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Pune, India, Oct. 06, 2023 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- According to Fortune Business Insights, The global internet of medical things (IoMT) market size is projected to reach USD 187.60 billion by 2028 and exhibit a CAGR of 29.5% during the forecast period. Increasing Product Launches to Boost Growth in North America, Key Players Emphasize New Product Launches to Garner Growth in the Market.

The growing expenditure on IoT in healthcare and the increasing technological advancement in healthcare information technologies are anticipated to boost the growth of the market. Fortune Business Insights has presented this information in its report titled, Internet of Medical things (IoMT) Market, 2021-2028. The market size stood at USD 41.17 billion in 2020.

The adoption of the 4G network has created lucrative growth opportunities for the market. The introduction of high-speed networks is likely to enhance the telehealth industry and empower market growth. The growing adoption of 5G networks is also expected to amplify the growth of the market in the upcoming years.

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Industry Developments-

Key Takeaways:

Key Players in the Internet of Medical Things market are:

COVID-19 Impact

The humanitarian crisis has significantly struck the healthcare industry. However, the demand for the internet of medical things has witnessed astronomical growth during the pandemic due to rapid digitization. The investments in healthcare have increased manifold during the pandemic. Virtual consultation has witnessed striking growth during the outbreak due to the fear of contracting the virus. As per an article by Onometra, there are approximately 48% of medical devices connected through the internet of things (IoT) in India. These numbers are expected to increase to 68% shortly. The market is projected to witness immense growth in the forthcoming years.

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Drivers & Restraints-

Growing Investments in IoT in Healthcare to Fuel Market Growth

The internet of health things (IoMT) can reduce healthcare costs for governments and patients. The medtech companies with the internet of medical things focus on transforming the delivery of advanced healthcare to patients. The investments in the healthcare industry have significantly increased during the pandemic. The increasing investments in IoT to transform the healthcare sector are anticipated to bolster the global internet of medical things (IoMT) market growth.

The developments in mobile phone technology and the telecommunication industry are expected to create lucrative growth opportunities for the market. The adoption of the 4G network has created lucrative growth opportunities for the market. The introduction of high-speed networks and the growing adoption of 5G technology are likely to enhance the telehealth industry and empower market growth.

However, the risks of cyberattacks and data breaches loom large and may hinder the growth of the market.

Segmentation-

On the basis of product, the market is trifurcated into wearable external medical devices, implanted medical devices, and stationary medical devices. On the basis of application, the market is segmented into patient monitoring, medication management, telemedicine, and others. On the basis of end-user, the market is fragmented into government authorities, patients, healthcare providers, and others. Geographically, the market is classified into five major regions- North America, Europe, Asia Pacific, Latin America, and the Middle East & Africa.

Report Coverage-

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Regional Insights-

Increasing Product Launches to Boost Growth in North America

North America is anticipated to gain the largest portion of the global internet of medical things (IoMT) market share. The increasing launch of ingenious products and the growing adoption of remote patient observation devices are expected to boost the growth of the market. Additionally, the robust sales of IoMT products and solutions in the U.S. are likely to stimulate the markets growth.

Europe is expected to witness the second-highest growth in the global market due to the rising government initiatives to boost the adoption of IoMT solutions in the healthcare industry.

Asia Pacific is projected to witness growth with the highest CAGR. The rising healthcare expenditure and the strong government support for the approval and launch of IoMT devices are anticipated to bolster the growth of the market.

The Middle East & Africa, and Latin America are likely to gain considerable growth due to improving investments in the healthcare industry and the growing awareness for IoMT devices and solutions.

Competitive Landscape-

Key Players Emphasize New Product Launches to Garner Growth in the Market

The market is fairly fragmented and comprises several key players, including Johnson & Johnson, Medtronic, Siemens Healthline, and Koninklijke Philips N.V., with the largest shares in the market. The key players focus on the development of new products, patents, technological advancements, collaborations, acquisitions, mergers, and others to generate greater revenues and improve their market presence. Most recently, Philips and Cognizant signed a collaborative agreement in July 2021 to develop end-to-end digital solutions. The collaboration is aimed to accelerate clinical trials and enhance patient care.

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Internet of Medical Things (IoMT) Market Size to Surpass USD ... - GlobeNewswire

An anonymous reader quotes a report from TechCrunch: A California judge has thrown out a $32.5 million verdict win for Sonos against Google after two of Sonos' patents were deemed unenforceable and invalid. As a result, Google has started to re-introduce software features it had removed due to Sonos' lawsuit. In a decision dated October 6, U.S. District Judge William Alsup said that Sonos had wrongfully linked its patent applications for multi-room audio technology to a 2006 application in order to make them appear older and claim that its inventions came before Google's products, as first reported by Reuters.

"Sonos filed the provisional application from which the patents in suit claim priority in 2006, but it did not file the applications for these patents and present the asserted claims for examination until 2019," the decision (PDF) reads. "By the time these patents issued in 2019 and 2020, the industry had already marched on and put the claimed invention into practice. In fact, in 2014, five years before Sonos filed the applications and presented the claims, accused infringer Google LLC shared with Sonos a plan for a product that would practice what would become the claimed invention."

The decision states that the two companies were exploring a potential collaboration, but that it never materialized. Alsup goes on to note that Google began introducing its own products that featured multi-room audio technology in 2015, and also that Sonos waited until 2019 to pursue claims on the invention. "This was not a case of an inventor leading the industry to something new," Alsup wrote. "This was a case of the industry leading with something new and, only then, an inventor coming out of the woodwork to say that he had come up with the idea first wringing fresh claims to read on a competitor's products from an ancient application." "We recently made a change to speaker groups for Nest speakers, displays, and Chromecast where certain devices can only belong to one speaker group at a time in the Google Home app," the company wrote in a blog post. "A federal judge has found that two patents that Sonos accused our devices of infringing are invalid. In light of this legal decision we're happy to share that we will be rolling back this change."

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Federal Judge Throws Out $32.5 Million Win For Sonos Against ... - Slashdot

The tea party that Skocpol was referring to no longer formally exists as a faction in Congress, its erstwhile allies having been subsumed into the far-right Freedom Caucus or into the generic America First wing of the GOP. But according to Skocpol, the history of the tea party remains essential to understanding the forces that ultimately led to McCarthys political demise.

It represents the culmination of [the tea party movement], said Skocpol. All the research that I and other political scientists have done on the movement shows that by the 2010s just before Donald Trump emerges the tea party had taken the shape of a just-say-no, blow-it-all-up, dont-cooperate, do-politics-on-Twitter faction and this is the perfect expression of it. This is where it leads.

In some respects, Skocpols argument is counterintuitive. In the late 2000s and early 2010s, McCarthy and the other Young Guns rose to power by harnessing the grassroots power of the tea party movement, promising to slash government spending, constrain federal power and foil the Obama administrations policy goals. But though McCarthy and the other Young Guns rose to prominence by allying themselves with the tea party movement, Skocpol said, their banishment from the GOP doesnt mark a break with the movements legacy. Instead, it shows that the Young Guns never really understood the forces that they helped unleash.

The fact that McCarthy and the other Young Guns were once called tea party people because they dallied with the movement, Skocpol said, does not mean that the tiger wasnt going to consume them in the end.

The following has been edited for clarity and concision.

Ian Ward: Youve written extensively about the history of the tea party movement and its aftereffects for the Republican Party. How does the vote to oust Speaker McCarthy fit into that history?

Theda Skocpol: Shortly into Barack Obamas presidency, we saw this explosion of tea party demonstrations and a remarkable degree of grassroots organizing a couple thousand local tea parties, according to our research. There was a lot of writing at the time claiming that this organization was motivated by the same thing that people now claim drives the Republican Party when they shut down the government cutting the deficit. But it was never about cutting the deficit. The popular side of the tea party was about anger and fear of a changing country in which a guy with Hussein as his middle name and black skin could be elected president. The tea party especially at the grassroots was trying to pressure the Republican Party and its elected leaders not to compromise with a changing country or with Democratic Party politicians in Washington.

Ward: How did the Young Guns fit into that mobilization?

Skocpol: The tea party mobilization made a big difference electorally in 2010 in installing a Republican Congress, and probably even more importantly in installing Republican-dominated state legislatures. But it was especially potent after that in undoing any effort at compromise over immigration. Our research shows that polarization over immigration between the two major parties has played out recently and piled on top of the polarization over the civil rights revolution of the 1960s. By the time you get to the period at the end of Barack Obamas presidency, hes trying to find a way to incorporate long-present immigrants from Mexico and Central America and give them a path to citizenship and that effort falls apart in 2013 and 2014. Remember that election in which David Brat in central Virginia shockingly felled Eric Cantor, who at that time was seen as the kind of rising golden boy on the Republican right? It was anger over the potential of immigration reform that played a big role in that.

And then you have Paul Ryan, who inherited a Congress where the Republican caucus was increasingly riven by the rise of this angry, just-say-no style that the tea party always favored. They wanted to make sure that people were angry about changes in the country and wanted to make sure Republicans were not compromising about those. Paul Ryan was [from] Mr. Kochs network. I think that House Republicans thought that by making him their leader, they would cement their right-wing Republican credentials and it did with the elites around the Republican Party at the time. But among the populist right who make up more than half of Republican base voters and the most loyal primary voters they never liked what he had to offer. So he was gone before long.

And now finally, we get to Kevin McCarthy, who is just an example of the final transmogrification of the tea party anger, which was given a national focus and much more potency by Donald Trump. Donald Trump didnt create all this. Hes just been very good, ever since 2015, at giving it permission and focus.

Ward: McCarthy and the other Young Guns who rose to power during that tea party moment in the late 2000s and early 2010s gave voice to one interpretation of the tea party movement that you mentioned, which is that it was all about fiscal conservatism and small government. Why do you think they so dramatically misunderstood the energies behind the movement?

Skocpol: We have to understand the radicalization of the Republican Party as a process that has been underway since 2000. Act 1 of that radicalization was the rise of the Koch network, which was itself motivated by displeasure with what the Republicans under Bush junior and senior had been doing for example, passing Medicare expenditures. The Koch network outflanked the Republican Party, and they put a lot of pressure on candidates and officeholders to hew the line on cutting taxes, cutting regulations and disabling public sector unions. These Young Guns were initially in tune with that and why wouldnt they be? They thought thats where the money came from and where the business community had gone.

But that wasnt satisfactory to a lot of base voters around the Republican Party, who were much angrier about social changes in the country and much more upset about immigration.

So I think the Republican Party was first hollowed out at the top, and then the tea party crystallized when Barack Obama was elected president and then it ended up being given further expression during the immigration reform battles and the rise of Donald Trump. I call it the bottom-up radicalization of the Republican Party, and I think it caught a lot of these Koch network darlings, including all three of these Young Guns, by surprise although in McCarthys case, I think he has done his best to ride the tiger. Hes tried to have it both ways.

Ward: Why do you think McCarthy was able to ride that tiger for longer than the other two?

Skocpol: Hes a shapeshifter, and thats given him staying power up until the moment he had Democratic votes to keep the government open and then went on TV over the weekend and trashed the Democrats.

The shape shifting is both a strength and a weakness. Its a strength in that, a little bit more effectively than Paul Ryan before him, hes been able to have it both ways to condemn Donald Trump and then embrace him, to say hes about cutting the deficit and hes about cracking down on the border. If the Republican Party really had wings and I dont think it does at this point he might have been able to bridge them. But by the end, he got to the point where nobody trusted him. I dont think anybody in the Republican Party trusted his word, and Democrats definitely couldnt.

Ward: Given the fact that McCarthy rose to power during the tea party moment, is there any sense in which his ouster represents a repudiation of the tea party legacy?

Skocpol: No it represents the culmination of it. I think most people in the in the media thought the tea party was about cutting the federal budget deficit because thats what a few elite spokesmen on TV said it was about. But our research always showed that at the grassroots, it was about popular anger over a changing country and fury at a Republican Party that was not responding to that desire. All the research that I and other political scientists have done on the movement shows that by the 2010s, just before Donald Trump emerges, the tea party had taken the shape of a just-say-no, blow-it-all-up, dont-cooperate, do-politics-on-Twitter faction and this is the perfect expression of it. This is where it leads. The fact that McCarthy and the other Young Guns were once called tea party people because they dallied with the movement does not mean that the tiger wasnt going to consume them in the end.

Ward: The conflict between the tea party and the Obama-era Republican Party reflected some real ideological differences between those two factions, especially on issues like immigration. Do you think the conflict between the far-right, anti-McCarthy wing of the party and McCarthys backers reflects a similarly robust ideological fissure? Or does it just boil down to rank obstructionism?

Skocpol: I think its post-ideological. One of the things that Trumps presidency accomplished was to give national expression to populist ethno-nationalism and anger at business as usual in Washington, D.C, and you get to a certain point where there arent many moderates at all in the Republican House caucus. There certainly are some people who are cross pressured because they come from Biden districts, but most of them have been enthusiastic supporters of the same kinds of issues that Matt Gaetz is speaking to. This is a disagreement over whether you should ever settle for less than 100 percent of what you want, even when youre in a position where you dont control more than one chamber.

Ward: So if the conflict is essentially about tactics and the real energies behind the far right are cultural, why do people like Gaetz still lean so heavily on the language of fiscal conservatism? After all, this most recent incident was partly set off by McCarthys unwillingness or inability to slash spending levels.

Skocpol: Youre not going to like the answer Im going to give you.

Ward: Try me.

Skocpol: It sells with the Washington press corps. Why anybody believes this is beyond me. Did you see what Donald Trump did when he was office? Did you see what Republicans did when they controlled the entire Congress? They dont cut anything, except taxes. And that keeps a certain number of billionaires and even Charles Koch himself happy.

There are two strands that have played out in the Republican Party during recent years. One of them I call McConnellism. McConnellism is clever. Its about using every lever of power to make sure Republicans get the federal judiciary full of judges who are going to disempower Democratic initiatives, and its about doing everything you can to shape the electorate, both by encouraging your own voters and discouraging the other guys voters. Its at the edge of whats legally and constitutionally legitimate. Then theres Trumpism, which at this point has gone from bullying and threatening to actual calls for violence. One of them is very powerful in the House, and the other is very powerful in the Senate.

But its a tactical difference. Its not as if theres a huge difference of policy. I think there might be some differences in policy over immigration, but those dont really come up because nobodys talking about legislating on immigration.

Ward: So what does all this mean for the future of the Republican Party? What are the ramifications of the argument that youre making that theres a fundamental continuity between the tea party movement and the MAGA movement?

Skocpol: Well, everything depends on whether Donald Trump is reelected president, and I dont think thats impossible. I really dont. As for the House of Representatives, I really do not know how theyre going to find a new Kevin McCarthy who can promise enough because the promises that are being demanded are impossible to fulfill.

Ward: Based on the traditional tea party playbook, though, what do you think the endgame here is for the far-right faction in the House?

Skocpol: Well, I think Matt Gaetz himself wants to get on TV, raise a lot of money and run for another office. Thats true of a number of the people who make up this very small group of people who were in a position to pull the hook on the grenade. But I dont think we know how this is going to come out. If youve got people in power who are backed by a large number of voters who are angry, fearful, limited in the information they get about whats going on and thinking that it would be better to blow America up than to save it I think youre in uncharted territory. We are in uncharted territory.

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Kevin McCarthy's Downfall Is the Culmination of the Tea Party - POLITICO

The community is invited to put the fun into fundraising at the Frocktober Tea Party at Childers Art Space as part of Seniors Month.

Community members are invited to serve up some looks alongside the cake and sandwiches at the Frocktober Tea Party at Childers Art Space on 12 October.

Now in its second year, Frocktober celebrates Seniors Month by encouraging visitors to enjoy a morning of friendship and fashion while helping to raise much needed funds for the Ovarian Cancer Research Foundation.

The event will take place in the gallery space and verandah overlooking historic Childers and tickets include a delicious morning tea as well as lucky door prizes, with raffle tickets also on sale.

All funds raised will be donated directly to the Ovarian Cancer Research Foundation.

Councils Arts, Culture and Events portfolio spokesperson Cr John Learmonth said the event was a great way for the community to connect while also raising awareness.

Frocktober was a great success last year and we are excited to be hosting it again as part of our Seniors Month line up, Cr Learmonth said.

This initiative serves as a wonderful way for residents to get out and have some fun while also supporting an important cause that affects so many women including those in our own community.

The third annual Queensland Seniors Month is currently underway, encouraging older residents to engage in social activities under the theme Connect Fest.

Alongside Council on the Ageing (COTA) Queensland, Bundaberg Regional Council has brought together a variety of activities to encourage community connectedness and honour the contributions made by senior residents.

For more information on the Seniors Month calendar, click here.

Frocktober Tea Party

When: 12 October, 10 am 12 pm

Where: Childers Art Space

Cost: $10, tickets available here.

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Dress to impress at Frocktober Tea Party - Bundaberg Now

John A. Boehner lasted five years as House speaker before he ran out of patience with his party's hard-line Freedom Caucus.

"Legislative terrorists," the Ohio Republican called its members after he quit in 2015. "They can't tell you what they're for. They can tell you everything they're against. They're anarchists. They want total chaos."

Next came Rep. Paul D. Ryan, R-Wis., who lasted three years. "The House is broken," he griped on his way out.

Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., lasted all of nine months.

"They are not conservatives," he said of the Freedom Caucus after they led the drive to oust him as speaker last week. "They don't get to say they're conservative because they're angry and they're chaotic."

See a pattern?

Ever since the tea party movement of 2010 elected a wave of anti-establishment conservatives, House Republicans have not merely been divided, but downright dysfunctional.

Freedom

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Opinion: Republicans plan to choose a new speaker with a party ... - Chattanooga Times Free Press