Media Search:



It Can Happen Here – Harper’s BAZAAR

Earlier this year, my 2010 essay collection, Create Dangerously, was adapted for the stage and performed in Miami, where I live. Like the book, the play honors artists, particularly writers who have risked their lives to write their booksas well as the readers who have risked their lives to read them.

Its a legacy I know well, having grown up first in Haiti, then in the United States among Haitian expatriates. My friend Regine Chassagne, a singer from the indie rock group Arcade Fire, and I recently talked about how during the brutal Duvalier dictatorship in 1963 Haiti, her grand-father, the Haitian poet Roland Chassagne, was arrested at a Port-au-Prince publishing house for sharing contraband literature. He was taken to Francois Papa Doc Duvaliers notorious prison dungeon, Fort Dimanche, and was never heard from again.

Governor of Florida Ron DeSantis speaks at the Moms for Liberty Summit in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 2023. (Photo by Hannah Beier for the Washington Post.)

Many immigrants in Florida and elsewhere know at least one story like this one. In the past, a Floridian, Texan, or West Virginian might have dismissed such comparisons by saying, That could never happen here. Sadly, it is happening and will worsen if were not vigilant. Here in Florida, our current governor (and now presidential hopeful), Ron DeSantis, touts our state as a citadel of freedom. But in the past two years, DeSantis has signed a six-week abortion ban, a law allowing concealed weapons to be carried without a permit, and the Dont Say Gay bill, which was expanded by the Florida Board of Education to restrict instruction of LGBTQ+ issues in middle and high schools. Transgender youth can no longer start gender-affirming health care, and doctors can refuse to treat transgender people without consequence. The Unauthorized Alien Transport Program, reminiscent of 19th-century fugitive-slave laws, allows state officials to remove and transport migrants from Florida as well as other states. However, by law, those who transport undocumented immigrants into the state, including those in their families and churches, can be considered human smugglers and charged with a third-degree felony. Diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, which might help address historical injustices, have been defunded at public universities; classes, majors, and minors involving race or gender studies are being censored.

DeSantiss signature Stop W.O.K.E. Act has led to the censoring of textbooks, as well as an Advanced Placement African American Studies course, and prohibits teachers, librarians, and media specialists from sharing books or presenting any material that makes studentsthat is, white studentsfeel that they bear personal responsibility for and must feel guilt, anguish, or other forms of psychological distress over past acts committed by members of their gender, race, or national origin. The law singles out Black-history instruction, noting that it should examine what it means to be a responsible and respectful person, for the purpose of encouraging tolerance of diversity in a pluralistic society and for nurturing and protecting democratic values and institutions.

The Stop W.O.K.E. Act has had some preposterous outcomes. In this climate, even spaces supposedly friendly to conservative agendas have been caught in the culture wars. The principal of a charter school that emphasizes classical education resigned in March after sixth graders at her school were shown a picture of Michelangelos statue of David, which one parent labeledpornographic. In May, the states Department of Education placed a fifth-grade teacher under investigation after she showed her class the animated film Strange World, which features a gay character. One parent, who attended protests organized by far-right extremists the Proud Boys and the parental rights group Moms for Liberty last year, filed a complaint demanding that the book version of Amanda Gormans 2021 inaugural poem, The Hill We Climb, be removed from the total environment and that it was not for schools. The K8 school responded by limiting access to the book to its middle-school students. (The parent also misidentified the author as Oprah Winfrey, who wrote the foreword to the edition.)

Jennifer Pippin, president of the Indian River County chapter of Moms for Freedom, attends Jacqueline Rosarios campaign event in Vero Beach, Florida on October 16, 2022.

Many teachers I know fear more might be at stake.

All it takes is one irate parent pushing the law to its limits to make an example of you and put you in jail, one high school English teacher told me. Over her decades-long career, she has taught Toni Morrisons The Bluest Eye, James Baldwins Go Tell It on the Mountain, F. Scott Fitzgeralds The Great Gatsby, Ernest Hemingways The Old Man and the Sea, and many of Shakespeares plays. However, teaching even Shakespeare is now risky. Works such as A Midsummer Nights Dream have been removed from some course lists and libraries because of sexual content. (Who wants to tell those who complain that actors in Shakespeares time performed in drag because women were not allowed onstage?)

Many public-school teachers I have talked to consider their current reality dystopian. Afraid of breaking draconian laws, librarians and media specialists have had to empty their shelves or cover up their books.

I think they only want us to teach Republican white men,one history teacher told me. Sometimes Im unsure what place or century were in.

For me, the future seems clear because Ive seen and read about it before. Teachers and readers will eventually be jailed over books for the same reason others have been elsewhere: because, as the poet Audre Lorde once said of women, books are powerful and dangerous. They can also be platforms for liberation. Books that are banned are often ones that challenge the status quo, expose injustice and inequality, or try to build empathy and allyship.

Tyrants and small-minded people, of course, know this too well. In Florida, censoring and banning books is part of a more comprehensive effort to disenfranchise Black, brown, and LGBTQ+people that includes gerrymandering, voter suppression, and a full-on assault on public education. While public schools are underfunded, millions are poured into school-choice programs, subsidizing private institutions that are free to teach whatever they want. The odds are being purposefully stacked against mostly Black, brown, and immigrant families for whom public schools might be the only option. This feels both deliberate and familiar.

I trace it all to May 2020, when, after the brutal on-camera asphyxiation of George Floyd, hundreds of thousands in the United States and around the world protested, including groups of young people of all races and genders. As the playwright and actress Anna Deavere Smith told PBS NewsHour, this was partly a result of how education has increased young peoples awareness of Black culture. Many of the youth had been influenced by writers like Morrison, she said: They have experienced this together, and they expect much more from the system.

I attended protests in Miami during the summer of 2020, including some organized by a group of young activists called Dream Defenders. In 2013, theyd held a monthlong sit-in at the Florida Capitol to demand a special legislative session on Floridas stand your ground law after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin. In May of this year,Dream Defenders returned to the state capitol. They requested a meeting with Governor DeSantis. Instead of being able to engage in a dialogue across ideological lines, 14 of the groups members and allies were arrested for trespassing.

The more I read, the more I was led to abhor and detest my enslavers, Frederick Douglass wrote in his 1845 memoir, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. At a 1982 event on censorship and literature, Morrison said, The same sensibilities that informed those people to make it a criminal act for Black people to read are the ancestors of the same people who are making it a criminal act for their own children to read, and I dont see a great deal of difference between them.

Banning books robs readers, she explained years later, of that dance of an open mind engaging another equally open onean activity that occurs most naturally, most often in the reading/writing world we live in.

More here:
It Can Happen Here - Harper's BAZAAR

Podcast: What’s the Libertarian Answer to New York’s Migrant Crisis? – Reason

In this week's The Reason Roundtable, Matt Welch and Katherine Mangu-Ward welcome back Nick Gillespie and Peter Suderman to the show. The editors examine the unfolding migrant crisis in New York City before denouncing the city's new law cracking down on Airbnb and other short-term rentals.

1:56: Migrant crisis in major cities

24:16: NYC kneecaps Airbnb

34:27: Weekly Listener Question

48:55: Memorable moments from the political gerontocracy

Mentioned in this podcast:

"New York's Migrant Crisis is Caused by a Combination of Federal Work Restrictions and Local Zoning Policy," by Ilya Somin

"Down 136,000 Students in Just Four Years, New York City's Public Schools Manage To Spend Billions More," by Matt Welch

"Let Asylum-Seeking Migrants Work," by Ilya Somin

"A Costless and Humane Fix to the Border Crisis," by Shikha Dalmia

"How Immigrants Make America Great Again (and Again and Again)," by Nick Gillespie, with Alex Nowrasteh and Benjamin Powell

"Don't Blame Airbnb For New York City's High Rents," by Allie Howell and Jared Meyer

"Airbnb and Its Enemies: Who's Afraid of a $10-a-Night Sofa?" by Jim Epstein

"The Government Is a Hit Man: Uber, Tesla and Airbnb Are in Its Crosshairs," by Nick Gillespie

"Libertarians Have Won the Culture Wars, Even Though Universities Are 'Constipated, Stultified,'" by Nick Gillespie

"Santa Monica Evicts Airbnb: The War on Homesharing," by Zach Weissmueller

"Did NYC Just Kneecap Airbnb?" by Liz Wolfe

"County Where It Took 50 Years To Approve New Subdivision Bans New Airbnbs," by Christian Britschgi

"Silk Road Trial: Read Ross Ulbricht's Haunting Sentencing Letter to Judge," by Nick Gillespie

"Robert Lipsyte on ESPN, Muhammad Ali, and Billie Jean King," by Nick Gillespie

"Chobani and GoFundMe Wipe Lunch Debts in School District That Planned To 'Lunch Shame' Students," by Billy Binion

"Some Critics of the Ruling Against Biden's Censorship by Proxy Have a Beef With the 1st Amendment Itself," by Jacob Sullum

"Elite Journalists Love Big Brother," by J.D. Tuccille

"Journalists Outraged That a Judge Would Dare Limit Biden's Censorship Powers," by Robby Soave

"Social Security, Snoopy Snoopy Poop Dog, & Alan Simpson: Ultimate Enema Man Remix," by Nick Gillespie and Austin Bragg

Send your questions toroundtable@reason.com. Be sure to include your social media handle and the correct pronunciation of your name.

Today's sponsor:

Audio production by Ian Keyser; assistant production by Hunt Beaty.

Music: "Angeline," by The Brothers Steve

Link:
Podcast: What's the Libertarian Answer to New York's Migrant Crisis? - Reason

Charlotte’s primary elections are Tuesday: 5 things to know – Spectrum News

Polls open in Charlottes Democratic primaries at 6:30 a.m. Tuesday.

Democrats and unaffiliated voters will choose candidates for mayor and the top four candidates in a crowded field for four at-large seats on the city council.

Each member of 12-seat Charlotte City Council is up for election this fall, but District 1s Dante Anderson and District 7s Ed Driggs are running unopposed.

Three seats on the council, Districts 2, 4 and 5, only have Democrats running and will be decided in the primary.

Turnout has been low during early voting. Since early voting began Aug. 24, 8,467 people have cast ballots, according to data from the Mecklenburg County Board of Elections.

In the mayoral primary, Democrat Lucille Puckett will challenge incumbent Vi Lyles. Its a rematch from the last mayoral race when Lyles beat Puckett by a wide margin.

Lyles is running for a fourth term leading North Carolina's largest city.

The winner of the mayoral primary will go up against Republican Misun Kim and Libertarian Rob Yates in the General Election Nov. 7.

Democrats will have primaries for Charlotte City Council's at-large seats and Districts 2, 3, 4 and 5. (Mecklenburg County)

In the race for Charlottes four at-large seats on city council, seven Democrats are running for the nomination. Voters will choose their four top candidates.

Incumbent council member and Mayor Pro-Tem Braxton Winston is not running for reelection.

Libertarian Steven DiFiore will challenge the Democrats in the General Election for city council at-large.

Here are the candidates for the other contested primaries in Charlotte:

District 2

District 3

District 4

District 5

Polling places across the city will open at 6:30 a.m. and close at 7:30 p.m. Anyone in line at 7:30 p.m. will be allowed to vote.

Voting will be open to Democrats and unaffiliated voters to choose their nominees for the General Election.

Queen City voters can get a sample ballot and find their polling place here.

People will be required to show photo ID to cast a ballot.

The General Election will be on Nov. 7.

The 2023 local elections are the first to require voters to show photo ID with the new law.

The address on the ID does not have to match the voters registration records.

Kristin Mavromatis, with the Mecklenburg County Board of Elections, said most voters should not need to worry about the new requirement.

The easiest thing is that, if you have a drivers license or state ID from DMV, youre already good to go. Just bring your drivers license or your North Carolina state ID. Show that, and you will have no issues, Mavromatis said.

Voters can also use other photo ID cards, including passports, military IDs and approved student or employee IDs. The State Board of Elections has a full list of approved IDs.

For those without a photo ID, people can get one for free from the North Carolina Department of Motor Vehicles. County election boards will also provide free photo IDs to people who need them to vote, and require less paperwork than the DMV.

There are also exceptions for people who cannot show ID, including lack of transportation, disability or illness, not having the documents needed to get an ID, or for a lost or stolen ID.

Voters who ask for exceptions will have to cast a provisional ballot, which must be reviewed by the county Board of Elections. Voters can also bring their ID to the county elections office after they cast their ballot, as long as its before the county canvas date.

Read the original:
Charlotte's primary elections are Tuesday: 5 things to know - Spectrum News

House District 10 was competitive last year. Will it be in a special … – Alabama Daily News

The November election that put Republican David Cole in the Alabama House of Representatives was one of the most competitive in the state with Democrat Marilyn Lands earning 45% of the votes to Coles nearly 52%.

Cole vacated the House District 10 seat in Madison County last month in a felony plea deal. Whether a special election is as competitive as last years will likely largely depend on the candidate the GOP backs and voter turnout.

Jess Brown, a retired Athens State University political science professor said HD10 is still Republican leaning.

But the key to 2022 was that Democrats simply had a candidate with a wide network of friends and contacts in the district, Brown said. Marilyn Lands had roots in the district.

Cole didnt have those roots or prior civic experience, Brown said.

Lands did not return requests for comment for this article.

Brown said that even if she runs again and Democrats would be foolish not to nominate her and the party provides resources for a strong get-out-the-vote campaign, they may not have the luxury of a GOP newcomer and novice on the ballot.

My guess is that Republicans will field a stronger candidate, Brown said. Youre not going to have the same landscape that you had in 2022.

Cole resigned his seat last week after entering a plea deal on a felony voter fraud charge. His residency had been in question since before the November election when he ran for the open House seat and had been the subject of both a party and court challenge.

Coles wasnt the only controversy in that race. The ALGOP kicked Anson Knowles off the primary ballot in February because of his previous activity in the Libertarian Party. He wont be seeking the seat this year. Knowles said he is again active in the Libertarian Party in Madison County doing candidate training.

I tried running as a Republican and the Republicans didnt want me, Knowles told ADN recently.

Libertarian Elijah Boyd received about 3% of the vote in November and said hes considering running again.

A special election does have benefits especially for third-party candidates in that we are not affected by any drama at the national level of party politics, Boyd said. He also thinks a special election removed the impact of straight-ticket voting. Bigger races up the ballot generally benefit Republicans down the ballot.

We dont have a chance to reach people if theyre just going to punch one button, he said.

But a single-race election will also reduce turnout, Brown said. Special elections have lower turnout than those in regular cycles.

When the turnout drops, generally speaking, youre more likely to have Democrats not show up than Republicans, Brown said.

Gov. Kay Ivey on Monday said the special election primary will be Dec. 12. A primary runoff, if needed, will be Jan. 9 and the general election will be March 26.

The 2024 legislative session starts Feb. 6.

I encourage everyone in this district to get out and vote during this special election to ensure you have a strong voice advocating for you in the Alabama Legislature, Ivey said in a written statement.

The rest is here:
House District 10 was competitive last year. Will it be in a special ... - Alabama Daily News

Murray Rothbard in the Financial Times – Econlib

I wont confess everything, but I will admit that I was once a great fan of Murray Rothbard (1926-1995), the economist who was nicknamed Mr. Libertarian. I was reminded of that when I saw him mentioned in a Financial Times column a few days ago: Jonathan Derbyshire, Libertarianism Is Having a Moment With Argentinas Milei, August 31, 2023.

The column focuses on Javier Milei, who is the favorite to win the upcoming presidential election in Argentina (see also Argentina Could Get Its First Libertarian President, The Economist, January 14, 2023). Milei, who defines himself as an anarcho-capitalist la Rothbard, is a fan of the latter and named one of his dogs after him. The fact that Milei is apparently also a fan of Donald Trump does not bode well for the future. The Financial Times columnist does get Trumps anti-libertarianism right, albeit not to its full extent. But he is wrong in suggesting that Republican primaries candidate Vivek Ramaswamy could (or, at any rate, should) be embraced by the libertarian movement. Anti-libertarians have been elected before Trump, but this is not an excuse for libertarians to compete down to the bottom of the barrel. If we are to believe The Economist, many of Mr. Mileis political allies are not exactly paragons of libertarianism either. I do think that libertarianism and classical liberalism should be a big tent, but there is a limit somewhere.

Rothbards system had an apparent advantage, which was also its big defect: it had an obvious, definitive, nearly religious answer to any and all questions. I was bothered by some of his claims, like the right of a child to run away from home whenever he wants to because he is thereby asserting his natural right of self-ownership (The Ethics of Liberty, p. 102). I also had doubts about his economics, although it took me some time to recognize their significance. He had a deep distaste for, or fear of, anything that looked like mathematics. He did not realize that, as J. Williard Gibbs said, mathematics is a language. He did not see the relationship between mathematics and logic. For instance, he could not understand that his supposedly ordinal marginal utility is mathematically impossible if utility is ordinal (that is, just a ranking as opposed to a cardinal measure). It makes no sense to chop an ordinal value into identifiable (uniquely defined) marginal pieces. So he was unknowingly using a concept of cardinal utility.

What Rothbard was missing had been explained by John Hicks (a future Nobel economics laureate) and Roy Allen in two famous 1934 Economica articles, A Reconsideration of the Theory of Value. Hicks and Allen formalized an ordinal theory of utility, which Irving Fisher, Vilfredo Pareto, and perhaps other economists had already postulated but not exactly specified. As Hicks and Allen put it, if total utility is not quantitatively definable, neither is marginal utility. Lionel Robbins, who represented a mix of the Austrian and neoclassical schools of economics, mentioned Hicks and Allens advance in the 1935 edition of his Essay on the Nature of Significance of Economic Science.

Changing ones opinion for good reasons is not a cardinal sin.

Sometime around the turn of the millennium, I asked Anthony de Jasay, who described himself as a liberal and an anarchist, why he did not use the anarcho-capitalist label. He answered, I do not wish to be counted as one of that company, or perhaps simply I dont like the company. (Although I quoted the first sentence elsewhere, the latter also hangs in my memory. I should have written it down at the time.) I think Tonys statement was meant as a criticism of the Rothbardian sort of anarcho-capitalism.

Lets hope Mr. Milei wins the election in October and does not oblige libertarians all over the world to walk back their support or, worse, lead them to Trumpianize the libertarian movement.

See the original post:
Murray Rothbard in the Financial Times - Econlib