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In the dynamic world of social media, the winds of change are blowing once again, this time from an unexpected direction. Twitter, the troubled microblogging platform, is on the cusp of a transformation, and at the helm are two visionaries: Elon Musk, the tech mogul known for pushing boundaries, and Linda Yaccarino, an advertising powerhouse with a reputation for navigating change.

As Twitter embarks on a transformative journey, lets delve into the implications of this leadership transition and what it means for the future of the platform.

Twitter, under Musk, has always been a platform in flux. However, this latest leadership change hints at something more profound than ever before. Musk, retaining the roles of CTO and executive chairman, plans to oversee a transformation that could change the social media landscape.

The incoming CEO, Linda Yaccarino, is no stranger to upheaval. A veteran of the advertising industry, she has witnessed the evolution of media first-hand. Yet, this new challenge could be her most formidable yet. Shes not just dealing with a change of leadership, but a change of direction.

Musks fondness for digital currencies is well-documented, and his vision for Twitter suggests a fusion between social media and crypto is imminent. His proposed everything app, cryptically named X, aims to blend social interaction and financial transactions.

The integration of Dogecoin, Bitcoin, or Shiba Inu into Twitters infrastructure could be transformative, altering the platforms user base and business model. Even more intriguing, the prospect of Twitter launching its own cryptocurrency is not outside the realm of possibility.

Linda Yaccarino, a name thats about to become a household one, stands at the precipice of a transformation. As the newly announced CEO of Twitter, she must navigate the shift to a crypto-centric platform. But who is she, and why has she been chosen to steer this ship through potentially stormy waters?

With a career spanning over three decades, Yaccarino is a veteran of the world of media and advertising. Before her appointment at Twitter, she held the position of Chairman of Advertising and Partnerships at NBCUniversal.

There, she oversaw some $10 billion in annual revenue and was responsible for national advertising sales and marketing for the companys portfolio of broadcast, cable, and digital assets.

Her expertise in the advertising industry is solid. Shes known for her ability to anticipate market trends, leverage new technologies, and forge strategic partnerships, leading NBCUniversal to record profits during her tenure.

Taking the helm at Twitter, however, means facing challenges unlike any she has encountered before. Yaccarino must not only manage the expectations and uncertainties of millions of users worldwide but also navigate the pitfalls and volatility of the crypto market.

Its a delicate balancing act, ensuring a seamless transition into a crypto-centric Twitter while retaining user trust and satisfaction. Dealing with the loose cannon that is Elon Musk represents a unique challenge as well.

Moreover, Yaccarino will need to liaise between various stakeholders, including advertisers, users, employees, and regulators. Each group will have their own perspectives and concerns about the transformation of Twitter. Managing these diverse interests will test Yaccarinos diplomatic and leadership skills.

However, if theres one thing Yaccarinos career has shown, its that shes adept at managing change. Her ability to guide Twitter through this transition could redefine the companys future trajectory.

Transitioning from Yaccarinos role at Twitter, lets delve into a real-world application that could serve as a blueprint for Musks vision. Its time to turn our attention eastward, to a juggernaut in the Chinese tech landscape, to better understand what Twitter might be aspiring to become.

WeChat, developed by Chinas tech titan Tencent, has revolutionized the concept of a mobile application. Often dubbed the super app, WeChat defies the traditional app boundaries, offering a suite of services that cater to almost every aspect of daily life.

From messaging and social media to payments, shopping, and even booking doctors appointments, WeChat serves as a one-stop digital hub for its over a billion users. Its integrated payment system, WeChat Pay, has transformed China into a nearly cashless society, making it an integral part of daily transactions.

Looking at Musks vision for Twitter, parallels can be drawn. The proposed X project embodies the same ethos as WeChatan all-encompassing platform. Musks plans to integrate cryptocurrency transactions could turn Twitter from a microblogging site into a full-blown communication and financial platform.

However, there are crucial differences. While WeChat primarily uses traditional fiat currencies for its transactions, Musks vision leans towards cryptocurrencies. This pivot could offer benefits such as decentralization and global accessibility but also brings its own set of challenges including price volatility and regulatory hurdles.

Furthermore, Twitters user base is fundamentally different. WeChats success hinges on its ubiquity in China, where it caters to a vast array of local services. On the other hand, Twitter has a more global and diverse audience with different expectations and needs.

Ultimately, while Musks vision of an everything app echoes WeChats model, the execution and reception of such a transformation would be uniquely influenced by Twitters existing audience, the global crypto landscape, and the regulatory environments of the countries in which it operates.

If realized, Musks vision could transform Twitter into a digital ecosystem impacting users lives. You might log into a global news feed, crypto-powered financial tools, and purchasable NFTs from influencers. Twitter spaces could become monetized with crypto, incentivizing interactions.

Amid these potential features, one could also envision a more personalized and engaging user experience. Your Twitter feed could be populated by not only text-based tweets but also richer forms of content such as mini podcasts, interactive polls, and augmented reality experiences.

The integration of cryptocurrencies might also mean that users from around the globe, even those without access to traditional banking systems, could participate in this new economy. This could democratize access to financial tools, aligning with the ethos of decentralization that cryptocurrencies embody.

However, this vision of a transformed Twitter is not without caveats. To successfully transform, Twitter must address issues of privacy, data security, and the volatility of cryptocurrencies. Furthermore, as weve seen with WeChat, the success of an everything app could depend heavily on the regulatory and cultural contexts in which it operates.

Twitter, once a simple platform for microblogging, now rests on the cusp of a radical transformation. Elon Musks vision of a crypto-centric, everything app promises a future where communication, finance, and everyday life converge in a single digital space. If successful, Twitter could redefine what it means to be a social media platform, setting a precedent for others to follow.

However, realizing this vision wont be simple. The appointment of Yaccarino, an accomplished advertising executive, as CEO signals a commitment to navigating the transition. Yet, the road ahead is fraught with pitfalls, including market volatility, user acceptance, and regulatory hurdles.

WeChats super app model hints at Twitters future, though unique global challenges await. Musks vision for Twitter could yield an engaging, empowering digital ecosystem through diverse financial tools and democratized access.

Yet, with the potential benefits come serious risks. As Twitter embarks on this journey of transformation, it will need to address pressing concerns including privacy, data security, and the inherent instability of cryptocurrencies.

Twitter stands at a crossroads, poised between tremendous opportunity and significant risk. The decisions of its leadership in the coming months will shape not only the future of Twitter. But potentially the landscape of social media as a whole.

As we watch this space, one thing is certain: the journey promises to be as intriguing as the destination.

Following the Trust Project guidelines, this feature article presents opinions and perspectives from industry experts or individuals. BeInCrypto is dedicated to transparent reporting, but the views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of BeInCrypto or its staff. Readers should verify information independently and consult with a professional before making decisions based on this content.

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Twitter Transformation: Cryptocurrency and Future Prospects - BeInCrypto

In the 14 months since Russia invaded Ukraine, analysts have expressed recurring doubts about the strength of Europes commitments to Kyiv. Through much of 2022, many noted that Germany dragged its feet in supplying arms to Ukrainian forces and took months to come around on tanks. Others have worried that some European countries facing rising energy costs and other economic stresses would curtail their support and press for a negotiated peace with Moscow. Even now, despite a steady flow of weapons and aid to Ukraine, some commentators have suggested that Russian President Vladimir Putin may be calculating that Europe is wavering and that he can simply outlast Kyivs Western partners.

But by focusing on weapons and aid, such assessments overlook the full extent of European efforts in Ukraine. The United States deservedly gets credit for providing about half the $156 billion in economic, humanitarian, and military aid that Ukraine received in the first 12 months of the conflict. Yet aid and equipment, though important, are not sufficient to account for Ukraines success on the battlefield: much has depended on the quality and training of Ukrainian forces. And in this regard, Europe has been able to play an especially crucial role. In 2022, for instance, the United Kingdom trained about 10,000 Ukrainian soldiers, whereas the United States trained only about 3,100. And with the exception of Austria, every country in the EU, and even Switzerland, has provided some form of lethal or nonlethal aid and training to the Ukrainian military since the war started.

In fact, these European efforts build on training and advising programs that NATO countries provided to Ukraine before the war started: between 2014 and 2022, Canada, Lithuania, Poland, the United Kingdom, and the United Statesalong with a dozen other Western countriestrained and advised Ukrainian forces on a variety of skills, from combat leadership to operational planning. NATO advisers also helped build Ukrainian special forces to meet NATO standards. These initiatives paid off: in contrast to 2014, when they were disorganized and lacked up-to-date training to counter Russias seizure of Crimea and initial war in the Donbas, Ukrainian forces successfully thwarted Russias 2022 invasion and have since defended much of Ukrainian territory. In doing so, they have used irregular warfare tactics absorbed from Western advisers to stop Russian forces on the road to Kyiv as well as more conventional tactics based on military strength and discipline to halt Russias offensive in the eastern part of the country.

But training is a continuous process and will become even more important the longer the war continues. Ukraine needs more new recruits and specialized training in the advanced weapons systems it is receiving from the West. To improve the odds of success in its upcoming spring offensive, it also needs expertise in coordinating large masses of forces and firepower in what is known as combined arms maneuver. Scaling up training from the level of squads to platoons, companies, and eventually battalions will give Ukrainian forces the agility and speed they need to overcome Russias preferred war of attrition and to recapture Russian-occupied territory.

With its geographic proximity, Europe is ideally positioned to provide this support. Since Russias invasion, and without any U.S. involvement, European countries have been hosting and providing all basic combat training for new Ukrainian recruitsconverting civilians into capable soldiers in a five-week training course. Additionally, many European countries are providing specialized training in weaponry such as Leopard tanks and air defense systems and are currently supplying about half the more advanced training needed for larger Ukrainian formations to learn and master maneuver warfare. Even more than arms and ammunition, Ukraines offensive to push Russia out of its territory will depend on training. To better grasp the challenges Ukraine faces and the ways that Europe in particular can help meet them, it is crucial to recognize this important dimension of the war effort and how it is being addressed today.

After more than a year of hard fighting, maintaining force quality has become a key challenge for Ukraine. Any military that is engaged in intense combat over a prolonged period will experience a drop in combat effectiveness as experienced soldiers are lost and replaced with fresh recruits. More than 120,000 of Ukraines professional, well-trained forces were killed or wounded over the last year, and their replacements include large numbers of mobilized citizen-soldiers who have little or no combat experience. Such a decline in skills and expertise is to be expected and is also affecting Russia, whose military has suffered over 200,000 casualties and is filled with mobilized soldiers and recruits from prisons who have little desire to fight and die in Ukraine.

Nevertheless, Kyiv cannot simply hope that Russia, with a population more than three times larger, will see its forces degrade faster than Ukraines. To defend its own positions and reclaim territory from Russia, Ukraine must continue to train large numbers of citizen-soldiers, many of whom lack basic skills, such as how to shoot, move, communicate, and provide combat medicine. The Ukrainian government has set out to train 6,000 new soldiers a montha difficult task given the countrys severely stretched resources and struggle for survival.

To help Ukraine meet this goal, European countries are providing crucial support. Our interviews with Ukrainian and NATO personnel indicate that trainers from NATO countries have been able to get around 2,500 new Ukrainian soldiers through basic combat training each monthshort of Kyivs target but still an important contribution. Known as Operation Interflex, this program started in June 2022 and has been led by the United Kingdom with the assistance of army trainers from Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, Lithuania, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden.

Training takes place at four sites and is an extension of the training that was provided by the United Kingdom and its NATO allies before 2022. It is tailored to what the Ukrainian armed forces consider useful in view of actual conditions on the battlefield in eastern Ukraine. The reliance on army trainers from European countries and their partners in the Indo-Pacific has been vital to demonstrating multilateral support for Ukraine and combating Russian narratives about the wars being fueled by the United States and NATO. Along with basic training, Ukrainian recruits who complete the program are given gear such as uniforms, helmets, vests, first-aid kits, and cold- and wet-weather clothing. Alongside this effort, Germany, Latvia, Slovakia, and Spain have also provided training to smaller groups of Ukrainian soldiers, around 200 per month.

European countries are providing all of Ukraines basic combat training.

Even battle-hardened Ukrainian soldiers need training in using and maintaining the large variety of weapons systems now being provided by the West. Since the early months of the war, Ukraine has relied on military equipment from a variety of Western and unaligned donors to replenish its existing stockpiles and equip the new units it is building to prepare for counteroffensive operations. Some Western weapons systems, such as Javelin and NLAW antitank missiles, have been easy to integrate into Ukrainian operations because they are easy to use or already familiar to Ukrainian soldiers. But many other kinds of non-Soviet weapons and equipmentincluding artillery, air defense systems, and the German Leopard 2 and British Challenger 2 tanksare new to Ukrainian soldiers and require advanced training to master.

In fact, European countries have another advantage in leading this training effort: they are familiar with a wider variety of equipment and weapons systems than their counterparts in the United States. Although the United States is the biggest donor in terms of the volume of aid, European countries provide a wider array of weapons systems, ammunition, and equipment to Ukraine. Take artillery shells: the United States provides substantial numbers of 120-millimeter mortar shells and 105-millimeter artillery shells compatible with the U.S. weapons sent to Ukraine, but European donors have been providing dozens of other kinds of shells to supply the large variety of guns in Ukraines arsenal. Several European countries, such as Slovakia, are scaling up production of 155-millimeter artillery shells fivefold to meet Ukrainian demands.

According to interviews with Ukrainian troops in February 2023, over half the artillery and mortar systems they have been using were donated by European countries, Australia, and Canada. Because of its proximity to Ukraine, Poland is also taking a lead role in maintaining and fixing numerous Western and Soviet legacy weapons systems that Ukraine trucks across the border when they break down. In March, the European Union collectively agreed to refund member countries that are sending a combined one million artillery rounds from their own stockpiles to Ukraine, with plans for a $1 billion joint munition procurement to further support the country.

Given the broad range of weapons and artillery they work with, European donors are best suited to train Ukrainians on these systems. Indeed, according to interviews, European countries are now providing the majority of training for specialized weapons systems. For example, at sites across Poland, Ukrainian tank crews are learning how to use Leopard tanks with the assistance of Canadian, Polish, and Norwegian trainers. Europe has also played a lead role in enhancing Ukraines air defense capabilities. Germany is training Ukrainian forces on their own territory on the IRIS-T advanced air defense systems and Gepard antiaircraft guns; France and Italy have been introducing them to the Aster 30 SAMP/T air defense system. Such an emphasis on air defense training is crucial to Ukraines ability to protect its infrastructure and civilians. Still, Ukraine will need more of these European air defense systems by the end of the summer, given Russias use of Iranian drones and ballistic and hypersonic missiles to cause collateral damage throughout the country.

European contributions have not been limited to training Ukrainian forces in new weapons systems. For one thing, Europe has provided crucial help in integrating newly trained units into Ukraines existing forces and in preparing Ukraine for complex combined-arms operations. Once individual soldiers are trained, they need to be integrated into the company- and battalion-size units to which they are assigned. To be able to orchestrate effective defensive and offensive operations, such units must quickly learn to coordinate with one another. Ukraines much-anticipated spring offensive to reclaim its territories in the south and east will require even more advanced coordination, involving armor, artillery, reconnaissance, and airpower, in combined arms maneuver warfare. Planning and executing such operations in line with NATO principles will be crucial for Ukraine to gain the full potential of the advanced weaponry it is receiving from Europe and puncture Russian lines and trenches.

Certainly, the United States has played a significant part in this effort. At present, U.S. trainers are providing around half the combined arms training to Ukraine at the Grafenwhr training area in Germany. But Poland and many other European countries have been especially crucial. For example, the European Union Military Assistance Mission to support Ukraine was established in November 2022 with the support of 24 countries. It will train 15,000 Ukrainians over the course of two years in activities ranging from basic training to advanced and more specialized military capabilities such as demining, junior leadership, logistics, and communication. Allowing many European countries to train smaller, company-size Ukrainian units in combined arms maneuver, this initiative will enhance Ukraines fighting capabilities and reinforce European unity against Russian aggression.

Europe is providing weapons that the United States is hesitant to send.

European countries have also taken the lead in providing weapons that the United States has been hesitant to send, such as MiG-29 fighter aircraft from Poland and Slovakia. Even the transfer of main battle tanks to Ukraine, agreed to in January by the United States and many of its European allies, was a European rather than a U.S. initiative. The agreement was reached only after the United Kingdom first pledged Challenger tanks and Poland, along with 11 European countries and Canada, made a similar pledge of Leopard tanks and pressured Germany to permit their export to Ukraine. In the end, Germany consented to the Leopard exports after the United States agreed to contribute Abrams tanks. But that U.S. contribution was largely symbolic, at least in the short term: Ukraine will receive almost 300 Western battle tanks with modern targeting and optical kits before its spring offensive, but none of them will be Abrams tanks, which will not arrive until later in the year.

Such European initiative and resolve may prove even more crucial in the months to come as countries such as Finland, France, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom consider providing fourth-generation fighter aircraft and fighter pilot training to Ukraine. So far, the United States has not yet agreed to train Ukrainians to fly F-16s. It seems plausible that the United States will agree to have European countries provide advanced fighter aircraft on their own to avoid the escalation concerns raised by some in Washington.

In contrast to the narrative of European wavering on Ukraine, the EU and NATO have displayed a remarkable degree of unity throughout the war. Moreover, this united front has been bottom-updriven by individual countries stepping forward to offer training, equipment, and other supportrather than imposed by the United States. Most important, although this multifaceted assistance has received less attention among analysts in Washington, it reflects genuine public support in Europe for Ukraine. Polling of NATO member states in November 2022 showed that around 64 percent of respondents believed that Russias invasion of Ukraine has threatened their security and that 69 percent thought their country should continue to provide aid to Ukraine. Across Europe, civil society groups and nongovernmental organizations have responded to Russian aggression with their own informal assistance to Ukraine, countering Russian disinformation while crowdsourcing weapons and military aid and providing humanitarian training.

When it comes to training Ukrainian forces, European countries are shouldering a much larger burden than the United States despite the high costs and impacts to their own military preparedness. The British military is sacrificing a substantial portion of its own military readiness by training and equipping Ukrainians instead of their own soldiers. The combined arms training the United States is providing at several bases in Germany comes at a far lower impact to the U.S. military, given its size and the significant U.S. resources that are present in Europe. Indeed, the United States should do more to help Ukraine train its military and maintain consistent force quality.

An area of particular need is the development of company-grade officers and midlevel sergeants. Ensuring the continued quality of Ukraines junior military officers will be essential to maintaining the good battlefield decision-making that has been crucial to Ukraines success thus far. Since European countries are already doing so much to train Ukrainians, this is one area in which the United States, with its combat experience and resources, could take the lead.

Training takes weeks and months to deliver results, and Ukraines Western allies cannot afford to wait until new needs emerge in Kyiv. Up to now, Europe has helped give Ukraine a crucial edge in force quality through its extensive training efforts. But the United States and its European allies should immediately begin planning to sustain Ukrainian combat effectiveness with extra reserve forces over a potentially long counteroffensive. Greater U.S. support would help increase the volume of training and maintain the resolve of European providers if their efforts failed to materialize into quick Ukrainian gains on the battlefield. The willingness of European countries to put significant resources on the lineeven in areas where the United States is doing comparatively littlehas become increasingly vital to Ukraines defense and will be crucial to its continued success.

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Ukraine's Hidden Advantage: How European Trainers Have Transformed Kyiv's Army and Changed the War - Foreign Affairs Magazine

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Cosmos uses a unique Cosmos Hub technology to enable interoperability. The Cosmos Hub is a central clearinghouse, allowing for seamless communication between blockchains. With Cosmos, blockchains can be built independently, but they can still communicate with each other, making it easier for developers to build decentralised applications that can work across multiple blockchains.

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Thank you for taking the time to read this article. Do remember to come back and check The Euro Weekly News website for all your up-to-date local and international news stories and remember, you can also follow us on Facebook and Instagram.

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DogeMiyagi, Avalanche and Cosmos: New Crypto coins setting new ... - Euro Weekly News

The United Statesneeds detente with China to deescalate the danger of an armed conflict over Taiwan, losing control of maritime routes through theSouth China Seaand other potential Pacific region hotspots.

China wont indefinitely accept a subordinate status to the West across leading-edge technologies. China already is out in front inbattery technology, for example, but it will always need the West.

Neither China, the U.S., the EU nor Japan have large enough domestic markets to support the scale in R&D or monopoly on engineering talent to accomplish across-the-board technological dominance. Consider the multinational character ofsemiconductorsupply chainsand recentU.S. breakthroughsin battery technology.

Chinas economy is too dependent on trade andits navy too formidableto beconfined within the First Island Chainrunning from Kuril Islands through Japan, Taiwan, the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam.

Taiwan carries strategic status as the manufacturer ofmore than 90% of the worlds most advanced computer chips. Capturing Taiwan would givethe Chinese Navy a base of operations to push the overstretched U.S. Navy into subordinate status in the Western Pacific. China then would control the vital maritime lanes from Asia to the U.S. West Coast.

Maintaining Taiwans de facto independence is essential to American interests. Deterring an invasion from China will require arming Taiwan withthe most sophisticated weaponsand not permittingBeijing to become more confident by allowing Russia to defeat Ukraine.

The losses Russian forces are taking in the Ukraine should give Chinas President Xi Jinping some pause, but the outcome is critical. Even if Russia manages to hold on to a piece of Ukraine in addition to Crimea, NATO has beenhardened andexpanded. Chinese provocations are causing asimilar shoringup ofU.S defense arrangementsin the Pacific.

Thelong-term prospects for the Russian economy are poor, with its exodus of talent, closure of traditional markets for its oil and gas, and limited access to Western technology. Western sanctions and Ukrainian valor have forced Russia intodependencyon China to sustain its economy and war effort.

But China needs good relations with Europe and a better image there. WithAmericans tightening controls on Chinas access to U.S. technologyandlobbying allies to do the same, Xi must cultivate Europe to assure continued access to western knowhow and broad foreign markets.

Yet significant majorities in Germany, France and most of Europe view China unfavorably. Consequently, Xi should see advantage in pressuring Russias President Vladimir Putin to deal. At the conclusion of his April meetings with Xi, French President Emmanuel Macron said,I know I can count on you to bring Russia back to reason and bring everybody to the negotiating table.His criticsnotwithstanding, Macron may be spot on.

Accessing Chinas leverage with Russia by bringing it into a five-sided process the United States, Europe, U.K., Russia and the Ukraine would permit Beijing to buff its global image by playing a constructive role in a high-stakes European security issue.

With the war in Ukraine resolved, the United States could then devote more resources to the Pacific and would be in a stronger position to negotiate with China to deescalate tensions.A deal would be terribly difficult neither side is about to give up Taiwan but both sides could accept naval parity and agree to curb their arms race.

PeterMoriciis an economist and emeritus business professor at the University of Maryland, and a national columnist.

More: Biden must bring Americas cold war with China to an end

Also read: U.S. and China are on a collision course that could heat up their cold war

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Giving China tools to bring peace to Ukraine can defuse the cold war over Taiwan - MarketWatch

Fighting is raging and Kyiv is relentlessly pressing its allies for more military hardware.

But has Ukraine's long-promised counter offensive against the Russian invasion actually begun?

Analysts say Ukraine has stepped up its activity along the front line, seeking notably to pin Russia down and inflict maximum casualties around the flashpoint town of Bakhmut.

Meanwhile, President Volodymyr Zelensky has been on a whistlestop tour of European allies, winning pledges from Britain, France and Germany of increased military support while insisting Kyiv needs more.

Western capitals are eager to see the offensive start, in the hope Ukraine can make gains, force Russia to the negotiating table on Kyiv's terms and open a path to ending the conflict.

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Ukraine is seeking to take back control of territory occupied by Russian forces in the wake of the February 2022 invasion and also areas, including Crimea and parts of the Donbas, seized by Russia in 2014.

The battle for Bakhmut in eastern Ukraine has turned into the longest standoff since the Russian invasion.

Ukraine is now saying it is advancing in the area, retaking Russian positions in Bakhmut's suburbs.

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"I lean towards the interpretation that Ukraine is fixing Russian forces in Bakhmut to keep them committed to a particular front while Ukrainian forces probe different areas," said Ivan Kyszcz, a research fellow at the International Centre for Defence and Security in Estonia.

"My preliminary conclusion is that these probing and shaping operations will be ongoing but remain at the tactical level, that is, until the leadership decides the best moment to launch a larger operation," he told AFP.

Moscow's forces switched several weeks ago into a defensive posture, employing a large number of soldiers, sometimes three lines deep, to hold positions.

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Their set-up includes anti-tank ditches, barriers, pre-fabricated lines of defence like the small anti-tank concrete pyramids known as dragon's teeth, and trenches for the men.

The Ukrainian counter-offensive consequently risks being deadly and costly in terms of equipment for Kyiv.

But it appears Ukraine has started a period of tests to measure the effectiveness of this defence.

"Ukraine has conducted local counter-offensives in and around Bakhmut to roll back Russias flanks and gauge defences in the region.

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"Elsewhere, Ukrainian forces are likewise probing Russian defences and reaction behaviours," said Lucas Webber, co-founder and editor of the Militant Wire news site on global military activity.

He said it was "difficult" to say whether the full planned counter-offensive has begun.

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"However, these actions suggest Ukraine is preparing for something much larger.

"These could be shaping operations to put Ukraine in a better position when the real action starts."

He said the full counter-offensive was likely to involve multiple fronts, including operations to take back the parts of the Zaporizhzhiaregion it does not currently control.

That includes the Zaporizhzhia its nuclear power plant which is still occupied by Russian forces, and the south of the region.

Taking Bakhmut in itself would be a blow to Russia.

The city's symbolic importance after such a long battle now outstrips its strategic value, especially given the resources used by the Russian army and the Wagner mercenary group under Yevgeny Prigozhin.

"A successful Ukrainian campaign in the region would frustrate Russia and set Moscow's war efforts back considerably," said Webber.

Further intrigue comes from the increasingly volatile behaviour of Prigozhin, who is becoming ever more scathing in his criticism of the Russian defence ministry and on Friday accused the Russian army of "fleeing" rather than regrouping around Bakhmut.

A report in the Washington Post on Sunday said Prigozhin had maintained contact with Ukrainian intelligence throughout the war and had even in January offered to give Kyiv information on Russian troop positions if Ukraine's commanders withdrew their soldiers from the area around Bakhmut.

Some commentators are now arguing he had crossed a line and risks antagonising Russian President Vladimir Putin but Prigozhin has dismissed the allegations as "laughable".

Pierre Razoux, academic director of the France-based Mediterranean Foundation of Strategic Studies (FMES), said the current situation was characteristic of a phase where both sides were using feints and games to deceive the other ahead of a major operation.

"The preparatory phases of clandestine actions and deceptions and manipulations seems to have been well launched on both sides," he said.

"Each side is probably trying to push the other side into a mistake by convincing them to attack where they seem weakest."

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Has Ukraine's Counter-offensive Actually Begun? - Barron's