Archive for the ‘Libertarian’ Category

Nietzsche and the myth of free will | Donovan Miyasaki – IAI

The idea that free will is an illusion is rife. Everyone from neuroscientists to philosophers, podcasters to mystics, is arguing that the idea we are truly in control of our decisions and actions is nothing more than a persistent illusion. Others are not so sure, the feeling we control our lives cannot be outdone by argument alone experience is a source of knowledge too. Donovan Miyasaki argues that more important than whether we have free will or not, is why we are asking the question in the first place.

If we could prove with certainty that human beings possess free will, would that knowledge profoundly affect your life? If youre already convinced we do have free will, it might make no difference at all. But even if youre skeptical free will exists, you probably often still act as if it does, carefully deliberating over choices and holding yourself and others accountable for their actions. So, it appears knowledge about free will has little impact on our lives. If the free will debate makes no practical difference, why do we care so much about the answer?

For Nietzsche, thats the important question: not whether we have free will, but what our attitude toward free will says about us. Why do we sometimes want to believe in it so desperately? Why, at other times, are we so anxious to deny it? For Nietzsche, both our need for and fear of free will are symptoms of a deep discontentment. Our preoccupation with free will betrays an inability to completely embrace our existence and a desire to wish it away or blame it on someone else, to flee the problem of our condition rather than fix it. In contrast, in our best moments he thinks were indifferent to free will, achieving an amor fati or love of fate that helps us affirm our life and the world in a higher, paradoxically fatalistic kind of freedom: freedom from any need for free will.

Well return to this strange idea of a higher, fatalistic form of freedom. But first lets make sense of Nietzsches views about the free will debate. He agrees with most contemporary philosophers that the traditional libertarian idea of free will is mistaken. According to the libertarian, I completely cause my own decisions; theyre not necessitated by prior causes such as genetics, physiological history, or environment. For Nietzsche, the libertarian claim that I can cause myself is simply a self-contradiction, a logical abomination comparable to pulling yourself by the hair from the swamp of nothingness into existence. [1]

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But according to Nietzsches holistic fatalism, a person belongs to the whole, so to say to an individual: change yourself means demanding that everything change, even retroactively.

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But he also rejects the dominant view among contemporary philosophers, the compatibilist idea that we dont need to completely cause ourselves in order to have free will. For the compatibilist, my will is free if its uncoerced, expressing my true personality, beliefs, and desires rather than fleeting feelings or external pressures. A free will flows from who I really ameven if who I really am is the result of prior causes like genetics or environment. So far, Nietzsche has no objection. But most compatibilists go further, arguing we that we should still be held morally responsiblepraised and rewarded for good actions, blamed and punished for bad ones. In contrast, Nietzsche insists I cant be held responsible for actions that come from a personality I have no deep control over: No one gives people their qualities, not God or society, parents or ancestors, not even people themselves. Nobody is responsible for people existing in the first place, or for the state or circumstances or environment they are in. [2]

Does this mean were completely unfree, just the passive playthings of external forces? Not at all. Instead, Nietzsche asks us to reject the distinction between free and unfree will, since both views mistakenly treat individuals as fundamentally separate and independent from the world. In reality, however, we are continuous with our world. Consider the kinds of causes that supposedly make me unfree: my genetics, body, environment, and upbringing. These arent things that are external to me; theyre part and parcel of who I am. In Nietzsches words, The fatality of human existence cannot be extricated from the fatality of everything that was and will be. a person is necessary, a person is a piece of fate, a person belongs to the whole. [3]

This is Nietzsches holistic fatalism: there is only one reality, one world, one causal whole. We are neither completely free nor completely unfree, neither pure cause nor pure effect. True, we are necessary; our personality and choices are fated. But as pieces of fate we are also participants in that fate, an inseparable part of the causal whole of all things. We help make the future happen, including the future form of our own selves. This is the real meaning of Nietzsches famous slogan become who you are. He adds that we never know in advance who we will become, so this slogan doesnt mean make yourself anything youd like to be or even just be who you are. It means that I choose today, but only discover and learn to embrace who I am as my future unfolds. So, becoming who I am is inseparable from accepting my place in the world as it is revealed to me, affirming my world as well as myself in their necessary development.

At our best we are equal to the insight of Nietzsches fatalistic holism; we are able to recognize the necessity of the present order of the world and affirm our place in it, even as we try to shape it toward a different future. This is Nietzsches higher, seemingly paradoxical idea of freedom that I mentioned earlier, a freedom that does not require belief in either free will or moral responsibility: a spirit like this who has become free stands in the middle of the world with a cheerful and trusting fatalism in the belief that only the individual is reprehensible, that everything is redeemed and affirmed in the wholehe does not negate anymore. [4] Its not freedom from the world, but freedom to be part of the world, liberation from the temptation to separate ourselves from our world as either its victim or master. I am free when my self-understanding is no longer at war with my reality: I recognize what I truly am and must be. I still act with the intention to shape my as yet unknown future, but within the limits of my real nature and abilities rather than against them. When I succeed at this, my will coincides with my deeper personality, expressing my real possibilities for who I might become in the future, rather than wishful fantasies about who Id rather be.

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Our preoccupation with free will betrays an inability to completely embrace our existence and a desire to wish it away or blame it on someone else, to flee the problem of our condition rather than fix it.

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So, when we worry about free will, imagining ourselves as either captain or cog of fate, either defying the world or under its heel, we become less free in Nietzsches higher sense. We lose track of our reality, denying the fatalistic truth of the relationship between ourselves and our world. We pretend were not part and parcel of the world, not pieces of fate. Why not? If I dont want to be who I am fated to be, then the idea of free will offers me two seductive but imaginary escape routes. First, belief in free will allows me to think that I can completely change who I am overnight, through sheer will-power. And if I can exercise that ability at any time, I might as well procrastinate: I can always become the person Id rather be tomorrow instead of today. Second, I can selectively deny that I have free will whenever freedom is too difficult and inconvenient. When my actions failor when I fail to act at allI can always convince myself that my circumstances were overwhelming and shift the blame for my discontent with myself onto the world.

This gets to the heart of Nietzsches diagnosis of our preoccupation with free will. When we cannot love our fate, when we find it unbearable or even despise it, we turn to free will not in order to change our fate but disavow itabove all, to blame it on someone else. If I cant get better, at least I can get even: People were considered free so that they could be judged and punishedso that they could be guilty. [5] When were dissatisfied with ourselves but despair of the possibility of change, we find compensation in excuse and revenge. So belief in free will isnt, as we might expect, an optimistic counterpoint to pessimistic free will skepticism.Belief and skepticism about free will are complementary strategies of self-deception, alternating between pretending we can change completely and pretending we cant change at all. Belief in free will encourages procrastination, since we can always change tomorrow instead of today. Or it leads us to attempt impossible changes, as though we could reinvent ourselves from scratch. When these overambitious attempts fail, we use free will skepticism as an excuse for resignation, giving up on changing ourselves at all. Both belief in free will and skepticism about free will end up supporting the status quo by protecting a passive despair about the possibility of substantially changing ourselves and our world for the better.

According to Nietzsches most notorious application of this idea, the oppressed of the Roman Empire created Christian morality as an imaginary revenge against the nobility. He claims that early Christians, seeing no possibility of political revolt, used free will to infect their oppressors with moral guilt and recast their predicament as a freely chosen life of virtuous poverty and humility rather than political defeat: it facilitated that sublime self-deception whereby the majority of the dying, the weak and the oppressed of every kind could construe weakness itself as freedom, and their particular mode of existence as an accomplishment. [6]

So, on Nietzsches diagnosis, our worry about whether we have free will turns out to be a symptom of our entire moral traditions roots in a form of political despair, a discontent so severe that it takes the form of hopelessness, the abandonment of any effective social and political project to shape our future. Our morality was never a sincere attempt to better ourselves and our world. Instead, its an attempt to use the myth of free will to shift blame for our unhappiness from the social and political order onto individuals, punishing them for a world they cannot control and diverting our efforts from any real possibility of improvement. Remember that individuals are only small pieces of fate, their solitary moral efforts necessitated by their core characters, in turn produced by their past. The possibility of deep personal change comes only when we collectively work together to change the broader social order of which were a part. If our morality seems to fail us, its because thats what we designed it to do: to excuse us rather than change us.

This form of morality is, in turn, the foundation of our approach to social and political change, making politics into another exercise in disguised despair. Our politics is an ineffective moralism. We sort individuals and groups into good guys and bad guys, into those who use the freedom of their will for good and those who use it for evil, then persuade and admonish the bad ones to see the light and reform themselves. And then we wait, hoping that the heroes who have successfully reformed themselves will prevail against the villains who choose not to. But according to Nietzsches holistic fatalism, a person belongs to the whole, so to say to an individual: change yourself means demanding that everything change, even retroactively. [7] We can change each other only through collective action, and only by changing the shared world of which were a part. To focus on the supposed moral freedom of individuals simply reinforces the fatality of the past that produced them. Both the political heroes we anxiously await to save us and the political villains we blame for their failure are part of the same past script that we endlessly regenerateevery few years, a great new hero thwarted by a great new villainrather than working together to write a new end to the script.

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Instead, Nietzsche asks us to reject the distinction between free and unfree will, since both views mistakenly treat individuals as fundamentally separate and independent from the world.

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Weve seen that Nietzsches idea of freedom was paradoxical: a freedom from the worry about whether or not were free that coincided with amor fati or the love of fate, the complete embrace of the fated form of myself, including my circumstances and the world that shaped them. We can now add a further paradox: love of fate is not a recipe for complacency but the only attitude that makes real change possible. The myth of free will allowed me to treat myself as fundamentally separate from others and my world, in turn allowing me to shift the blame for my discontent: Im not the problem, its the world thats wrong. But to love my fate is to acknowledge that if the world is wrong, then Im wrong too, since Im a part of it. To love my fate is to love that part of me that is discontented, to act effectively from that discontent rather than deny it or blame others for it. To love my fate is also to love the world of which Im an extricable part, and so to seek to change it through collective rather than isolated action. Paradoxically, to love ones fate is the only way to change it.

References:

[1] Beyond Good and Evil 21. [2] Twilight of the Idols, The Four Great Errors 8. [3] Twilight of the Idols, The Four Great Errors 8. [4] Twilight of the Idols, Skirmishes of an Untimely Man 49. [5] Twilight of the Idols, The Four Great Errors 7. [6] The Genealogy of Morality, First Essay 13. [7] Twilight of the Idols, Morality as Anti-Nature 6.

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Nietzsche and the myth of free will | Donovan Miyasaki - IAI

Newly Published Visual Books, From Asylum Seekers to Ruth E … – The New York Times

ASYLUM, by Umberto Nicola Nicoletti. (Rizzoli, $80.) Nicoletti captures the dignity and pain of L.G.B.T.Q. asylum seekers in these glossy monochrome portraits, accompanied by searing anonymous testimonies drawn from their letters.

THE ART OF RUTH E. CARTER: Costuming Black History and the Afrofuture, From Do the Right Thing to Black Panther, by Ruth E. Carter. (Chronicle, $40.) The celebrated costume designer reflects on over three decades of her work on films from Spike Lees School Daze to Black Panther: Wakanda Forever. Presented alongside sketches, mood boards and photography by Awol Erizku.

MOVEMENT AT THE STILL POINT: An Ode to Dance, by Mark Mann. (Rizzoli, $60.) The eminent portraitist photographs dancers including Misty Copeland and Chita Rivera statically posed and mid-motion, capturing their verve in shimmering black and white.

THE NEW BIG 5: A Global Photography Project for Endangered Species, by Graeme Green. (Earth Aware Editions, $75.) Appropriating the term for the animals prized as trophies by hunters, this book features dazzling photos of elephants, gorillas, tigers, lions and polar bears along with essays from conservationists.

QUIETLY HOSTILE: Essays, by Samantha Irby. (Vintage, paperback, $17.) Irby brings humor and compassion to this wide-ranging essay collection, covering her love for the Dave Matthews Band, providing end-of-life care for her ailing mother and more.

THE FORBIDDEN TERRITORY OF A TERRIFYING WOMAN, by Molly Lynch. (Catapult, $27.) When a Canadian professor reluctantly living in Ann Arbor vanishes one night, her husband quickly learns that her disappearance is part of a larger phenomenon.

THE CHILE PROJECT: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism, by Sebastian Edwards. (Princeton, $32.) This history of Chiles controversial economic reforms after Pinochets 1973 takeover begins in 1955, when the U.S. began to train Chilean economists under the libertarian Milton Friedman.

MY SEARCH FOR WARREN HARDING, by Robert Plunket. (New Directions, paperback, $18.95.) Elliot Weiner, a bigoted academic, obsesses over a trunk of the former presidents love letters in this celebrated, long out-of-print antihero novel.

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Newly Published Visual Books, From Asylum Seekers to Ruth E ... - The New York Times

Hear from City of Tucson candidates – Arizona Daily Star

Voters in Tucson will choose a new mayor and three councilmembers this year.

As we did with the 2022 elections, our goal is to help voters get to know the candidates and where they stand on the main issues.

Starting today, we are running a series on the Opinion pages with candidates' responses to a questionnaire from the Star, along with basic biographical information to help you get to know the candidates.

Three candidates are running for mayor in the Aug. 1 primary election: Incumbent Mayor Regina Romero, a Democrat; Republican Janet "JL" Wittenbraker, and Libertarian Arthur Kerschen.

Another candidate, Ed Ackerley, is running as an independent and will be on the ballot for the Nov. 7 general election.

In Ward 1, three candidates are running: Incumbent Lane Santa Cruz, a Democrat; Republican Victoria Lem, and Democrat Miguel Ortega.

In Ward 2, four candidates are running: Incumbent Paul Cunningham, a Democrat; Democrat Lisa Nutt, Republican Ernie Shack, and Libertarian Pendleton Spicer.

In Ward 4, two candidates are running:Incumbent Nikki Lee, a Democrat, and Republican Ross Kaplowitch.

What you read is what they wrote and how they submitted their answers to us.

We want to help voters see how candidates compare with each other on specific issues.

In today's edition, the candidates discuss their top priority.

We kept our questions general so voters could see how they approach each issue.

We also compiled a list of resources voters will need as they navigate this election season, such as links to make sure you are registered to vote and key dates.

If you have any questions, contact us at staropinions@tucson.com.

We also want to hear from you, submit a letter to the editor or write an opinion piece at tucson.com/opinion.

Get opinion pieces, letters and editorials sent directly to your inbox weekly!

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Hear from City of Tucson candidates - Arizona Daily Star

The Plan to Split Democracies Into Tiny Pieces – The New Republic

The creation of zones has not always meant gleaming towers and crowded ports. In South Africa, market radicals seized on apartheid policies to put the zone offense into action. Ciskei was one of several territories that the apartheid government designated a homeland for the Black population. Under this policy, Black South Africans were stripped of their citizenship and told they were citizens of these new pseudo-states instead; over 3.5 million people were forcibly relocated as a result. Seeing these developments, libertarians hoped that the homeland could work as a kind of zone, Slobodian explains; with the help of economists who believe in the power of markets, prices and incentives, it could become, depending which paper you consulted, the African Hong Kong or Africas Switzerland.

They got their chance to weigh in directly in 1984 when Ciskeis leader, Chief Lennox Sebe, put together a commission on economic policy. The head of the commission was Leon Louw, a South African inspired by Hong Kong, Friedman, and Friedrich Hayek. The model he proposed was the Export Processing Zone, which essentially created an internal offshore space with few regulations or rules to turn off investors. The strategy was to undercut countries like Taiwan by paying even lower wages. This is like Taiwan 30 or 40 years ago: no competition, cheap labor, one investor enthused. Rapid industrialization followed, as did violent state coercion: the would-be libertarian utopia operated hand in glove with the South African security forces, cracking down on dissent and any attempt at labor organizing.

In a similar instance of opportunism, market radicals also took an interest in war-torn Somalia in the 1990s. In that story, Michael van Notten, a prominent Dutch libertarian thinker and attorney whose claim to fame was the idea of the tax-free T-zone, would take the lead. Van Nottens signature scheme called for ending taxes in certain strategic locales to arouse what one economist called a stimulating jealousy in the surrounding area. In this way, lower taxation might spread by osmosis as communities raced to the bottom in order to remain competitive. In the Horn of Africa, he called for the creation of a society with no central government, ruled instead by judges rooted in the legitimacy of traditional Somali law. Individual Somali clans, as van Nottens Somali wife explained, would be able to profit from their statelessness by opening areas within their tribal lands for development, inviting businessmen and professionals the world over to come to take advantage of the absence of a central government or other coercive authority.

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The Plan to Split Democracies Into Tiny Pieces - The New Republic

Holcomb wont run for Senate in 2024 – The Republic

Holcomb

Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb said explicitly he will not make a bid for the U.S. Senate in 2024, quashing rumors that he would seek federal office after his gubernatorial term ends next year.

Ive closed the door. Im too busy, Holcomb, 55, told the Indiana Capital Chronicle on Friday.

Last week, the outgoing governor appeared to say in an op-ed that he will not run for the open U.S. Senate seat or any other office in the next election cycle. The announcement likely makes Third District Republican U.S. Rep. Jim Banks a lock for the GOP nomination.

U.S. Sen. Mike Braun is giving up his seat to run for governor in 2024.

I tried to make that clear maybe I buried the lead, Holcomb said about a Senate run. Ive had a lot of people contact me lately, and it was just taking up time. But out of respect to them, I thought things through. But weve got a lot of good news in the pipeline here for Indiana, and thats going to require my attention, and what I signed up to do and I enjoy doing it. So thats where Im at.

He hasnt ruled out the possibility for a bid after 2024, however.

You never know, Holcomb said. But right now, Im worried about the job that Ive got. Not the next one.

Holcomb additionally said hell continue to hold off an endorsement in the GOP contest to replace him, saying he hasnt decided yet on the 2024 gubernatorial primary race.

Thats not to say that I wont at some point, he said. Im under no timeline myself, and that would be the only timeline Id hold myself to But Ill give everyone the space that they need to define their candidacy and share who they are, share their plans.

Holcomb previously told reporters hed dive into the primary election, and give an endorsement, following the adjournment of the 2023 legislative session. Hes since danced around any endorsements though.

We need people who will turn the cards face up, be very transparent about not just what theyre for but what theyll do, and how theyll do it, he said. So, having a plan in hand, and then acting on it, and then listening and learning. I dont want to be egocentric about this, but there are probably three good suggestions for any job. plan, act, and then listen and learn from your mistakes or where you came up short, and adjust. Thats what I thinks been lacking on the federal front.

Look, Im not running, but I do need partners and not just me, the 49 other governors of both parties need partners who will focus on the big items of the day that are anchors right now. And the same would hold true for anyone running for governor in Indiana, or the country of any state. And so they need the freedom and the space to be able to share substantively not just filling out a survey but heres what we want to do. And Ive tried to do that, he continued. Im not asking anything of anyone that I havent asked of myself. Ive tried to say we need to take this to the next level, but that requires you to actually have plans like trail program plans and broadband internet plans. And so thats what Ill be looking forward to. As those get clearer, my mind will get clearer, too, and discerning what I want to do.

Holcomb cannot run for a third successive term under Indiana law.

Lt. Gov. Suzanne Crouch, Braun and Fort Wayne businessman Eric Doden are all running in the Republican primary for governor. All three contenders have deep pockets, promising an expensive primary race.

On the Democratic side, former Superintendent of Education Jennifer McCormick has jumped into the race. Donald Rainwater will also run again for governor as a Libertarian candidate.

The Indiana Capital Chronicle is an independent, not-for-profit news organization that covers state government, policy and elections.

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Holcomb wont run for Senate in 2024 - The Republic