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Trumps hypocrisy threatens democracy thats the point of it – The Hill

Over the past week, Donald Trump has shown Americans that, even out of office, he remains this nations Hypocrite-in-Chief.

His performance is a reminder that the term hypocrisy can be traced back to Greek drama, where it was used to refer to the feigning and dissembling of the stage actor.

Trumps most recent feigning and dissembling was apparent in the revelations about the classified documents that he apparently purloined from the White House and kept at Mar-a-Lago, which has received a great deal of press coverage. It was also on full view in his shameless invocation of the 5th Amendment nearly 450 times during a deposition in New York.

What Trump practices and what he preaches have little in common. He feels no compunction about doing the very things that he denounces and uses to demonize his political opponents.

His hypocrisy undermines democracy; it erodes trust and breeds cynicism.

That is the point of Trumps double standards, because he has ridden a wave of cynicism for all of his years in public life.

Lets start with the FBI search at Mar-a-Lago.

Last Thursday The Washington Post reported that the list of items seized by FBI agents during the search included 11 sets of classified documents; four were marked top-secret, three were secret and three were identified as confidential the lowest level of classified information. In addition, Classified documents relating to nuclear weapons were among the items FBI agents sought in a search of former president Donald Trumps Florida residence.

Trump responded to the search by characterizing what the FBI did as an unAmerican, unwarranted and unnecessary raid and break-in of his home.

The former president also took to his social media site to deny that he possessed any nuclear weapons documents. Reprising some of his greatest hits, Trump said: Nuclear weapons is a hoax, just like Russia, Russia, Russia was a hoax.

And in typical Trump-speak, he contradicted his denial by suggesting that it is okay for a former president to possess such documents when he made the false and baseless claim that former President Obama kept millions of pages of documents after he left office, including classified material that pertained to nuclear weapons.

President Barack Hussein Obama kept 33 million pages of documents, much of them classified, Trump wrote. How many of them pertained to nuclear? Word is, lots! That particular fabrication elicited a statement from the National Archives that Obama had done no such thing. And, of course, throughout his 2016 presidential campaign Trump repeatedly harped on Hilary Clintons alleged carelessness in handling classified information.

ABC News reports that in July 2016, Trump tweeted, Crooked Hillary Clinton and her team were extremely careless in their handling of very sensitive, highly classified information. Not fit!

In September 2016, Trump said that, We also need the best protection of classified information. That is the worst situation. Hillarys private email scandal, which put our classified information in the reach of our enemies, disqualifies her from the presidency. Totally.

One wonders if it is simply an irony of history that in 2018 Trump signed a law that increased the criminal penalties for taking classified materials and changed it from a misdemeanor to a felony.

Last Wednesday, in a different display of hypocrisy, the former president invoked his Fifth Amendment right not to testify almost 450 times during a deposition in New York Attorney General Letitia Jamess investigation of the Trump Organizations business practices.

Trump has previously denounced people who take the Fifth. At a July 2016 rally in Iowa, he asked If youre innocent, why are you taking the Fifth Amendment? Another time, he said, Fifth Amendment. Fifth Amendment. Fifth Amendment. Horrible.

And, during a 2016 presidential debate he linked his criticism of Hilary Clintons handling of classified materials and his criticism of people who take the Fifth: When you have your staff taking the Fifth Amendment, taking the Fifth, so theyre not prosecuted,when you have the man that set up the illegal server taking the Fifth,I think its disgraceful.

After his deposition, Trump changed his tune: I once asked, If youre innocent, why are you taking the Fifth Amendment? he wrote. Now I know the answer to that question. When your family, your company, and all the people in your orbit have become the targets of an unfounded, politically motivated Witch Hunt supported by lawyers, prosecutors, and the Fake News Media, you have no choice.

These are just the latest examples of Trumps cynical hypocrisy. It has been a consistent through-line in his political career and his time in the White House.

Some scholars and commentators think that hypocrisy is an inescapable part of politics and that it is mostly quite harmless. As the political theorist Ruth Grant notes, in this view, to condemn hypocrisy would be to condemn politics altogether.

But democratic politics cannot thrive, or perhaps even survive, when hypocrisy becomes the norm. Political scientist John Keane has rightly observed that Hypocrisy is the soil in which antipathy towards democracy always takes root.

Keane argues that democratic politics rests on a foundation of trust among citizens and between citizens and their representatives. Hypocrisy erodes that trust. It leads people to discount what others say in the political arena and promotes a corrosive disgust with politics.

Keane notes that the normalization of hypocrisy will sap peoples confidence, or reinforce their unbelief in democratic ways of being. But for this to happen, people must feel let down or put off by democracy; and that means they must have a gut sense that the gulf between the promises of democracy and its actual performance is so wide that democracy itself is a ruinous sham.

Trumps success in politics has been founded on insinuating that democracy is a ruinous sham, opening a wide field in which Trump should be free to do as he wishes. He has been a master of saying one thing and doing another. He has held up others to ridicule and then done the very things for which he shamed them.

What Hannah Arendt wrote almost 60 years ago seems an apt description of Trump: The hypocrites crime, she said, is that he bears false witness against himself. What makes it so plausible to assume that hypocrisy is the vice of vices is that integrity can indeed exist under the cover of all other vices except this one only the hypocrite is really rotten to the core.

But hypocrisy is most dangerous to democracy when calling out hypocrisy stops mattering.

That is what Trumps hypocrisy seeks to achieve. He wants to rob the exposure of hypocrisy of its bite. He seeks to normalize hypocrisy, to make it seem like a mere tool of political survival in a world dominated by hoaxes, witch hunts, and conspiracies.

Defending democracy requires that we do not give in to that effort.

We must continue to call out hypocrisy and work to convince millions of Americans that they should want more from their leaders than the hypocrites feigning and dissembling.

Democracy requires that citizens expect leaders to tell the truth in public, and not to invent lies in self-defense when their foibles if not their crimes are exposed.

Austin Sarat (@ljstprof) is the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Jurisprudence and Political Science at Amherst College. The views expressed here do not represent Amherst College.

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Trumps hypocrisy threatens democracy thats the point of it - The Hill

Another and Better Way of Promoting Democracy – The Diplomat

The Debate|Opinion

Preaching and pressuring has failed to move the needle. An era of resurgent authoritarianism calls for a new approach.

As Taipei accuses Beijing of trying to take control of the Taiwan Strait in the wake of U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosis controversial visit and the Biden administration continues along with its Western allies in their proxy war against Russia in Ukraine, the global status quo has seemingly and suddenly been upended.

There is little doubt that China and Russia have entered into a new and potentially dangerous period of their relations with the United States. As bilateral ties between Washington, Beijing, andMoscow reach lows not seen since the height of the Cold War, tensions have reached a point where there is a palpable risk of what some have called a new cold war turning inadvertently into direct confrontation.

For now, Washington has primarily responded to these multiple challenges by strengthening its military alliances. The Biden administration is working with its long-standing allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region, including Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India to bolster military cooperation as a means of countering China. At the same time, Western allies are spearheading the strengthening of NATO and providing direct military aid to Ukraine in a bid to turn the tables on Moscow in a conflict that has destabilized the entire European subcontinent.

Bidens foreign policy team understands that these challenges require more than just military-type responses. While Washington has imposed economic sanctions on Russia in its bid to punish Putin, it has also stepped up to the even more daunting task of countering Chinas influence in the developing world, most recently by initiating the Build Back Better World.

Get briefed on the story of the week, and developing stories to watch across the Asia-Pacific.

Launched during last years G-7 Summit in Cornwall, England, Build Back Better World is a global infrastructure financing scheme meant to compete directly with Chinas Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a trillion-dollar initiative under which nearly 150 countries have signed up for and has been a centerpiece of Chinas foreign policy since its launch in 2013.

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Yet in spite of Washingtons efforts to push Russia out of Ukraine and counter a rising China, one cant help but notice that most developing countries have decided to steer clear of supporting Americas economic sanctions against Russia or taking a clear stance on the Taiwan issue.

In some cases, countries have even supported Russia and have been careful not to criticize China over its recent incursions into Taiwanese waters and airspace. One of the underlying reasons for this behavior is purely pragmatic: most developing countries dont want to be seen taking sides with the U.S. in superpower rivalries, mostly out of the fear they would be punished by either Moscow or Beijing through economic sanctions for doing so.

But there is another factor driving such reticence, one that is often overlooked. Democracy has been in a global recession for most of the last decade, and as more and more illiberal leaders have come to power there has been a widening circle of ties between authoritarian states.

Hence the challenge that the U.S. faces when trying to build stronger and larger alliances against the likes of China and Russia. The Biden administration understands this constraint, which also explains why Washington is rolling out pro-democracy initiatives in regions such as Africa where, for example, American policymakers are promoting democratic governance through what they are describing as a targeted mix of positive inducements and punitive measures such as sanctions.

Unfortunately, a carrot and stick approach in attempts to forge more open societies is not likely to be effective and sometimes could prove in the end to be counterproductive. Illiberal leaders, authoritarians, and military juntas dont want to be told how to run their countries and will not take it lightly if America tries to induce them into enacting democratic reforms. By doing so, Washington faces the risk of alienating leaders and pushing them even closer to Moscow and Beijing.

A better and more nuanced approach to promoting democracy would be not to preach to or punish politicians, but rather to engage directly with pro-democracy leaders and activists. Often Washington forgets that where countries are governed by non-democratic politicians there are bound to be civil society leaders and opposition figures fighting for change. These are Americas best friends on the ground, and if the Biden administration is serious about promoting democracy then it should invite them for high-level meetings in Washington. Invariably a handshake here and a hug there from U.S. officials would send clear and strong signals of support that would also resonate back in the home countries of pro-democracy leaders. In essence, it would be saying to wayward leaders that while Washington may still do business with them, it does not mean that it totally supports their being in power.

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Another and Better Way of Promoting Democracy - The Diplomat

Letter: Roe v Wade reversal was democracy in action – Daily Reflector

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Letter: Roe v Wade reversal was democracy in action - Daily Reflector

How much time will we invest in democracy? | Opinion – NJ.com

In recent years there has been a lot of speculation about democracy and our system of government. Much of it centers on whether our system can survive and whether or not were ripe for being taken over by some kind of strong-arm dictator type. Given what weve seen the last few years and how some people have acted, there is reason for worry and concern.

I have this view because democracys underlying working assumption is that we, the people will do our part. I dont just mean showing up and voting, although that is a good place to start, but doing the mental and intellectual work required to allow democracy to function. The simple question to be answered is: How much time and effort are we willing to give to democracy?

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For many, the time theyre willing to give is confined to voting. Much like C and E Christians those for whom religion means popping into church on Christmas and Easter their involvement is basically limited to every four years when a presidential election comes along. Others might participate a bit more frequently, in mid-term and gubernatorial elections. An even smaller subset of people will turn out to vote in local elections.

Participation through voting, however often one exercises that right, is the minimum we should expect from ourselves and our fellow citizens. Even this basic expectation comes with conditions. For example, you often hear people say, either with pride or contempt, that theyre not going to vote because they dont like any of the candidates as if elections were beauty contests. Others dismiss the whole thing out of hand by claiming Theyre all crooks.

There certainly have been crooks at all levels of government and there will be more in the future, but there are also some incredibly smart and hard-working people trying to accomplish important things. This is always difficult and time consuming in a democracy.

I wonder if it ever occurs to those who dismiss the system as rigged or who scorn everyone in office as crooked that things might get better if they, themselves, invested more time participating in our democracy. I have to believe that these are honest people, folks with integrity, who have to know it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy if they leave the playing field all to the crooks.

I would also suggest that beyond the simple act of voting, people who do so should have a basic working knowledge and awareness of the issues at hand. Without that, a voter cant evaluate effectively the plans and intentions of those seeking office and thus, no way to hold accountable those who are elected. Whats left becomes a personality contest, and the choices are the equivalent of voting for a brand: Are you a Chevy guy or a Ford guy?

Of all the levels of government, local government is the one that is most neglected and least likely to prompt public engagement. Its obvious that only a fraction of eligible voters show up when a municipal election tops a ballot. Yet, much of what occurs in local government has a direct and daily impact on peoples lives.

Beyond that, its also extremely difficult and frustrating to get people to serve on various boards and commissions that exercise power outside a towns main governing body. This occurs with zoning boards, planning boards and library boards, to name a few. For better or worse, some real governing takes place on these local bodies. Its hard to find appointees, who, once they agree to serve, will faithfully attend meetings, take time to become informed on the subject matter at hand, and render decisions for their fellow citizens. The criteria for board members has to be more than simply being able to fog up a mirror.

We are blessed to have the system we have; it didnt just drop out of the sky. We ask a lot of our system, that it give us freedom and power and equality and a voice and choices. Yet, how much time are we willing to give to democracy?

Albert B. Kelly is mayor of Bridgeton. Contact him by phone at 856-455-3230 Ext. 200.

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How much time will we invest in democracy? | Opinion - NJ.com

Salman Rushdies grave fears for Indian democracy published in PEN anthology – The Guardian

Salman Rushdie signed a letter expressing grave concerns about the rapidly worsening situation for human rights in India and contributed a short piece to a collection about India at 75 before he was stabbed on stage at an event in New York.

The writer was one of 102 signatories to the PEN America letter to Droupadi Murmu, who has served as Indias president since July. The letter, dated 14 August, was sent to coincide with the 75th anniversary on 15 August of Indias independence from British rule.

The letter says: We write to express our grave concern regarding the myriad threats to free expression and other core rights that have been building steadily in recent years, since the Bharatiya Janata party-led government has come to power.

We urge you to support the democratic ideals promoting and protecting free expression in the spirit of Indias independence, and restore Indias reputation as an inclusive, secular, multi-ethnic and -religious democracy where writers can express dissenting or critical views without threat of detention, investigation, physical attacks or retaliation.

Other writers who signed the letter include Ayad Akhtar, Kiran Desai, JM Coetzee, Elif Shafak, Colm Tibn and Anne Tyler.

Rushdie, who was born in India, remains in hospital after Fridays attack at a literary festival, but has been removed from a ventilator. The man suspected of attacking him, Hadi Matar, pleaded not guilty at the weekend to charges of attempted murder and assault at a brief court appearance where he was denied bail.

In addition to signing the letter, Rushdie also contributed to PEN Americas India at 75, a collection of short writings by authors from India and the Indian diaspora. The collection asked writers to express what they felt in response to an acceleration of threats against free speech, academic freedom and digital rights, and an uptick in online trolling and harassment since the 2014 Indian election.

The collection records ideas of what India was and ought to be, and what it has become.

Rushdies contribution was written before the attack on him, said PEN America.

In the short piece, Rushdie reflects on the collective history of Hindustan Humara, translated as our India, when we celebrated one anothers festivals, and believed, or almost believed, that all of the lands multifariousness belonged to all of us.

But, he goes on to write, that dream of fellowship and liberty is dead, or close to death and, calling on imagery from JRR Tolkiens The Lord of the Rings, the Ruling Ring one might say has been forged in the fire of an Indian Mount Doom.

Other writers in the India at 75 collection include Angela Saini, Hari Kunzru and Preti Taneja.

Then, in the First Age of Hindustan Hamara, our India, we celebrated one anothers festivals, and believed, or almost believed, that all of the lands multifariousness belonged to all of us. Now that dream of fellowship and liberty is dead, or close to death. A shadow lies upon the country we loved so deeply. Hindustan isnt hamara any more. The Ruling Ring one might say has been forged in the fire of an Indian Mount Doom. Can any new fellowship be created to stand against it?

Salman Rushdie was born in Bombay and lives in New York. He is the author of 20 books, including Midnights Children. His many international honours include the Booker Prize, the Best of Booker Prize, Companion of honor (UK), PEN Pinter prize, PEN/Allen lifetime achievement award (US), and EUs Aristeion prize, among others.

Because I was born and raised outside of India, India, in its absence, took on even greater significance in my mind. I grew up with parents who, in missing India, sought out other Indians, and so my notion of an Indian community was always diverse. When they invited other Indian families to our home, in the small Rhode Island town where I was raised, I realised that India was an elastic container of individuals who spoke, ate, dressed, and prayed in different ways. These differences did not enrich an otherwise homogeneous India; they were India. In that sense, India seemed light years ahead of the United States, which was a melting pot in name but alienating and provincial in practice, at least from my perspective. Visits to Kolkata, a city that, as my mother liked to point out, welcomed all of Indias populations, only confirmed my perception that Indias relationship with the Other was built into its very fabric. The plurilingual aspect of India, in particular, both inspired and consoled me, for it insisted on the need for ongoing communication and translation. The co-existence of more than one language generates curiosity, calls for interpretation, and subverts any notion of absolute power. Unravel certain threads, or snip some strands away, and the conversation is lost; we are left with a frayed society, with imposed silence, with banal and baleful notions of nationhood.

Jhumpa Lahiri was born in London and grew up in the US to Bengali parents. She won the Pulitzer prize for her debut short story collection, Interpreter of Maladies, and is the author of three novels, including, most recently, Whereabouts, and two collections of short stories. She writes in English and Italian.

Earthworms in Masks

The time was my childhood. Till recently it did not feel so very long ago, but, suddenly now, it does. Not because I have come a long way but because I feel I might be near the end!

In that childhood would come a rare sound, a whirring, in the skies, in those days quite blue still. We would rush outdoors and look up. A machine with wings, flying far far above, flying far far away. To lands remote. To lands longed for. To lands never to be reached.

Hawaijahaz hawaijahaz, we children would shout.

It was no whirring. It was stirring of our dreams and longings.

Today. A whirr in the skies. The whirring as rare as in my childhood. The skies as blue. I dont rush out but go with some weariness to the window, or to the balcony, my access to the outside during lockdown. I look up, a wee bit sadly, longing somewhat still, but dreams feeling a bit quashed. It is the same machine with wings, flying far far above, flying far far away, to places which had all come in my reach, but, may have gone out of my reach forever and ever.

There was magic when the horizon was far. Possibilities were the stuff of dreams.

But man was fast and confident and driven. He forged ahead. Became too fast, overconfident, ruthlessly ambitious.

The collateral effects were to my pleasure. I got on to planes and crossed the horizon. I wandered in unknown lands. Dreams became reality.

Everything became possible. Everything opened up. Everything lay under me. The trees of my childhood which gave shade to my house were now trees over which my house in a multistorey towered.

Man, the master of all, friend to none.

In the market. In global competition. In barrier-crossing. In the country, in the countryside, in the centre, in the margins, in the skies and the waters and ready to be so in space too.

We shook up everything and felt good about it. I did too as I am the collateral beneficiary of this glittery, overhyped, overactive world. Ever increasing our pace.

But shaking up everything meant Everything moved.

That Everything was alive. We were not making an inanimate world move. We were shaking up the Animate. Earth. Air. Water. Planets. Mountains. Worms.

Warnings came. Everything is shaking and us too with it and it will speed up. Speed thrills but also kills. But we believed in our immortality.

It struck. The virus.

In a flood a scorpion climbed up a swimmers shoulder and was being safely ferried across. Midway it stung its saviour, the very being saving it. But the scorpion was innocent. Stinging was its Dharma.

So too the virus. It was merely fulfilling its Dharma to leap borders and infect bodies.

Innocent.

But man? His Dharma?

And what of me, willy-nilly part of that erring man?

How now and how much to slow down after getting addicted to speed? After flying galore, rending apart the atmosphere, how, and how much, to fold up my wings?

The world had to run at our behest. We were not going to be dictated by a virus. We planned on gagging others, not ourselves.

So are we the aliens and robots we thought we will make of you and control? Hey you, in front of me, behind that mask and in that three piece protective suit, are you human? Am I? No smile. No hug, kiss, touch, love!

Move over humans, for the aliens and the Robots are upon us and are we them!

I was sure I will escape even if you cant!

There was this earthworm which raised its head from the mud and stared at the disaster all around. He saw another earthworm doing the same. And said to the other you stay stuck here, I am leaving for happier pastures.

At which the second earthworm replied idiot, we are linked, I am your other end! Where I stay there you do too, where you go there go I. But where is there to go?

Here, he said, as if resolving anything, take this mask!

So no place to go and anyway planes are not flying and when they do it is not safe and us a bunch of earthworms, some heads, some tails, all in the same mess of overkill and overreach. In masks.

That was then. Indeed planes are flying again and there we are flying in them as jubilantly as before. No slowing down, no reflecting on lessons to be learned, improving the world, we confidently believe again.

Gandhi was not such a madman after all!

Geetanjali Shree lives in Delhi and writes in Hindi. She wrote this piece in Hindi and translated it. She is the author of five novels, including Ret Samadhi (Tomb of Sand, translated by Daisy Rockwell) which won the International Booker prize in 2022. She has also written five collections of short stories. She is one of the founding members of a theatre group, Vivadi.

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Salman Rushdies grave fears for Indian democracy published in PEN anthology - The Guardian