Archive for the ‘Libertarian’ Category

Supreme Court Takes Up Case That Could Curtail Agency Power to … – The New York Times

WASHINGTON The Supreme Court agreed on Monday to take up a case that could make it easier to curtail the power of administrative agencies, a long-running goal of the conservative legal movement that could have far-reaching implications for how American society imposes rules on businesses.

In a terse order, the court said it would hear a case that seeks to limit or overturn a unanimous 1984 precedent, Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council. According to the decision, if part of the law Congress wrote empowering a regulatory agency is ambiguous but the agencys interpretation is reasonable, judges should defer to it.

At issue in the case, Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, is a rule that requires fishing vessels to pay for monitors who ensure that they comply with regulations meant to prevent overfishing. The National Marine Fisheries Service established the rule, and a group of companies has challenged whether the agency had the authority to do so.

When the Supreme Court decides on the case, most likely in its next term, the outcome could have implications that go beyond fisheries.

If the court overturns or sharply limits the Chevron precedent, it would become easier for business owners to challenge regulations across the economy. Those include rules aimed at ensuring that the air and water are clean; that food, drugs, cars and consumer products are safe; and that financial firms do not take on too much risk.

In the fishing dispute, a divided three-judge panel of the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit had upheld the rule. Citing the Chevron precedent, Judge Judith W. Rogers wrote, When Congress has not directly spoken to the precise question at issue, the agency may fill this gap with a reasonable interpretation of the statutory text.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson recused herself from the Supreme Courts decision to hear the case, apparently because she had participated in the arguments while still on the appeals court.

Libertarian-minded conservatives have long sought to overturn the Chevron precedent as part of a broader campaign to curtail the administrative state. Regulatory agencies have been a target since the New Deal, when Congress created many specialized regulatory agencies and charged them with studying complex problems and issuing technical rules to address them.

In an opinion in November related to a separate case, Justice Neil M. Gorsuch said the judiciary had overread Chevrons deference and abdicated its responsibility to independently determine the best interpretation of laws.

Rather than provide individuals with the best understanding of their rights and duties under law a neutral magistrate can muster, we outsource our interpretive responsibilities, he wrote. Rather than say what the law is, we tell those who come before us to go ask a bureaucrat.

Advisers to President Donald J. Trump prioritized skepticism toward the administrative state in picking judges and justices, and the courts Republican-appointed majority has in recent years chipped away at the ability of the administrative state to impose regulations on business interests.

In a 2020 ruling, the five Republican appointees on the court at the time struck down a provision of the law Congress enacted to create the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau that had protected its chief from being fired by a president without good cause, like misconduct.

Two years later, the six-justice conservative majority struck down a proposal by the Environmental Protection Agency to curtail carbon emissions from power plants. The ruling strengthened a doctrine that courts should overturn regulations that raise major questions if Congress was not explicit enough in authorizing such actions.

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Supreme Court Takes Up Case That Could Curtail Agency Power to ... - The New York Times

Rep. Zooey Zephyrs town feels divide from rest of Montana after barring – PBS NewsHour

MISSOULA, Montana (AP) In the college town of Missoula, pride flags are as common a sight as the peaks of Montana's Rattlesnake Mountains. Even a downtown crosswalk is rainbow-colored.

Often described as a blue island in a vast red state, Missoula sent the first openly transgender legislator in Montana history to the state capital. Its voters, fully aware that they are vastly outnumbered by conservatives statewide, were still shocked at what happened next.

Their new representative, Zooey Zephyr, was barred last week from speaking on the floor of the Legislature by the Republican majority, which accused her of violating decorum by saying they had "blood on your hands" for approving a bill barring gender-affirming care for minors. On Wednesday, Republicans voted to bar Zephyr from the House floor for the remainder of the legislative session, scheduled to end next month.

Zephyr was elected with 80 percent of the vote in November in her heavily liberal district, which runs through the oddly-aligned section of central Missoula known as the Slant Streets and stretches to the doorstep of the University of Montana, the 7,000-student school that has long fueled the town's liberal sensibility.

READ MORE: Transgender lawmaker banned from Montana House floor for rest of 2023 session

Nestled in a narrow valley at the northwestern edge of the state, Missoula is proud of its funky, countercultural style. This week, the hot ticket was the International Wildlife Film Festival, featuring a parade in which people dressed in animal costumes marched through downtown.

Zephyr's constituents were both shocked and reminded of the growing distance between them and the rest of their state.

"When she first ran I thought, 'They're going to do something to limit her power,'" said Erin Flint, 28, a native who plans to enroll in the university for a graduate degree in art education. But she didn't expect a step as dramatic as gagging the new lawmaker, or barring her from the floor.

Montana has long leaned to the right, but with more of a libertarian bent than a zest for culture wars. That allowed Democrats to win the governorship regularly over the decades, and occasionally to win control of one or more houses of the Legislature.

Andy Nelson grew up in a town of 750 in eastern Montana, and only felt comfortable coming out as gay as a senior at the University of Montana, when he volunteered at The Center, a LGBTQ+ community group in Missoula where he is now executive director. He remembered long discussions about whether such a group was still necessary after same-sex marriage was legalized nationally in 2015. But that all changed in 2016, with the presidential candidacy of Donald Trump.

Trump handily won the state that year and in 2020. Republicans now hold both congressional seats and all statewide offices, although one of the state's two U.S. Senate seats is held by Democrat Jon Tester, a top GOP target in 2024. Last year, as Zephyr was elected in her Missoula district of about 11,000 residents, Republicans rode a surge in popular support to win a supermajority in both chambers of the Legislature.

READ MORE: Majority of Americans reject anti-trans bills, but support for this restriction is rising

Zeke Cork, 62, one of The Center's board members, recalled the 1970s as a great time to come out in Missoula, though he acknowledged he still had to follow certain rules to be safe. A railroad dispatcher, Cork has lived all over the United States but came back to Montana in 2015. He felt safe enough to transition fully two years ago.

But today, Cork said, the state's "live and let live" sensibility seems to be ebbing. Conservative protesters, often armed, disrupt pride events. "Now, you don't know who's going to be the one who unloads on you and your community," he said.

Cork has been traveling up to the Capitol in Helena to speak against the legislation affecting transgender people since it was first introduced. After Zephyr was silenced, he joined dozens of others from Missoula at the Capitol this week, where they began crying, "Let her speak!" after she was gagged yet again. Seven demonstrators were arrested.

"We would much rather be living quiet lives, out of the spotlight, living under the radar, living our best lives," Cork said. "I don't want to be having this battle."

But, "she speaks for me, and I sent her to that house," said Cork, who lives in Zephyr's district. "We're fighting for democracy right now."

Legislative Republicans contend they're the ones preserving democracy by following their chamber's rules and gagging Zephyr for maligning her colleagues. "We will uphold the people's will that sent 68 Republicans to Helena," several said in a statement Monday evening, after activists including dozens from Missoula jeered them from the House gallery.

In the minds of many other Montanans, it's Missoula that has changed, not them.

"Missoula used to be a wonderful place," said Ken Sayler, 64, who grew up in the town when its primary industry was saw mills. Those all closed, and the town began to look a lot more like the university, driving him in disgust to a remote house in the mountains, where he manufactures boat parts.

"If you're transgender, I don't care," Sayler said, adding he had little sympathy for Zephyr. "She stepped out of bounds."

Sayler was drinking a beer in a bar about 20 miles south of Missoula, where plenty of patrons jeered the idea of a transgender lawmaker. The bar sits in a small town in the district of state Sen. Theresa Manzella, the chair of a group of conservative state lawmakers called the Montana Freedom Caucus who pushed for the measure silencing Zephyr with a statement thatintentionally misgendered her.

Jim McConnell, a 69-year-old machinist, was dubious of the idea of someone like Zephyr serving in the statehouse. But he didn't like the idea of muzzling her.

WATCH: Tamara Keith and Amy Walter on the politics of abortion, guns and democracy

"They have a right to speak," said Jim McConnell. "But in Montana, they're barking up the wrong tree."

Experts say intense cultural battles are out of character for Montana politics.

"This is a conservative, libertarian state, as opposed to a conservative, authoritarian one," said Paul Pope, a political scientist at Montana State University in Billings, noting that a far less liberal town's zoo received an influx of support after conservative activists attacked its drag story hour recently. "Even if they have some short-term success here," he added of the GOP, "long term, this is going to hurt them."

But for now, many in Missoula are simply stunned.

"They've stripped 11,000 Montanans of their voice," said Ignatius Fitzgerald, a University of Montana freshman who grew up in the district. "Republicans have left us without a voice and without recourse."

Even some who disagreed politically with Zephyr said they didn't think the Legislature should silence her.

"Even if I don't agree with her policies, I feel she has the right to speak," Addie Glidewell, a 19-year-old journalism student who supports banning gender-affirming care for minors, said of Zephyr. "I don't believe she should be shut down."

Danny Wainwright, a 56-year-old middle school teacher in Zephyr's district, said he doesn't always back aggressive protests or bombastic political rhetoric. But he felt Zephyr's actions were appropriate.

"When you're the minority and Republicans have a supermajority, you've got to be heard somehow, that's your job," Wainwright said.

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Rep. Zooey Zephyrs town feels divide from rest of Montana after barring - PBS NewsHour

David Cole again takes election challenge to the Alabama Supreme … – Alabama Political Reporter

David Cole is taking his election challenge back to the Alabama Supreme Court, but his May 17 deposition still looms.

Cole is asking Alabamas highest court to intervene and overturn a Madison County Circuit Court judges order that determined deposition questions submitted in the challenge did not have to be limited to 40 or fewer. The judge also ruled that the questions more than 400 possible questions were not unduly burdensome.

Coles election as a state representative for House District 10 is being challenged by Libertarian candidate Elijah Boyd over Coles residency. A home that Cole and his family reside in is located outside of the 10th district, in District 4. In an apparent attempt to get around that issue, Cole supplied the home address of a family friend when submitting his qualifying documents to run for office.

Cole told APR, which first reported the discrepancy in October, that he and his family of five moved into that friends home, because the family wanted to downsize. The family friend and his wife, who still own the four-bedroom home, remained in the home at the same time, Coles campaign told APR.

In the nearly 18 months since that alleged move, the Coles have never placed the District 4 home on the market, and as recently as last week, still appear to reside in the home. Coles campaign provided APR with a lease for an apartment in District 10 that it said Cole and his family moved into last September. (Even if true, that move would have still left Cole ineligible to hold his current seat because state law requires a candidate to reside in the district where they run for one calendar year prior to the general election date.)

Cole has now twice turned to the Alabama Supreme Court in an attempt to overturn decisions by Madison County Judge Ruth Ann Hall. He first challenged Halls ruling that the Madison County Circuit Court the circuit court in the county where the election challenge was filed had standing to govern the case before ultimately presenting it to the Alabama Legislature for a proper hearing on the gathered facts. The ALSC agreed with Halls ruling.

The court also seems unlikely to overturn Hall on the latest issue. As Hall notes in her ruling on the matter of the number of questions, the unique nature of an election challenge deposition which requires written questions that must be asked by an impartial commissioner forces attorneys into a guessing game in which they have to submit follow-up questions for all reasonable potential answers.

The Court has reviewed the direct examination questions, cross examination questions, and the rebuttal questions and obviously recognizes that they are voluminous, Hall wrote. At the same time, this Court acknowledges the difficulty of trying to draft sufficiently thorough and unambiguous questions and potential follow-up questions. Having reviewed the questions, the Court finds that the areas of inquiry are material and relevant to the residency issue that is the subject of this election contest and that the questions submitted are not unduly burdensome as many of these questions may not be necessary dependent upon the initial response.

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David Cole again takes election challenge to the Alabama Supreme ... - Alabama Political Reporter

What to know before you vote in Johnson County – Daily Journal

Johnson County election board member Phil Barrow holds the door open for County Maintenance Worker Shaun Spears, as he delivers voting machines to the Franklin Community Center on Monday.

Noah Crenshaw | Daily Journal

Today is Election Day, the day for voters to make their voices heard.

From 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. today, voters will cast ballots to select candidates in multiple contested races at the local level. In some races, whoever wins today will likely be the person to hold office next year, unless Democrat or a Libertarian enters races to challenge them before the November municipal election.

Voters taking the Republican ballot have choices for every city and town, though only Bargersville, Franklin, Greenwood, Princes Lakes, Trafalgar and Whiteland have contested primaries. Only Johnson County residents who live within municipal boundaries can vote this year.

A total of 81,033 Johnson County residents who live in municipalities are registered and eligible to vote in the primary election. For the primary, 3,007 people cast their vote through in-person early voting by close of early voting at noon Monday, according to Johnson County Voter Registration.

From left, Johnson County maintenance workers Aaron Miller, Noah Henson and Shaun Spears unload voting machines at the Franklin Community Center on Monday.

Noah Crenshaw | Daily Journal

Johnson County maintenance workers Aaron Miller, left, and Noah Henson deliver voting equipment to the Franklin Community Center on Monday.

Noah Crenshaw | Daily Journal

Johnson County Maintenance Worker Shaun Spears delivers voting machines to the Franklin Community Center on Monday.

Noah Crenshaw | Daily Journal

Johnson County election board member Phil Barrow holds the door open for County Maintenance Worker Shaun Spears, as he delivers voting machines to the Franklin Community Center on Monday.

Noah Crenshaw | Daily Journal

Johnson County Election Board Member Phil Barrow, left, signs off on election equipment delivery paperwork as board member Kevin Service watches from above at the Franklin Community Center on Monday.

Noah Crenshaw | Daily Journal

Johnson County Election Board Member Kevin Service signs off on election equipment delivery paperwork at the Franklin Community Center on Monday.

Noah Crenshaw | Daily Journal

Supporters of Mayor Mark Myers and Greenwood City Council District 4 candidate Teri Manship campaign outside the Greenwood Public Library during early voting on Saturday.

Leeann Doerflein | Daily Journal

Greenwood mayoral candidate Joe Hubbard, far left, and Greenwood City Council at-large candidate Erin Betron, second from left, campaign outside the Greenwood Public Library with supporters during early voting on Saturday.

Leeann Doerflein | Daily Journal

Steve Moan, an at-large candidate for Greenwood City Council, speaks to a voter outside the Greenwood Public Library during early voting on Saturday.

Leeann Doerflein | Daily Journal

Linda Gibson, an incumbent seeking reelection in Greenwood City Council District 1, and Ronald Palmer Jr., son of at-large city council candidate Ronald Palmer, Sr., campaign outside the Greenwood Public Library during early voting on Saturday.

Leeann Doerflein | Daily Journal

In Greenwood, there are contested races for mayor, city judge, city council districts 1, 4 and 5, along with city council at-large. Bargersville voters will see contested clerk-treasurer and town council at-large races, while voters in Franklin, Princes Lakes and Trafalgar all have contested city or town council at-large races.

Whiteland voters have contested races for town council districts 1 and 2. Though the town council is split into districts, everyone in the town votes for these offices regardless of where they live.

There are Democrats on the ballot for Bargersville and Whiteland town council at-large, along with Greenwood city council districts 3 and 4, but none of these races are contested. Democrat ballots will only be available for voters who live in Bargersville, Whiteland, or districts in Greenwood with a Democrat on the ballot.

A total of 15 vote centers will open in churches, libraries and government buildings across the county. Johnson County voters can use any vote center in the county.

Voters going to the polls must remember to bring their state-issued drivers license or ID, or another form of acceptable identification. These other forms include passports, military IDs or an ID from a state-funded college, according to the Indiana Secretary of States Office.

The Indiana Bureau of Motor Vehicles locations will be open to issue a voter ID for anyone who doesnt have one, according to the agency. The BMV will have extended hours from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. on Tuesday.

ELECTION DAY VOTE CENTERS

Here is a look at where you can cast your ballot in person from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. today:

Mt. Auburn Church, 3100 W. Stones Crossing Road, Greenwood

White River Public Library, 1664 Library Boulevard, Greenwood

Community Church of Greenwood (main entrance foyer), 1477 W. Main St, Greenwood

Greenwood Christian Church, 2045 Averitt Road, Greenwood

Greenwood Public Library (east door), 310 S. Meridian St., Greenwood

Greenwood Bible Baptist Church, 1461 Sheek Road, Greenwood

Grace Assembly of God, 6822 N. U.S. Highway 31, New Whiteland

Clark Pleasant Public Library, 350 Clearwater Boulevard, Whiteland

Bargersville Town Hall, 24 N. Main St., Bargersville

Franklin Community Center, 396 Branigin Boulevard/State St., Franklin

Grace United Methodist Church, 1300 E. Adams Drive, Franklin

Trafalgar Public Library, 424 S. Tower St., Trafalgar

Princes Lakes Town Hall, 14 E. Lakeview Drive, Nineveh

John R. Drybread Community Center, 100 E. Main Cross St., Edinburgh

Scott Hall, Johnson County Fairgrounds, 250 Fairground St., Franklin

A map of Johnson County vote centers for the May 2 primary.Map provided by Johnson County Voter Registration

ELECTION CENTRAL

Stay in the loop. Get the latest vote totals tonight on our website: dailyjournal.net.

Need to know more about the candidates in this years election? Go online to dailyjournal.net/local/elections/.

TELL US YOUR STORY

Let us know how voting goes for you. Lines wrapped around the building? Didnt have the correct ID? End up at a vote center thats closed this election? Call us at 317-736-2774 or email newstips@dailyjournal.net.

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What to know before you vote in Johnson County - Daily Journal

Debate: The E.U. Was a Mistake – Reason

Small States Are Best, and the E.U. Is Huge

Affirmative: Daniel Hannan

Small is beautiful. That, in a nutshell, is the case against the European Union. If you want to make the same point in more grandiose language, you can quote Aristotle: "To the size of a state there is a limit, as there is to plants, animals and instruments, none of which can retain their natural facility when too large."

Here's one practical test of his thesis. Which states or territories have the highest gross domestic product (GDP) per head? Depending on whose measure we use, the top five are Qatar, Macao, Luxembourg, Singapore, and Brunei (according to Worldometer); Monaco, Liechtenstein, the Isle of Man, Bermuda, and the Cayman Islands (according to the International Monetary Fund); or the Isle of Man, the Channel Islands, the Faroe Islands, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and Guam (according to the United Nations). Notice what they all have in common?

Europhiles might object that the E.U. is not a state, and that the very presence of Luxembourg in one of those tables suggests that it can't be doing too badly. But look at the direction of travel. At first, the European Economic Community (EEC)the clue was in the namecould reasonably be described as an international association, focused on eliminating trade barriers among its members. True, it did so at the expense of trade with nonmembers. Unlike NAFTA or the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), the EEC was not a free trade area but a customs union, controlling all commerce on behalf of its members and artificially redirecting trade away from the rest of the world. Still, it was a club of nations rather than a superstate.

That changed when the Maastricht Treaty came into force in 1993. Suddenly, Brussels had a hand in almost every field of government activity: foreign policy, criminal justice, the environment, culture, immigration, defense. It was now that, in recognition of its vastly expanded ambitions, it stopped being the EEC and became the European Union.

A big polity can prosper, but only if it behaves like a confederation of statelets. The supreme exemplar is the U.S., the only large nation that gets anywhere near the top of those GDP rankings (coming in, respectively, at 7, 7, and 10 in the three lists cited above). American states and counties have powers that exceed those of any local authorities in Europeexcept in Switzerland, which, largely because it wants to retain its devolved political system, has declined to join the European Union. Delaware, unlike Denmark, can set its own sales taxes. Pennsylvania, unlike Poland, can decide whether to allow capital punishment.

Don't get me wrong, I'm not wild about the direction the U.S. has been taking either. Power is shifting from the states to Washington, D.C., from the legislature to the executive, and, indeed, from the citizen to the government. But the U.S. is starting from a much better place. It was designed according to Jeffersonian principles. Power was dispersed, decentralized, and democratized.

The E.U., by contrast, was designed to weld nations into a supranational bloc. The first article of its founding charter, the Treaty of Rome, commits its members to an "ever-closer union." The European Court of Justice has repeatedly cited that clause to justify power grabs that go beyond anything foreseen by the treaties.

The U.S. Constitution is an imperfect document, but, as P.J. O'Rourke said, it's better than what you've got now. The E.U. treaties, by contrast, don't even pretend to restrict state power. Where the Declaration of Independence promises life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, its European equivalent, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, entitles people to "strike action," "affordable housing," and "free healthcare."

True, nation-states can be as intrusive and dirigiste as the European Union. But the aggregate picture is clear. The cheapest and most accountable administrations are those closest to the people. Local government is (not always, but on average) more efficient than national government, national government more efficient than supranational government.

In theory, one could imagine an E.U. that did not concern itself with behind-border issuesan E.U., in short, more like EFTA or NAFTA. But that is not what we have. The real E.U. has policies on every aspect of life, from permissible noise levels to the status of disabled people, from the rights of asylum seekers to space exploration. No wonder most British libertarians voted to leave it.

Negative: Dalibor Rohac

Many valid criticisms can be addressed at the European Union. The Brussels machinery is bureaucratic and largely insulated from accountability. When it comes to new markets and new technologies, European institutions regulate first and ask questions later. The E.U. controls a sizable budget, part of it wastefulincluding generous agricultural subsidies and transfer programs that have entrenched aspiring autocrats in countries such as Hungary.

Yet the E.U.'s existence is infinitely preferable to its absence. It is a prime example of the "nirvana fallacy" to compare the E.U. and its flaws to a libertarian ideal of free trade and unregulated markets. The relevant comparison is between the E.U. and the politically plausible alternatives.

Those alternatives almost certainly involve protectionism, heavy-handed industrial policy and planning, or state aid to politically connected companiesand they could involve ethnic conflict and war. If it weren't for the pressure of the European Commission in the late 1980s, it is fanciful to think that Italy or France would have just given up state ownership of utilities, banks, or their industrial giants.

Conversely, the United Kingdom has not become a free market paradise after leaving the European Union. Quite the opposite. The U.K. economy, already constrained by self-imposed "not in my backyard" (NIMBY) regulations, is being burdened by new barriers to cross-border commerce with continental Europehence the dismal growth record three years into leaving the bloc.

Again, the E.U.'s "single market" is far from perfect. It is effectively nonexistent in the area of services, for example. And in areas where it does work, it often goes hand in hand with harmonized European rules rather than with simple mutual recognition of national standards.

Yet the single market is a singular achievement. It is one thing to prescribe the free movement of goods, capital, and people within the continental United States under the auspices of a powerful federal government. It is quite another to arrive at such an outcome through the largely voluntary efforts of E.U. member states.

Could we imagine an alternative that would be superior, from a libertarian standpoint? Sure: Eliminate tariffs and embrace mutual recognition of national rules. But that's never going to happen. The experience with existing mutual recognition arrangements from around the world shows that under wide differences between regulatory regimes, mutual recognition is politically unsustainable.

In other words, the layer of E.U. rules is a price to pay for the absence of nontariff barriers. This is arguably not a very hefty price to pay, given that some E.U. countries (the Nordics, Baltics, the Netherlands) are among the most competitive economies around the world, and given that nonmembers have voluntarily embraced those rules (Norway) or are very keen to do so (Ukraine).

It is misleading to compare the E.U.'s single market with 19th century Europe, and not just because 19th century Europe did not have a modern regulatory state. The "first age of globalization" was driven more by improvements in transportation than by wise trade policy. If anything, the free trade system started gradually eroding in the 1870s before completely collapsing in World War I.

Contrary to conservative-nationalist folklore, the E.U. is not a nefarious top-down plot to subvert national sovereignty and self-governance. It is an imperfect compromise resulting from decadeslong efforts by democratically elected leaders, and it enjoys broad, consistent popular support. (Two-thirds of Europeans back it, according to a recent Eurobarometer poll.)

One can understand why Americans or Brits might look with suspicion at the E.U.'s convoluted decision making processes. Yet the E.U.'s odd architecture reflects something distinctly Europeanthe uneasy tension between common cultural references and the sheer diversity of the continent. It is not a coincidence that for almost two millennia Europe saw a succession of weird, multilayered, quasi-federal structures of governance, from the Holy Roman Empire through leagues of city states to multinational "republics" such as the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

England aside, the "sovereign" nation-state is a late19th century addition to Europe's political realities. And needless to say, the founding generation of the modern libertarian movement had a keen understanding of the fact that this period was not exactly friendly to freedom, markets, and peace.

Has the E.U. lived up fully to the ideals of Hayekian international federalism? Of course not. But it is blindingly obvious that it has performed better than the relevant alternatives.

Subscribers have access toReason's wholeMay 2023 issue now. These debates and the rest of the issue will be released throughout the month for everyone else. Consider subscribing today!

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Debate: The E.U. Was a Mistake - Reason