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A soldier aims an automatic rifle through a peephole in a wall at Raqqa, Syria, on June 11, 2017.(Photo: Youssef Rabie Youssef, European Pressphoto Agency)

WASHINGTON New efforts by Iranian-backed militias to control supply lines in southern Syria highlight an alarming trend in the war-torn region: Militias and their foreign backers are accelerating their rivalry for power as the U.S.-led coalition shrinks the Islamic States territory.

You can see everyone maneuvering frenetically, said Michael Knights, an analyst at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

The problem surfaced in recent weeks when Iranian-backed militias maneuvered close to a U.S. outpost in southern Syria. The outpost at al-Tanf is a base for several hundred coalition advisers and the local forces they are supporting.

Last week, U.S.-led coalition aircraft struck the militias for a third time to warn them away from U.S. forces. An American warplane also shot down an Iranian-built armed drone operating in the same area after it fired at U.S. advisers and their partner forces.

Analysts say the primary objective of the Iranian forces is not to threatenU.S. forces. Instead, the militias are defending Irans supply routes to Lebanon that go through Iraq and southern Syria.

The Islamic State, or ISIS, "was always destined to be defeated, and now the U.S. and its allies have to contend with an emboldened, belligerent, and more powerful Iran, which has cultivated more proxies than ever, saidAli Khedery, a former special assistant to five U.S. ambassadors in Iraq.

The Pentagon sees the Iranian-backed militias as a potentialdistraction from the fight against ISIS.

The coalition calls on all parties in southern Syria to focus their efforts on the defeat of ISIS, which is our common enemy and the greatest threat to the region and the rest of the world, said Col. Ryan Dillon, a Pentagon spokesman.

Analysts say the array of militias and foreign powers in the region have differing objectives, which are coming to the forefront as ISIS is pushed out of its strongholds in Iraq and Syria, leaving a power vacuum.

For countriessuch as Iran and Russia, defeating ISISwas never themain objective. Both countries are the principle backers of Syrian President Bashar Assad.

Turkey, a NATO member, has supported opponents of Assadbut mistrusts the Syrian Kurds, who are backed by the United States and are among the most effective fighters against ISIS.

ISIS is almost an afterthought, Knights said. Theyre a speed bump.

Other developments suggest that rival powers are positioning themselves for the defeat of ISIS. In Iraq, powerful Shiite militias, some supported by Iran, have moved close to the Syrian border, raising concerns about their objectives.

The militias, called popular mobilization forces, have helped Iraqs military cut ISIS supplylines during an offensive in Mosul. With ISIS nearly defeated in that key city, some analysts fear the Shiite militias now want to spread their influence by trying to control Iraq's border with Syria.

I dont want the popular mobilization forces to be part of any regional political game. But it looks like they are, said Ismael Alsodani, a retired Iraqi brigadier general who served as a military attach in Washington.

The maneuvering has intensified as ISIS' grip on territory has diminished since the militant groupswept into Syria and Iraq three years ago.

U.S.-backed Iraqi security forces are close to clearing militants from Mosul, the countrys second-largest city. In Syria, the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces have launched an offensive in Raqqa, the Islamic States de facto capital.

Nearly three years of bombing has devastated ISIS'leadership and destroyed much of the militant group's weapons and equipment.

Everyone knew ISIS would be defeated, said Lukman Faily, a former Iraqi ambassador to the United States. We see now that many of the powers in the region, and locally, are trying to strengthen their position for when ISIS is gone.

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Iran attempts to expand control through Syria as ISIS nears defeat - USA TODAY

An increasing number of women in Iran are getting on their bicyclesto protestagainst afatwabanning them fromcycling in public.

HardlineIranian leaders believe women on bikes are a threat to morality and arestrictly forbidden as a means of public transport.

Women must also be completely veiled, even in the height of summer, when playing sport or driving.

But a counter-movement, propelled by social media, has emerged over the last year. In a country of record-high air pollution and traffic congestion, more and more women are cycling.

Following a popular measure called car-free Tuesdays that started in the city of Arak two years ago, women spotted an opportunity to cyclein the name of the environment.

But the movement was cut short when a group of women cyclists were arrested in Marivan in Western Iran. They were released the same day after they signed documents, pledging not to cycle again despite no law against it.

There were then a flurry of press declaring women could cycle as long as they pertained to religious customs and the dress code.

But in September, Irans supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, issued a fatwa that women were not allowed to cycle in public.

Women subsequentlyposted pictures of themselves on bikes on social media with the hashtag #IranianWomenLoveCycling.

A mother and daughter filmed themselves cycling on the island of Kish, alongside postsexplaininghow they immediately rented two bicycles after the fatwa.

Cycling is part of our lives. We were here when we heard Khameneis fatwa banning women from cycling, they said.

Another woman posted a video and said she was proud to resist the oppression.

As I believe those who oppress us are wrong, she wrote. Biking for women is not a taboo. And no one can tell me it is.

Despite the fatwa, an increasing number of women cycle through the hilly and traffic-clogged city of Tehran.

Agroup of cyclists, including women, alsogather outside the TehranAzadistadium on Friday mornings to race onthe cycling track,The Guardianreported.

Nanaz, a 30-year-old lawyer, told the paper that she cycles up to 80 km per day.

"As long as [the moderate Hassan] Rouhani is our president, we will be able to do it. My great ambition is to take part in the Olympics," she said.

The Iranian Cycling Federation does not have even 100 members, yet male Iranian cyclists have won competitions across Asia.

Cycling used to be more common.

During the first half of the 20th century, when cars were an expensive import, many residents used their bikes. In 2017, Tehran'snew bike-sharing system has reportedly had little uptake and the 2016 plan for 120 bike stations around the cityhas yet to beimplemented.

Even in the bike-friendly city of Isfahan, with cycle paths, a rental bike scheme and encouragement fromauthorities, women are still not allowed to use them.

It is unclear how longthe fatwa will continue, butFariba, a 36-year-old accountant, told The Guardian she was excited to cycle.

"And yes, I cycle through Tehran, no problem. I am not afraid of the police."

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Iranian women get on their bikes to defy cycling fatwa - The Independent

"This is one of those areas, in a very tumultuous political climate here in the Senate, where we are able to find strong, united agreement that we need to move forward," Banking Chairman Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) said. | Getty

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell on Tuesday teed up a final vote as soon as this week on a bipartisan Iran sanctions bill that is also set to include a bipartisan agreement to boost penalties against the Russian government and make it more difficult for President Donald Trump to lift them.

McConnell moved to wind down debate on the Iran sanctions bill, which counts 58 cosponsors in both parties, with a key procedural vote expected Thursday. The first step in the legislation's path to passage will come Wednesday, when senators are expected to clear a bipartisan agreement that boosts sanctions against Moscow and requires Trump to seek congressional approval of any future decision to ease or eliminate punitive measures against Russia.

Story Continued Below

"This is one of those areas, in a very tumultuous political climate here in the Senate, where we are able to find strong, united agreement that we need to move forward," Banking Chairman Mike Crapo (R-Idaho), a lead negotiator on the Russia sanctions deal, told reporters Tuesday.

Even as Democrats push back hard at the GOP's closed-door work on an Obamacare repeal bill, they are preparing to support a Russia sanctions agreement that Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) pushed to make as stringent as possible.

The Russia deal shows that "Democrats and Republicans are joining together to warn the president he cannot lift sanctions without our approval," Schumer told reporters Tuesday. "I hope it will pass with a strong bipartisan vote. Thats what I expect will happen."

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Russia-Iran sanctions bill heads toward vote with bipartisan backing - Politico

Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif speaks to the media in Tblisi, Georgia, April 18, 2017.(photo byREUTERS/David Mdzinarishvili)

Author:Hassan Ahmadian Posted June 13, 2017

On June 5, Saudi Arabia along with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt severed diplomatic and trade relations with Qatar, effectively imposing a siege on Doha. Besides the many discussions surrounding its causes, the apparently Saudi-led move against Qatar has sparked debate in Tehran on Irans policy toward the rift and the consequences it might bring about. Officially, Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif was quick to respond, tweeting on June 5, Neighbors are permanent; geography cant be changed. Coercion is never the solution. Dialogue is imperative, especially during blessed Ramadan. Meanwhile, Hamid Aboutalebi, the presidents deputy chief of staff for political affairs, tweeted that severingrelations is not the right way out of crises. Foreign Ministry spokesman Bahram Ghassemi said differences among Irans neighbors threaten the interests of all states of the region and urged them to overcome differences through dialogue.

As such, Tehran chose to criticize the Saudi-led approach toward Doha by stressing the need for dialogue instead of confrontation. But does Iran really want the rift mainly within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to be overcome?

For over a decade, Iran-Saudi relations have seen many ups and downs, leading to Riyadh'ssevering ties with Tehran in January 2016, following the storming of Saudi diplomatic facilities in Iran after the execution of a prominent Saudi dissident Shiite cleric. King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud has prioritized isolating Iran, abandoning the preference of his predecessor, King Abdullah, to simultaneously contain both Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood. Thus, outright animosity has replaced rivalry in the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia.

WhilePresident Hassan Rouhani's administrationhas kept insisting on the need for dialogue to ease tension, Saudi Arabia has emphasized the need for Iran'srevision of its regional policies. In prioritizing the containment of Iran, Riyadh has struggled to keep Qatar and Turkey, the main supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, onboard. This shaky coalition, which included anti- and pro-Brotherhood nations in the region, clearly could not withstand mounting differences. While understandable in 2014, amid Abdullahs anti-Brotherhood policy, the present cutting of ties with Qatar as part of Salmans "counter-Iran-first" policy lacks a realist dimension.

With Riyadh casting Qatar away, Tehran should be thrilled about the loss of Saudi Arabias regional concentration on countering Iran. Thus, why is it calling for dialogue instead of supporting Qatar? Four possible motivations may be at play.

First, there are indications of an ongoing Qatari-Saudi escalation Iran cannot live with an all-out confrontation in the Persian Gulf region. Indeed, continued escalation can harm Irans national security both in terms of spreading instabilityand the invitation of more foreign troops into the region. Iran needs neither of the aforementioned, especially under US President Donald Trump.

Second, Iran knows that it cannot replace Saudi Arabias role and influence in the region with that of Qatar. The endgame for Iran cannot be a Persian Gulf divided into pro- and anti-Iran nations. While a divided rather than unified GCC with an anti-Iran posture is certainly preferred, this cannot be the endgame, since it means a continued regional disequilibrium on the one hand and more open space for foreign forces and arms shipments into the region on the other. Therefore, a compromise is needed. By calling for dialogue, Tehran is trying to prove the vanity of Saudi attempts to forge an anti-Iran consensus.

Third, Iran doesnt want to risk being portrayed as a power capitalizing on regional tension and instability. Saudi Arabia has been trying successfully to some extent to spread a tension-inclined image of Iran in the region. Taking sides in the Saudi-Qatari split would help consolidate that image.

Fourth, Iran is benefiting from the differences among GCC member states without having to interfere and take sides in their current dispute. Previous experiences tell Iranian decision-makers that taking sides could complicate things and turn out to be counterproductive. Thereupon come Irans calls for dialogue to ease tensions.

But is Irans official stance serving the Islamic Republic the way it is meant?

For all of its meanings, Irans pro-dialogue policy might appear as appeasing Saudi Arabia at a time when Riyadh prioritizes Iran as its main threat. This author has argued before that by avoiding any tension with Saudi Arabia, Iran may be inviting Saudi escalation against both Tehran and its allieswhile at the same timetying its own hands in terms of its responses. Maintaining its current cautious stance might not serve Irans interests in the long run, especially if the intra-GCC gap and confrontation expands.

Irans logical choice at this point is to tilt towardQatar. Foreign Minister Zarif has made this posture clear through his telephone diplomacy with many of his regional counterparts including the Qatari foreign minister and his recent visit to Turkey. The question now is if Irans decision to cautiously stand with Doha will serve Irans interests in the region. There are four reasons why Irans posture makes sense.

First, a rift among the pro- and anti-Brotherhood camps in the region is strategically in Irans favor. Saudi Arabia tried to avoid such a split by prioritizing Iran as the main threat. Yethaving Qatar and Turkey versus the UAE and Egypt in the same boat turned out to be overly problematic for Riyadh. In that sense, the Saudi move against Qatar is thoroughly counterproductive for its anti-Iran campaign in the region, and Iran should not help Riyadh correct its mistakes.

Second, it should be considered that the rift was not only about the Brotherhoodbut also about Qatars policy toward Iran. Therefore, Tehran cannot and should not stand idly by while Doha is being punished for its different approach toward Iran. Indeed, it would be counterproductive for Tehran to fail to stand on the side of those who oppose the Saudi approach towardIran and tryto rid themselves of it.

Third, Riyadh has exhausted its options against Iran in recent years. For lack of much-needed cards, Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in early May spoke about taking the fight into Iran, crossing previously agreed-upon red lines between the two nations. As such, Iran doesnt have anything to lose in backing Qatar against Saudi Arabia. On the contrary, Tehran can gain a lot by supporting Qatar.

Fourth, standing with Qatar can help strengthen Tehrans ties with Doha, Ankara and their Brotherhood allies, who possibly moving towarda regional understanding of sorts with Iran and its allies can play constructive roles in Syria, Yemen and elsewhere in the region. Additionally, it can hinder Saudi Arabias capacity to assemble coalitions aimed against Iran, Qatar and other nations in the future as well.

The choice Iran now faces is that of whether to stick to its current and tried policy of seeking de-escalation in the face of Saudi-led confrontation. Indeed, there are signs of this default posture being abandoned. If Iran is to learn from past experiences, there is no alternative to diplomatically confronting Saudi Arabia on the regional stage especially since it is becoming increasingly clear that the Islamic Republic has nothing to lose through the latter.

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Iran maneuvers to capitalize on Qatar crisis - Al-Monitor

Iranian police officers secure the area around the mausoleum of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini following an assault there and on the country's parliament building that left at least 17 people dead last week. Ebrahim Noroozi/AP hide caption

Iranian police officers secure the area around the mausoleum of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini following an assault there and on the country's parliament building that left at least 17 people dead last week.

Iran says security forces have killed the "mastermind and main commander" of last week's attacks in Tehran that killed 17 people. ISIS had claimed responsibility for the violence at the parliament and the mausoleum of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

Iranian Minister of Intelligence Mahmoud Alavi said over the weekend that "the terrorist had fled the country following the ensuing security operations after the attack, but was killed with the cooperation of friendly foreign intelligence services," according to the Iranian Students' News Agency.

Alavi did not give details about where the man was killed, other than to say that the commander of the five attackers had been in Iran's border region and had left the country last week.

Alavi also said that in the past three months, Iran has broken up 25 terrorist teams.

Last Wednesday's rare and coordinated attacks on Tehran left dozens of people wounded. At least some of the attackers reportedly disguised themselves by wearing women's clothing, using guns and explosives to cause mayhem at the mausoleum and parliament, or Majlis.

While ISIS claimed responsibility, Iranian officials have also suggested Saudi Arabia may have played a role and Iran's foreign minister called the official U.S. response "repugnant," after President Trump ended his expression of condolences for the victims with the message that "states that sponsor terrorism risk falling victim to the evil they promote."

Announcing the retribution against the mastermind behind the attack, Alavi used another term for ISIS to say, "Our enemy is not Daesh, but rather Daesh is a tool in the hand of our foes," according to the Islamic Republic News Agency.

As the Tehran Times reports, "Iran has been helping the governments in neighboring Iraq and Syria in fight against Daesh, which considers Shiites to be apostates."

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Iran Says It Killed Mastermind Of Deadly Attacks On Parliament And Mausoleum - NPR