have a place when somebody gets a cold or a flu, they could go to on campus health. Students expect the same thing if theyre struggling or dealing with mental health challenges. The pandemic has exacerbated the issue.

Can you imagine being in school and youre supposed to graduate and youre going to have these great memories with your class and then suddenly tomorrow, the school shuts down. Youre never going to see some of these people again, or you lose those precious last few months, or you dont get the graduation experience. You miss your study abroad experience or you get your division one hopes ripped away right before the championship game. These kids have suffered through many things that nobody wouldve ever anticipated and its challenging. They recognize that they need to take care of their mental health. Theyre demanding more, as they should, from institutions, but it puts institutions in a weird position because a lot of them are not equipped. They dont have the resources. They dont have the funds. Its a struggle, but its something that is a hot topic in the industry now. And its not going to go away and schools are going to need to adjust.

Gina Rubel: Its not going to go away. As a parent of two college age students, I can say, you hit the nail on the head about five times. Were one family and both of our children have been incredibly impacted by the pandemic, whether it was, our son who didnt get a senior year in school, he was at home or our daughter who missed a year and a half of in-person college and the opportunity to go to Ghana to study abroad. As a parent, it is important that universities have the resources necessary to help students through all the different adjustments. If you ever need a parent spokesperson, Im there.

Maria Feeley: I dont want to call them nice disappointments, but we also have the food insecurity issues because people have lost their jobs from the pandemic and that inability to keep the heat on.

Gina Rubel: Theres also the inability to stay at college because their parents lost their jobs, and they didnt have a scholarship. Theres the inability to access because the community doesnt have the resources let alone the university. We havent even talked about the socioeconomic backgrounds and how there are such disparities. We all have an opportunity and a duty to help in those regards to whatever extent we can.

Well, in a good way, young people are engaged and care about issues that maybe wouldnt have been on a lot of students radars years ago. Theyre activists, engaged in social and, political issues, and thats a good thing. But it can also cause a headache for the administration, when they dont like a decision an institution has made or someone who was hired. It is an issue that a lot of college and universities are grappling with these days. Most colleges and universities would be supportive of their students being engaged citizens, of course academic freedom and freedom of speech is something thats a core value for most institutions of higher education. Balancing that when you have a conflict between your students and your administrators or your board or something else can be a challenge.

Yes. First generation college students are huge and its fantastic, right? The fact that we have more people with access to education and going to college is a good thing. When you look at the data, the average earnings of somebody over a course of a lifetime that has a college degree are substantially higher than somebody that doesnt. Thats a good thing but there are challenges that come with serving a population of students that are first generation college students, because they cant call mom or dad and say, how do you do this? Mom and dad dont know because theyve never done that before. Or perhaps there isnt a mom and dad to call.

Making sure that you understand who your students are that you can provide them the support that they need is important. That support might include things that you didnt normally do in the past, including helping them navigate through, for example, the financial aid process in a way that maybe in the past, you assumed that they would do because they werent first generation college students and parents had been through that process before. In terms of the international question, its country specific and especially during a pandemic. Weve hired a firm, which has subject matter expertise that has bases all over the world. We have a robust travel program for our spring term where we send classes all over the world and we want to do it in a way thats safe.

Weve hired a firm that we can pick up the phone and say whats going on, on the ground, in Italy right now. Whats going on in the ground in Ghana right now? Thats one thing thats great about working at a place that has these types of resources and you can afford to do that. But if youre at a smaller place, its very difficult right now navigating through these issues during a global pandemic, especially when the rules are constantly changing.

Gina Rubel: Its fascinating. A key takeaway in this conversation is understanding that crises come in every shape and size. They affect people in different ways. No one is immune. As the attorney on behalf of your institution, as general counsel with a staff of people, you must recognize how each of these issues interplay with the students, the families, the educators, the trustees, the donors, the media, the social media critics and so on. If your outside counsel can do that as well, theyre going to be bringing a great amount of benefit to you.

I dont know how I encourage it in others other than doing the right thing and hoping that message spreads. I find that when you do something and it works and the result is positive, that gets attention and people want to replicate it. Ive been fortunate to have been mentored by some great people that when these issues were important to me early on in my career, didnt say things to me like, you should spend all your time billing hours. Rather, they encouraged me to do those things. Being involved in the affinity groups from the time of being a young lawyer, has been something that has helped me professionally from dealing with imposter syndrome issues, to not feeling like you belong, to being able to be in a room where you see others that look like yourself and might have similar backgrounds.

That was so important for me to be able to make it. To feel like I could continue when as a young attorney, wondering if I made the right decision? Am I good enough to do this? Then being able to have those conversations with young attorneys and seeing them stick around and flourish and get promoted is rewarding. I dont necessarily actively lobby people to do the same type of work that Ive done. I have noticed that Ill get phone calls asking me, I noticed that you implemented this at this place, or I heard you speak at this event. That it happened organically makes me feel good about the work I do.

Yes. One of the luxuries of being the client and being a general counsel is I get to be very frank. Big law attorneys appreciate that, and I am very candid. I expect them to try to advance the missions that they all profess to have to be diverse, inclusive. When I dont see that on a team, Im very vocal about it. Its harder to do that early on in your career. You dont have as much power, but I have buying power now that allows me to have those conversations. Ive made changes based on what I thought was inflexibility or inability to deliver on diversity promises. I get a better product from outside counsel when they focus on these issues.

I dont understand how you think youre going to give an institution thats very diverse, has diverse constituents, stakeholder, donors, alumni, good advice if its from a single perspective. Its shocking to me that people that might not buy into diversity, dont at least understand the business case, because there is a business case too.

Gina Rubel: You are not the only general counsel that weve spoken to that has said that. I hope if anything, that the executive committees and the hiring committees and the new business committees, hear it. We graduated law school with many more women and people of diverse backgrounds, but I didnt know many women partners early in my career. They were few and far between.

Maria Feeley: Women partners still are few and far between in big law.

Gina Rubel: And the pandemic has hurt us in that respect. Ive been fortunate to be surrounded by strong, well deserving leading women. We can only continue to raise the tides for all diverse people, not just women, but everyone. You and I can relate to being female. So thats what I can speak to. But its people of all types of diversity who need to be included and to have a sense of belonging.

Maria Feeley: From hiring outside counsel, thinking about, for example, when youre getting ready to try a case, and youre thinking about whos going to be in the jury, diversity comes in all sizes, shapes, forms. Its not just about gender or ethnicity. It can be for example, even age. You can have a jury that has 18, 19, 20-year-olds and 75-year-olds. If the law firm is providing me with advice through the lens of strictly a 65-year-old, thats not necessarily going to be the advice that I need. It is a no-brainer that understanding a broad perspective and bringing that broad perspective to your advice is critical to giving the best advice.

Gina Rubel: Right down to not just hiring lawyers from the same five law schools all the time, because theyve all been taught the same way. You and I were talking about growing up in Philadelphia and how I admit I did not know that Cowboys were still a real thing when I was a teenager. But it was something you saw on TV, like the perspective of diversity from where youve grown up, what your life experiences have been, your age, your abilities, all those things.

Maria Feeley: If you only go to those few schools, its self-perpetuating because, the opportunity to get there and the path to get there is for some people nonexistent and for others, so difficult. If you want to have access to that broad group of people, youre going to have to move out of that small group of schools sometimes.

Maria Feeley is the Chief Legal Officer of Washington and Lee University, a nationally ranked private liberal arts university established in 1749 with an endowment valued at over $2 billion. She is also Chair of the Board of Trustees of Rosemont College, a private college celebrating its 100th anniversary, ranked #7 as a Top Performer in Social Mobility in this years U.S. News & World Reports Best Colleges Rankings in the Regional Universities North category, up from #15 last year. Rosemont is the only college in the Philadelphia region in the Top 10.

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Maria Feeley

Washington and Lee University Website: https://www.wlu.edu/

LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/mariafeeley/

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The role of General Counsel in Times of Crisis with Maria Feeley, Chief Legal Officer of Washington and Lee University - JD Supra

Jim Lawrence, American autoworker and longtime Trotskyist, dies at age 83: A life dedicated to the fight for socialism – WSWS

Comrade Jim Lawrence died in hospice January 25 in Dayton, Ohio, after months of declining health. He was 83 years old. He is survived by wife of 59 years, Lois, son David, daughter Tanza, four grandchildren and two great grandchildren.

Jim dedicated the greater part of his adult life to the fight for socialism. All who met him were impressed by his commitment to principles, his deep interest in culture and history, and his immense confidence in the revolutionary capacity of the working class.

He was won to the program of Trotskyism in the early 1970s, and he played an important role in developing a base of support for the movement among a key section of industrial workers. The experiences gained in this period played an important role in the subsequent political development of the American and world Trotskyist movement, the International Committee of the Fourth International.

Born in Dayton, Ohio, during the last years of the Great Depression, Jim was one of seven children. His father worked at a foundry in Dayton making parts for the auto companies, in particular, General Motors which played a central role in the citys economy.

Jim said his father considered himself a socialist and held a local union post in the Stalinist-dominated United Electrical Workers at his factory. Jim thought his father likely was a member or supporter of the Communist Party, although his father never talked about it. From his father, Jim said he gained an understanding that there was an alternative to capitalism.

According to Jim, two of his uncles had been recruited by strikebreakers at Ford during the 1941 strike for UAW recognition. However, his uncles quickly realized they were being used and along with other black workers joined forces with the strikers, ensuring the victory of the union.

During his youth, Jim saw scenes of militant industrial struggles in Dayton, including the Univis Lens strike in 1948, led by the UE. It developed into a mass confrontation with strikebreakers. Ohio Governor Thomas Herbert eventually deployed National Guard troops, backed by tanks and armored vehicles, in an attempt to break the picket lines. The sight of soldiers in the street evoked mass popular outrage, eventually forcing the withdrawal of the Guard units.

After he graduated from high school in 1957, Jim went into the US Army. When he was discharged, he obtained a job at the foundry where his father worked. Jim told the story about how the local union had sent him in to integrate a section of the plant that was all white at the time. He later said he initially had trouble due to the racial backwardness of some of the workers, but one white worker befriended him and told the others to stop. He said that this experience helped to show him that class solidarity could overcome racial divisions.

In 1966, Jim went to work at the General Motors Delco Moraine brake plant in Dayton. He participated in the 1970 nationwide strike against GM that lasted 58 days, the last contract in which the United Auto Workers achieved any significant gains.

This was a period when masses of students and young workers were being radicalized by the experience of the Vietnam War and the Civil Rights movement. It was also a period of enormous class battles.

Jim met the Workers League, the forerunner of the Socialist Equality Party (US), in 1972. Supporters of the Workers League were distributing copies of the partys newspaper, the Bulletin.

He recounted that he obtained a copy of a Workers League pamphlet, Where Wallace Really Stands by David North, which explained the position of George Wallace, the notorious Alabama segregationist and racist who was seeking the 1972 Democratic nomination for US president. The exposure of the right-wing nature of the Democratic Party impressed Jim, and he decided to attend his first Workers League meeting.

Jim later said that the Workers League was the only political tendency that could explain the role of Stalinism, the political vehicle of a privileged and nationalist bureaucracy that had usurped power in the Soviet Union in the 1920s and advanced the anti-Marxist theory of socialism in one country. In the 1930s, the Stalinist bureaucracy carried out a wave of political genocide, murdering hundreds of thousands of socialists, targeted above all at the supporters of Leon Trotsky, culminating in the assassination of Trotsky himself in August 1940.

I found out that the Stalinists were the murderers of the leaders of the October Revolution, Jim explained. They did more to discredit socialism than any capitalist could ever do. He paid specific tribute to longtime Workers League member Lou Renfrow, who served as his political mentor.

The Workers League also clarified Jim on the role of the Pabloite renegades from Trotskyism, such as the Socialist Workers Party, who promoted various forms of identity politics, including feminism and black nationalism to confuse and divide the working class. Early on, he developed an abiding hostility to all forms of nationalism and racialist politics.

Jim and other supporters of the Workers League established a faction of the Trade Union Alliance for a Labor Party (TUALP) at the Delco Moraine plant, which won wide support through its exposure of the collaborationist policies of the UAW.

At that time, the unions in the United States still had the loyalty of millions of the more politically active and advanced workers and played a significant role in the life of the working class. The Workers League advanced the demand for a Labor Party based on the trade unions as a means of imbuing the militant movement of the working class with a political and socialist perspective by raising the necessity for the workers to rebel against the pro-capitalist trade union bureaucracy and its political alliance with the Democratic Party.

In that period, UAW conventions, though even then tightly controlled, still provided a certain forum for debate over substantive issues. The Workers League would have a large literature table at Cobo Hall in Detroit during the UAW Constitutional Convention, which generally attracted large numbers of delegates. Bulletin reporters were able to circulate among the delegates on the convention floor and hand out leaflets explaining the partys policies. The Workers League was even able to solicit signatures to demand the arrest of the killers of Tom Henehan, a Workers League Political Committee member gunned down at a party event in New York City in 1977.

At one convention, Jim Lawrences presence caused a considerable stir. So many delegates knew about his activity at the Delco Moraine plant and wanted to speak with him that the president of his local, Elmo Parrish, became unnerved. He demanded to know why Jim was not at work. Jim coolly explained that he had taken a personal day so that he could observe the proceedings.

Jim attended the February 1973 founding conference of TUALP held in St Louis, along with 275 trade unionists, and made an important contribution to the discussion.

In the April 1974 local union elections at Delco Moraine, TUALP candidates Jim Lawrence and John Austin received 20 percent of the vote for local president and vice president. TUALP supporters also ran for shop chair and five other executive board positions.

In response to the campaign by TUALP, at one point, UAW President Leonard Woodcock came to Dayton to consult with local leaders. The Bulletin reported that Woodcock raved like a madman against the TUALP caucus. The support won by the TUALP candidates produced a red-baiting campaign by the union and local media, with Local 696 President Parrish even threatening to shoot salesmen of the Bulletin outside the plant.

We were told to come down to the union hall for a meeting with Woodcock, but we refused to go unless we could go with a group of workers, Jim recalled. We figured there would be threats. Despite confusion on socialism, workers recognized Jim and other party members as fighters for the working class, and the UAW was never able to victimize or silence them.

In an interview with David North published in the Bulletin prior to the vote, Jim explained, The reason that local officials always try to prevent us from putting our position forward is that these demands serve to expose the existing leadership of the UAW for what they are ...

He continued, The bureaucrats want to lobby Congress, the same people who passed the laws against the trade unions. They do not wish to take up a fight against the system. They want to fight for reforms, when there cannot be reforms. This has the effect of turning the workers to the existing political parties, and this can only lead to defeat. The workers must know what they are going into consciously, that they are going into a class conflict. ... There must be a break from these political parties, and workers must have their own party.

The ruling class responded to the militant class battles of the 1970s and the protracted decline in the global position of American capitalism by launching a counterrevolutionary offensive in the 1980s. Under the Democratic Carter administration, interest rates were driven to record levels in 1979, forcing into bankruptcy wide sections of industry in order to weaken the working class. The offensive intensified under the Republican Reagan administration, which fired and blacklisted the PATCO air traffic controllers in 1981, opening up a period of unbridled unionbusting.

The unions, based on their nationalist and pro-capitalist program, had no answer to these attacks. The AFL-CIO isolated the PATCO strikers and worked to suppress the widespread sentiment for a general strike. The unions betrayed a series of struggles throughout the decade while transforming themselves ever more directly into instruments of corporate management. Conditions of workers were driven backwards, and hundreds of thousands of jobs wiped out.

Throughout this period, Jim circulated the Bulletin in his plant and continued to fight for the partys policies. He also followed with intense interest the struggle waged by the Workers League and its collaborators in the world Trotskyist movement, the International Committee of the Fourth International, against the national opportunism of the British Workers Revolutionary Party. Jim supported the struggle against the WRP in the 1985-86 split, which laid the basis for an immense theoretical and political development of the ICFI.

In the aftermath of the split with the WRP, the Workers League, on the basis of the experiences of the 1980s and a theoretical examination of the significance and implications of globalization, drew the conclusion that the official unions, controlled by a highly privileged layer of upper middle class executives, had undergone a fundamental transformation. They could no longer be characterized as workers organizations, as they worked deliberately and systematically to lower the living standards of the workers they claimed to represent. Based on this assessment, the Workers League withdrew its previous demand for the formation of a Labor Party based on the unions.

In 1996 Jim stood as the Socialist Equality Party candidate for US Congress in Dayton. He used the opportunity to campaign among workers directly based on the partys program, drawing the lessons of the UAWs endless betrayals and its bankrupt policy of support for the Democratic Party as the lesser evil.

That same year, GM workers struck the two Delco Moraine brake plants in Dayton for 17 days, forcing the temporary idling of 75,000 GM workers. The UAW obtained phony promises from GM to preserve jobs at the plant, which along with all other GM plants in the area were eventually closed anyway with the loss of some 20,000 jobs. Today, Delco Moraine, as Jim explained, is just a concrete slab.

In 2004, the SEP selected Jim to run as its candidate for US Vice President alongside WSWS writer Bill Van Auken. Jim was involved in the drive to place the SEP candidates on the ballot in Ohio, which involved a fight against the unscrupulous actions of Democratic Party state officials in the wholesale disqualification of hundreds of genuine signatures of registered voters based on trivial technicalities.

The 2004 elections were dominated by the expanding imperialist war in Iraq and the ongoing decimation of industrial jobs in the United States, overseen by the UAW and other unions. In a speech given to a meeting in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in 2004 Jim explained the role of the unions, The UAW and the AFL-CIO officially adopted the position of corporatism in the 1980s, rejecting the very concept that workers had any interests separate and apart from the corporate bosses. Union officials were put on the boards of directors of corporations like Chrysler, and a myriad of labor-management structures were put into place, allowing the companies to use labor officials to impose speedup and various cost-cutting measures to improve competitiveness.

Hand in hand with management, the UAW and other unions promoted the most poisonous national chauvinism and racism, aimed at convincing American workers that their enemy was not big business but Japanese and European workers who were supposedly stealing American jobs.

What has the promotion of economic nationalism produced? When I first joined the UAW, the union had 2.25 million workers in basic industry. Today it has 638,000 members. Throughout the US, just 8.2 percent of private sector workers belong to unions, and just 2.2 million factory workers belong, down 60 percent from two decades ago.

In 2005, Jim intervened along with other SEP members at a meeting of autoworkers in Kokomo, Indiana, to oppose the massive destruction of jobs at parts maker Delphi. He stressed the need not just for workers to form independent organizations of working class struggle but to build a political leadership based on a socialist and internationalist program.

In his later years, declining health prevented Jim from active participation with the SEP. But he continued to read the WSWS and followed political developments closely. In a video interview in 2018 he made the following appeal to workers and young people:

The policies of the capitalists are such that they are leading us from one war to another war, heading to the destruction of the human race itself. All of this is with the approval of the union bureaucracy everywhere. ... The unions have always been tools of the ruling class. You should not kid yourself. Even in the 1970s the more astute workers understood that if the union bureaucracy was involved in any way, it would be betrayed.

The only way you can free yourself from wage slavery and threat of war is to abolish capitalism. Only the working class has the power to do that.

The working class must be conscious of its power; it is a lot more powerful than the bourgeoisie. But for that it must be organized. The Fourth International has fought for the last 80 years for the interests of the working class. Only the Fourth International has done that. I would ask you to join the Fourth International wherever you live. It is the only way forward for the human race.

To his final days, Comrade Jim remained a committed socialist and fighter for the working class. He will be sorely missed.

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Jim Lawrence, American autoworker and longtime Trotskyist, dies at age 83: A life dedicated to the fight for socialism - WSWS

Socialism’s bad rap | News, Sports, Jobs – The Express – Lock Haven Express

RICHARD LONDON

State College

An accusation that Republicans love to hurl at Democrats is that they are socialists. Do these Republicans understand what American Socialism, also called Democratic Socialism, really is? Are they confusing it with Soviet Socialism, from the old USSR days, or modern socialism in North Korea or Venezuela?

Socialism, or socialization, is any structure whereby a governmental agency (federal, state or local) collects funds from the general public via taxes, and uses the money to provide a service back to the population at little, or no, cost at the time of delivery. The arrangement has been authorized by the people, through their representatives; hence Democratic Socialism.

Everyday examples include public schools and highways (state level), Social Security and Medicare (federal level), and public libraries (local level). Nearly all Republicans embrace, and enjoy, these benefits provided by the socialization mechanism, but decry socialism in general. One wonders why.

Maybe its a knee-jerk reaction to Democratic social issue proposals. Maybe they just dont understand the term. Maybe they do understand, but want to turn public opinion against the proposal by using a loaded term from the past.

The difference between Republicans and progressives is not that the progressives accept socialization and the Republicans reject it, since both do accept it. Both are willing to use the mechanism for education, highways, and libraries, and even for retirement and health insurance plans (at least for the elderly); progressives want to use it for additional things.

Come on, Republicans!

Youre socialists, too.

Admit it.

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Socialism's bad rap | News, Sports, Jobs - The Express - Lock Haven Express

ARF Bureau Youth Leadership Seminar: Lighting the Fires of ARF Youth – Armenian Weekly

ARF Bureau Youth Office leadership seminar, January 2022

This week, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Bureau Youth Office hosted a two day virtual leadership seminar. About a dozen ARF youth from the eastern and western regions of the US and Canada came together to discuss, learn and grow in the guided wisdom of respected ARF community leaders from around the world. We were all fortunate to have the opportunity to proudly represent the AYF-YOARF Eastern United States.

The leadership seminar opened with the always inspirational words of ARF Bureau member Aram Kaloustian followed by a series of discussions on the following topics:

-ARF Socialism Ideology and the ARF Youth led by Khatchig Der Ghougasian (Argentina)-The ARF Leadership led by Mario Nalpandian (Argentina)-The Armenian and ARF Youth in the Armenian Political Arena by Mher Karakashian (Canada)-Artsakh Current Situation and the ARF strategy by Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) executive director Aram Hamparian

Der Ghougassians lecture challenged us to expand our thinking about socialism. Der Ghougassian frequently asked for input from participants, forcing us to mull over important questions like in what ways is the ARF socialist? or what policies do you think the ARF would implement in government? Der Ghougassian pushed us to go deeper and get to the heart of the issue, beyond ideas like the ARFs socialist roots simply because we call each other unger.

There is an Armenian phrase, Glorve khoup, gde poulik (The lid rolls, finds a pot), referring to two things that are perfect for each other. The Tashnagtsoutioun is that pot and socialism is its lid; the two are inextricably linked in a manner that goes far beyond merely select passages from the Dzrakir. The ARFs particular style of socialism, its commitment to political, social and economic equality, is an inseparable part of this 13-decade old organization. This, in particular, was clear after Der Ghougassians lecture, at the end of which he asked participants to think of one way in which they could effectuate socialist change in our communities through three of the facets of the ARFs style of socialism: gender rights and equality, environmental justice and just redistribution of wealth and income.

Unfortunately, this sort of deep reflection on the ideology of the ARF is missed by many members of the Armenian Youth Federation (AYF). In countless cases, exposure to socialism consists of surface-level exploration of the ARF program or singing of the anthem of the ARF, Mshag, Panvor. These important discussions were the highlight of the seminar, as we do not normally delve deep enough into the ideology of the ARF, reflected Aram Brunson of the AYF Greater Boston Nejdeh Chapter. But as the future generation of the Tashnagtsoutioun, these are the sorts of conversations and discussions that must occur at every level of the AYF-YOARF.

Though Der Ghougassian specifically spoke about socialism, what was particularly poignant was the idea of truly interacting with all of the ideals of the ARF. As Simon Zavarian once said, Words are dead without action. Such is the nature of the ARF, which has spent far more time implementing its fundamental ideals than talking about them. The Tashnagtsagan represents this at a core level; it is not enough to know and believe in our ideals or even to simply hope for their adoption as policy under the rule of a future Tashnagtsagan government. We, as Tashnags, must live and breathe our ideology and work toward its practical application, no matter where we are.

In our third lecture-based discussion of the day, Mher Karakashian reiterated the term underpinning why over a dozen ungers spent their weekend in attendance: hairenasiroutioun. To be hayrenaser is testament to our survival. To be hayrenaser as a people under constant threat of annihilation is at the essence of the Armenian identity; our strong history is a culmination of actors attempting to challenge this will of the Armenian people, and time and time again, the Tashnagtsoutioun takes this devotion to our nation and puts it into action.

we are born advocating for justice

The Armenian identity itself is a political one; we are born advocating for justice. What we recognize as the permanent struggle is part and parcel of both our history and present. We must be in constant conversation about the current state and future of Armenian politics, whether in the homeland or in our respective diasporas.

With diaspora odarootioun, our center of gravity proves to be our getrons and agoumps. Throughout these communities, it is the responsibility of our Armenian and ARF youth, now more than ever, to ask: how can I contribute to the askayin kaghakagan kordz? This is where the essence of the Armenian identity merges: to be hayrenaser and utilize politics as an avenue to serve our nation. Every Armenian, no matter their profession, must strive to immerse themselves in Armenian politics, for it will elevate the Armenian Cause in our diasporas.

Within an already existing Armenian political arena, it is our responsibility to take advantage of this potential as the present and future of our nation to become politicized and realize what we risk if this call to action is ignored. It is the desire of both Turkey and Azerbaijan to stifle Armenian political action, which alone demonstrates the need to vitalize this conviction.

Karakashian implored the ARF youth in attendance to always apply the heghapokhagan mindset in their political endeavors, to approach everything with a critical and analytical lens, to ask ourselves, What is the stamp that the ARF youth will leave? There is a central theme to the character traits necessary to leave that stamp: Bargeshd, Artar, Midke Layn, Sirde Pats, Kach, Oojegh and Chvakhtsogh. These traits, paired with the persistent nature of a Tashnagtsagan, are the backbone of our steadfast permanent struggle.

By embodying the mindset of serving the homeland, the ARF youth are able to inspire by way of antsnagan orinag. And by serving by example, the hope remains that the wider community of Armenian youth will become kaghakaganatsadz. In reflecting on U. Mhers inspirational words, my immediate reaction was to think of Armenian advocacy. My advice to Armenian youth answering the call to action, start with the ANC, noted Nairi Diratsouian of the AYF New Jersey Arsen Chapter.

Aram Hamparian spoke on the current situation in Artsakh and ARF political strategy. He powerfully summarized the role of the ARF as an organization that will not bend to the will of any other entity, be it factions of American politics or international alliances such as NATO. His words prompted the ungers to reflect on how, despite constant marginalization, the ARF has always remained firm and loyal to the Armenian nation. He reminded us that as Tashnags, we proudly inconvenience those who seek to destroy Armenia. These words and ideas left the ungers with a feeling of pride knowing that whatever the future holds, the ARF spirit will never be broken.

On the following day, knowledgeable lecturers introduced the final three topics:

Management lead by Taleen Haneshian (Canada) and Louisa Baboyan (Lebanon)-PR and Technology in the political arena by ANCA government affairs director Tereza Yerimyan-The ARF Youth in the Next Five Years, Expectations and Necessities by ARF Bureau member Hovsep Der Kevorkian (France)

Hovsep Der Kevorkian concluded the virtual event with encouraging remarks, reminding ARF youth that planning is the key, but it means nothing if one does not follow up on the plans.

At the end of the seminar, the ungers were given the opportunity to discuss constructive criticism. An overall consensus? The seminar was too short. We need to have more of these worldwide fundamental and leadership seminars, more fruitful discussions, in order to continue to build the strongest ideological foundation for our future generations to come, reflected Galy Jackmakjian of the AYF DC Ani Chapter.

Overall, the participants felt that their desires for abundant discussions around ARF Kaghapar were satiated by the imperative nature of this seminar; however, they yearn for more because seminars like this throw a flammable kindling into the already roaring fires of our passionate ARF youth.

Aram Brunson is a freshman at the University of Chicago from Newton, MA. He is a proud member of the AYF-YOARF Greater Boston Nejdeh Chapter and serves on the AYFs Central Educational Council. In addition, he dances with the Hamazkayin Sardarabad Dance Ensemble and is a member of the Armenian National Committees of Eastern Massachusetts and Illinois.

Kristen Bagdasarian is a sophomore at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. She is studying anthropology and Middle Eastern Studies with a focus on Armenian history.

Nairi Diratsouian is a rising senior at Ramapo College of New Jersey. She is pursuing a degree in psychology with a triple minor in public policy, political science, and crime and justice studies. On campus, Nairi serves as the vice president of the Psychology Affiliation and the Armenian Students Association. Currently, she works as the communications specialist for the ANCA-Eastern Region and serves on the AYF Central Hai Tahd Council as well as the New Jersey Arsen Executive. Nairis passion for her heritage is evident through her participation in the Hamazkayin of New Jersey Nayiri Dance Ensemble, Homenetmen of New Jersey, ARS Shakeh Chapter, ANC of New Jersey and the Hovnanian School Alumni Association.

Galy Jackmakjian has been an active member of the AYF-YOARF Washington DC "Ani" chapter for the past 11 years. She has also served many leadership roles in the HMEM DC chapter throughout her life. Galy is currently serving on AYF Eastern regions Central Armenian Language Council, as language and Armenian preservation are one of her many passions.

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ARF Bureau Youth Leadership Seminar: Lighting the Fires of ARF Youth - Armenian Weekly