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National emergency: Democrats set vote on bill to block Trump …

During a press conference in the Rose Garden, President Trump admitted that he didn't need to declare a national emergency to fund his border wall, but that he did it so he could "get it done faster." USA TODAY

WASHINGTON The House plans to vote Tuesday on aresolutionto try to block President Donald Trump's declaration of anemergency along the southern border,House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Friday.

"The president of the United States is declaring a national emergency to honor an applause line in a rally," Pelosi said on a conference call with reporters Friday morning.

"Not only is he disrespecting the legislative branch and the Constitution of the United States, he is dishonoring the office in which he serves," said the California Democrat, who spoke from the border city of Laredo, Texas.

Trump announced the declaration last week as a means of freeing up billions to pay for his proposed wall along the U.S.-Mexico border after Congress failed to give him the money he demanded.

Democrats have called the declaration an overreach of Trump's power and have vowed to fight it. Their resolution, if it passed both chambers of Congress,would terminate the emergency declaration. But even if Congress approves it,the president could veto it.

Speaking to reporters in the Oval Office on Friday, Trump vowed to veto the resolution 100 percent.

And I dont think it survives a veto, the president predicted.

Pelosi said the resolution would come up in the House Rules Committee Monday night and then likely be brought to the floor on Tuesday.

House Democrats introduced the resolution Friday. As of Friday morning it had more than 225co-sponsors, according to lead sponsor Rep. Joaquin Castro of Texas. The bill hadone GOP co-sponsor, Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan.

"This is ahistoric power grab and it will require historic unity by members of Congress Republican and Democrat, liberal and conservative to counteract the presidents parasitic movement," Castro said.

He and Pelosi said they were trying to recruit Republicans to sign onto the bill.

The bill is expected to pass the Democratic-controlled House, but its future is uncertain in the Republican-held Senate. However, unlike most legislation, theresolution is rooted in a provision from the National Emergencies Act that would require it to be voted upon within 18 calendar days after it is introducedand then be sent to the Senate.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi holds a news conference on Capitol Hill in Washington Jan. 31, 2019. Pelosi urged members to join in backing a resolution to halt the national emergency.(Photo11: Michael Reynolds, epa-efe)

Normally, if Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnelldoesn't want to bring legislation from the House to the floor he can block it from getting a vote. But once this bill passes the House which is it expected to do the Senate will have to take it up within 18 days of receiving it.

Many Republicans have said they were uncomfortable with the president declaring a national emergency toget funding for a wall along the southern border, but it's unclear whether they would vote for such an effort.

A copy of theone-page resolution was sent out by Pelosi late Wednesday to all members of theHouse, where she urged them to join in backing the move.

"All Members take an oath of office to support and defend the Constitution," Pelosi said in her letter. "The Presidents decision to go outside the bounds of the law to try to get what he failed to achieve in the constitutional legislative process violates the Constitution and must be terminated.We have a solemn responsibility to uphold the Constitution, and defend our system of checks and balances against the Presidents assault."

"This is not about politics, it's not about partisanship.It's about patriotism. That's why I wrote a letter about this resolution, Mr. Castro's resolution, to all members 'Dear colleague'not 'Dear Democratic colleague,'"Pelosi said Friday.

Trump made the emergency declaration after Congress allocated$1.375 billion for a barrier along the southern border, far short of the $5.7 billion Trump had demanded. The fight over wall funding led to a 35-day government shutdown the longest on record.

White House officials have saidthe emergency declaration and other budget maneuvers wouldfree up an additional $6.6 billion, which wouldbuild at least 234 miles of border wall.

Along with Congress moving to void the order, the move has also drawn a number of legal challenges in court.

Sixteen states alreadyfiled a lawsuit over Trump'semergency declaration, arguing it exceeds the power of the president and unconstitutionally redirects federal money that Congress had set aside for other purposes.

In addition to the resolution, Pelosi Friday did not rule out committee chairmen filing lawsuits over the wall.

More: 16 states sue Trump over national emergency declaration, border wall

More: National emergencies are common; declaring one for a border wall is not

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As 2020 candidates turn left, some Democrats worry about the …

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Liberal Democratic presidential contenders rush to embrace the lefts most ambitious proposals has some Democrats worried there could be a price to pay when they try to defeat President Donald Trump next year.

FILE PHOTO: Representative-elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) takes a selfie photo with U.S. Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX) as the U.S. House of Representatives meets for the start of the 116th Congress inside the House Chamber on Capitol Hill in Washington, U.S., January 3, 2019. REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque/File Photo

Party activists have been energized as Cory Booker, Kirsten Gillibrand, Kamala Harris and other candidates endorsed plans to provide Medicare coverage to every American, some form of tuition-free college, a national $15 minimum wage and the so-called Green New Deal advocated by U.S. Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

But Trump and his allies in the Republican Party have seized on those stances to attack the Democratic 2020 field as outside the American political mainstream a claim the president plans to make throughout his re-election campaign, according to sources with knowledge of his strategy.

Some Democrats fear the argument has potency. They worry the primary may produce a nominee who will not appeal to centrist working and middle-class voters who voted for Trump in 2016 but whom Democrats believe they can win back.

The big progressive programs are popular in a caucus or primary electorate, but probably dont move the needle among voters who want to find someone who will change Washington by tilting the system to favor people in the middle not the very rich or the very poor, said Jeff Link, an Iowa Democrat who worked for former President Barack Obamas campaign.

A person familiar with the presidents thinking told Reuters that Trump had been looking for a big contrast issue to help power his 2020 bid.

His last Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, was widely known to the voting public before her campaign. This time, Trump may face someone new to the national stage, and he is looking to brand that candidate before she or he emerges as the nominee.

In recent speeches, including his State of the Union address and again this week in Florida, a key 2020 battleground, Trump used the crisis in Venezuela to equate Democrats with socialists.

Theres no question this is a deliberate strategy on his part, said Matt Bennett, a political analyst with Third Way, a Democratic centrist think-tank. It is a bit scary to think about what it could do to us in a close, tough election next year.

Democrats have already seen the risks of catering to progressives.

Senators Booker of New Jersey, Harris of California, Gillibrand of New York and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts almost immediately backed Ocasio-Cortezs push earlier this month for the Green New Deal, a sweeping 10-year blueprint for combating climate change that involves reducing carbon emissions and retrofitting infrastructure.

Senator Bernie Sanders, a Democratic socialist who announced this week he is running for president a second time, plans to introduce his own version of the climate plan.

Ocasio-Cortez, who has enjoyed disproportionate influence for a first-term congresswoman because of her social media presence, was forced to backtrack when an information sheet contained policy goals not in the plan, including doing away with nuclear power and airplanes and providing income to Americans unwilling to work.

That didnt stop Trump and other Republicans from treating those goals as fact, suggesting that Democrats want to destroy air travel and expand the welfare rolls.

Republicans also jumped on Ocasio-Cortezs proposal to hike the marginal tax rate to 70 percent as a way to finance her environmental initiative. Even so, Warren followed by suggesting a wealth tax on Americans with large fortunes to help finance her child-care plan.

Democrats are afraid to tell their base what is practical and instead are offering policies that have little chance of being enacted, said Bryan Lanza, a former campaign aide to Trump who regularly defends the president on cable news.

Recent Democratic presidential nominees such as Clinton, Obama and John Kerry ran as centrists. This is the first election in the modern era, Lanza said, in which progressives are sucking up all the oxygen and energy.

Democrats as a whole, however, have been moving in a more leftward direction for years. According to Gallup polling, the number of Democrats who identify themselves as liberal has risen from 32 percent in 2001 to 46 percent as of 2018.

That shift has largely been among white, highly educated Democrats. African-American and Hispanic voters remain more moderate which could present a challenge as the party tries to mobilize those groups to vote in greater numbers.

So far, the moderate wing of the party is under-represented in the 2020 field. Some Democratic strategists are concerned the party did not heed the lesson from last years congressional elections, when it took power in the U.S. House of Representatives largely through moderate candidates who won over suburban voters by focusing on kitchen-table issues such as coverage for preexisting medical conditions.

Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota is one of the few Democrats in the presidential field to push back at the progressive agenda. At a CNN town hall this week, she called the Green New Deal aspirational and suggested Medicare for all was only a potential long-term goal.

John Delaney, a former Maryland congressman and a centrist who has gotten little traction as a presidential contender, this week said the 2020 primary is going to be a choice between socialism and a more just form of capitalism.

Antjuan Seawright, a Democratic strategist in the early primary state of South Carolina, said candidates must soon balance sweeping agendas with more pragmatic proposals.

It has to be a mixed bag of what makes sense and will not cause us long-term political damage, he said.

Reporting by James Oliphant; Editing by Colleen Jenkins and Cynthia Osterman

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2020 Democrats Embrace Race-Conscious Policies, Including …

Even among the 2020 Democrats who stopped short of endorsing reparations, several have laid out robust policies aimed at closing the gap in wealth between black and white families. Scholars estimate that black families in America today earn just $57.30 for every $100 in income earned by white families, according to the Census Bureaus Current Population Survey. For every $100 in white family wealth, black families hold just $5.04.

Senator Cory Bookers baby bonds policy aims to help poorer children by giving them a government-funded savings account that could total up to $50,000 for the lowest income brackets. The plan has been praised by liberal scholars, who think it could go a long way in helping lower-income Americans begin to build wealth. And Senator Kirsten Gillibrand has endorsed a proposal to allow Americans without checking accounts to bank at the local post office; a disproportionate percentage of Americas unbanked population are people of color.

Mara Urbina, national policy director for the progressive group Indivisible, said that after years of being pushed by activists, the Democratic Party was getting closer to applying its liberal values to racial equality. Policies like reparations or baby bonds that seek to close the racial wealth gap, she said, should be viewed similarly to idealistic programs that have been embraced by Democrats seeking the presidential nomination, including the Green New Deal and Medicare for all.

We want folks who are being ambitious, not just working within the margins and the contours of what we had before, but sort of reimagining things on our own terms and being really aspirational, Ms. Urbina said.

Sandy Darity, a Duke University professor who is a leading scholar on reparations and the racial wealth gap, said he believes more black Americans may come to see reparations as a defining issue for their support.

There is a point in black Americans making a collective decision to treat a candidates attitude toward reparations as a litmus test for supporting them, Dr. Darity said. I think if folks had paid closer attention to the fact that Barack Obama was against reparations, they would have not been as disappointed by his presidency, because they would have had more realistic expectations about what he was likely to do.

Among Democrats, the idea of reparations has been unpopular until very recently. For more than two decades, Representative John Conyers, the Detroit Democratic stalwart who resigned in December 2017, repeatedly introduced a reparations bill to Congress that received little support from either party.

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Democrats 2020 Choice: Do They Want a Fighter or a Healer …

MASON CITY, Iowa Senator Cory Booker glided into the state first, offering himself as a herald of peace in a northern Iowa church that advertised radical hospitality on its marquee. As a rainbow cracked the frozen sky outside, Mr. Booker spoke of restoring grace and decency and erasing the lines that people think divide us racial lines, religious lines, geographic lines.

Senator Elizabeth Warren arrived soon after, still thrumming with the energy of a weekend announcement speech in Lawrence, Mass. Having vowed there to fight my heart out against government corruption and corporate power, Ms. Warren roused the crowd in Cedar Rapids on Sunday not with bounteous optimism but a call to arms.

This is the time, she said, to take on the fight.

In the space of a weekend, the two Democrats mapped the philosophical and temperamental fork their party must navigate as it challenges President Trump. Down one path, Mr. Bookers, lies a mission of healing and hope, with a campaign to bind up social wounds that have deepened in the Trump era. The other path, Ms. Warrens, promises combat and more combat a crusade not just to defeat Mr. Trump but to demolish the architecture of his government.

As much as any disputation over policy, this gulf defines the Democratic field, separating candidates of disparate backgrounds and ideologies into two loose groups: fighters and healers.

And the 2020 primary, Democratic leaders say, could hinge on whether their voters are more determined to reunite a divided country or to crush Mr. Trump and his party.

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Bonnie Campbell, a Democrat who served as Iowas attorney general, said Ms. Warren of Massachusetts and Mr. Booker of New Jersey vividly captured the two approaches. Praising Ms. Warren for her forceful economic critique and Mr. Booker for his forward-looking pragmatism, Ms. Campbell said there was thirst for both outlooks among Democrats and sometimes within individual Democrats like herself.

Honestly, I think theres a bit of schizophrenia on what our message should be, Ms. Campbell said. You can be angry and passionate about whats happened, and also recognize that the task ahead of us is to bring the country together. Either one of those messages will carry the day, or theyll be blended together.

A range of blends is already available in the Democratic primary, with Mr. Booker and Ms. Warren representing the purest archetypes and their competitors arrayed on a spectrum between them. Senators Kamala Harris of California and Kirsten Gillibrand of New York entered the race last month on footing closer to Ms. Warrens, with differing policy agendas but overlapping political vocabulary. Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, a fiery populist, is expected to join the fray soon, and perhaps Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio.

Mr. Bookers rhetorical space has been less crowded so far, but several Democrats exploring the 2020 race have been wielding similar themes. Joseph R. Biden Jr., the former vice president, and Michael R. Bloomberg, the former New York City mayor, have both extolled bipartisanship. Beto ORourke, the former Texas Senate candidate, told Oprah Winfrey last week that he was preoccupied with uniting a deeply divided country.

[Check out the Democratic field with our candidate tracker.]

It is perhaps not an accident that the most confident Democratic tribunes of good feeling are all men, while the partys sternest warriors are mainly women. In a contest for the presidency, a position traditionally viewed in martial terms, it may be easier for a man of Mr. Bidens backslapping swagger or Mr. Bookers athletic stature to show tenderness or vulnerability without fear of appearing weak.

And it was with enthusiastic physicality, and regular references to having played high school and college football, that Mr. Booker preached love and understanding. He clasped his chest and his face at moments of emotion, usually stirring murmurs of appreciation and sympathy; in one case, he wrapped his arm around a voter for a midspeech selfie. While Mr. Booker said he was ready to spar with Mr. Trump, stating matter-of-factly that there is nobody in this race tougher than me, his overarching theme was about reconciliation.

At an airy adult learning center in Waterloo, Mr. Booker insisted that the capacity to conquer all manner of hardships was within human reach a contrast with Ms. Warren and other populists, who tend to describe ordinary people being stripped of power by big institutions.

The most common way people give up their power, Mr. Booker said, is not realizing that they have it.

Forces of darkness appeared in Mr. Bookers political narrative the country, he said, has a cancer on our soul but there were few villains. Where malignant people intruded, Mr. Booker leavened their presence with humor: Strom Thurmond, the South Carolina senator who embodied virulent racism, became the subject of a laughter-inducing vocal impression. Describing how a racist white real estate agent directed a dog to attack his father, Mr. Booker added a punch line: Each time his father told the story, he joked, that dog got bigger!

At times, Mr. Bookers calls for conciliation had an ideological subtext. He repeatedly detailed distinctions with the Democratic left, calling on progressives to reclaim the fiscally responsible label and denouncing corporate power selectively, focusing chiefly on consolidation in the agricultural sector.

Patti Downs, who went to hear Mr. Booker speak in Waterloo, said she believed he had the leadership abilities to be a good president. Ms. Downs said she was also eyeing Mr. Biden but already admired Mr. Booker for his bipartisan instincts and his attention to everyday problems, like wages and health care, rather than more abstract debates.

We need more of that, and I think he might be the person to do it, said Ms. Downs, a retiree who used to run a health care clinic. I think maybe he can bring about the changes of civility, and bring politics down from that lofty place that most of us have no way to relate to.

If Mr. Bookers remarks projected the jaunty optimism of a marching band his announcement video literally featured one Ms. Warrens echoed with cannon fire. In a hall at the Veterans Memorial Building in Cedar Rapids and during an afternoon rally at the University of Iowa, she drew roars of applause when pledging to attack corruption head-on and wrangle power from a set of named foes: drug companies, oil companies, student loan companies, private prison companies, gun companies and the National Rifle Association.

All, Ms. Warren declared, should be tamed through legislation and regulation.

Rules matter, she said, and thats why Im in this fight.

Ms. Warren punctuated her rhetoric with a different set of gestures, pumping a tight fist for emphasis or slicing the air with an open palm; in Cedar Rapids, she closed by raising both hands overhead like a boxer soaking in applause.

Unlike Mr. Booker, Ms. Warren taunted Mr. Trump, urging Democrats not to build their 2020 message around him because he might not be president that long. In fact, she said, he might not even be a free person.

On Sunday, Ms. Warren made only a glancing reference to unity, cautioning a voter who raised the idea of impeaching the president that the process would divide Americans and that, if it came to that, Democrats must help pull this country together.

Cindy Garlock, a leader with the liberal activist group Indivisible Iowa who watched Ms. Warren on Sunday morning, said she had not picked a favorite but believed that Ms. Warren had a winning message. Ms. Garlock said she had also seen Mr. Booker during his visit but found Ms. Warrens presentation dotted with plans to raise taxes on the wealthy and crack down on pharmaceutical and student-loan companies more convincing.

She is a fighter, but I think that will also unite the country, if were fighting for the right purpose, Ms. Garlock said. Her purpose is to help regular people who are going to work every day, trying to pay their bills, which is the majority of this country.

Both approaches have a rich history in Democratic politics, nationally and in Iowa a state that has helped elevate conciliators like Jimmy Carter and Barack Obama to the presidency, while for decades sending prairie populists like Tom Harkin to Congress.

Mr. Booker shares a clear political lineage with Mr. Obama, who captured the Iowa caucuses in 2008 with a message of national unity. But the party has also shifted left since then, and has grown more suspicious of Republicans who harried Mr. Obama and elected Mr. Trump. In 2016, Mr. Sanders nearly upset Hillary Clinton in Iowa as a populist insurgent.

Mr. Trumps slashing style may also weigh on primary voters and caucusgoers, Democrats say, guaranteeing that even a kindhearted nominee would face a blizzard of personal attacks and crude trash-talking.

Still, Representative Dave Loebsack, a veteran Democrat whose district covers Iowas southeastern quadrant, said he believed that even partisan Iowans yearned for political reconciliation. Though he is neutral in the race, Mr. Loebsack predicted that Mr. Bookers uplifting narrative would resonate.

I think we have to be careful with anger and outrage and alienation because that can also feed into the worst instincts of folks, Mr. Loebsack said, adding of Mr. Booker: I love his message of love and redemption and all the rest.

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Justin Fairfax Puts Virginia Democrats in Bind on …

RICHMOND, Va. Justin E. Fairfaxs refusal to resign as lieutenant governor of Virginia in the face of two allegations of sexual assault has presented Democrats with an excruciating choice: whether to impeach an African-American leader at a moment when the states other two top leaders, both white, are resisting calls to quit after admitting to racist conduct.

Less than a week after Gov. Ralph Northam and Attorney General Mark R. Herring said they wore blackface as young men, Mr. Fairfax on Friday faced a second assault accusation in three days. On Saturday night, Mr. Fairfax called on the F.B.I. to investigate the allegations, and asked that no one rush to judgment and for due process. But he is now under intense pressure to resign or face impeachment, transforming what had been a crisis for Virginia Democrats into a searing dilemma for the national party.

The political turmoil for Democratic leaders this weekend is unfolding at the intersection of race and gender, and risks pitting the partys most pivotal constituencies against one another. If Democrats do not oust Mr. Fairfax, at a time when the party has taken a zero-tolerance stand on sexual misconduct in the #MeToo era, they could anger female voters.

But the specter of Mr. Fairfax, 39, being pushed out while two older white men remain in office despite blackface behavior that evoked some of the countrys most painful racist images would deeply trouble many African-Americans.

[If Justin Fairfax is forced out in Virginia, who would take over his job?]

I think the Democratic Party would lack credibility if they followed a double standard, said Representative Karen Bass of California, who is the head of the Congressional Black Caucus. Ms. Bass said that both Mr. Northam and Mr. Fairfax should step down.

On Saturday, an adviser to Mr. Fairfax said the lieutenant governor was deeply distraught over the allegations and had no intention of resigning. In Mr. Fairfaxs statement on Saturday night, the lieutenant governor confirmed he had an encounter with his second accuser, Meredith Watson, but said it was consensual. He asked for an independent investigation of all the allegations and for he and his accusers to be respected during this process.

In another sign that Mr. Fairfax will attempt to remain in office, he has added an African-American woman from the states most politically influential law firm to his legal team. The woman, Ava Lias-Booker, is a partner at McGuireWoods who, like Mr. Fairfax and Ms. Watson, graduated from Duke University.

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Almost all of Virginias Democratic leaders and lawmakers on Friday night called on Mr. Fairfax to resign and a legislator vowed to introduce articles of impeachment if Mr. Fairfax did not quit by Monday. A statement released Saturday night by Ms. Watsons legal team said she would be willing to testify at an impeachment proceeding against Mr. Fairfax.

The state Democratic Party, after a conference call of its steering committee on Saturday morning in which there was near-unanimous support for Mr. Fairfax to resign, issued a statement saying he no longer had their confidence or support and should quit.

Its a nightmare right now, said Representative A. Donald McEachin, a Virginia Democrat who can trace his history here back to Revolutionary War-era slaves.

Weve worked hard on the Democratic brand for so many years, he said, and now we have to deal with this.

Gov. Northam also insists he will not resign. He does not face an imminent impeachment threat, and neither does Mr. Herring, the attorney general and second in line to the governor, who has been effusively apologizing for once wearing blackface. The governor, in an interview on Saturday with The Washington Post, said he intends to use the remainder of his term to pursue racial reconciliation and has been reading works like The Case for Reparations by Ta-Nehisi Coates and Alex Haleys Roots to learn more about experiences of African-Americans.

Just how far Virginia Democrats go to confront these three statewide officials who swept into office in 2017 on the first wave of backlash to President Trumps election will send a signal about how committed they are to taking a hard line on racial and sexual transgressions, and will echo well beyond this states borders.

To some Democrats, Mr. Fairfaxs alleged conduct is the most serious because he is the only one of the three accused of a crime. But that does not make the political quandary any less torturous at a moment when the partys 2020 presidential primary is getting underway with more black and female candidates than have ever run for the White House.

To show a firm grasp of the obvious, the optics would be difficult and the substance would be difficult, said State Senator J. Chapman Petersen, who is white, about how it would look if Mr. Northam and Mr. Herring remained in office while Mr. Fairfax was exiled.

Women and African-Americans have never been more politically powerful: The Democrats 40-seat win in the House midterm elections in November, as well as their 2017 triumph in the top Virginia races, was powered in no small part by those voters. And with Republicans barely hanging on to their legislative majority in the Virginia Capitol, Democrats were counting on the same two blocs to propel them to victory in this falls election of all 140 delegates and state senators.

Ultimately, some Democrats here said, they must begin the process of emerging from the wreckage that is the executive branch of Virginia state government by turning to what is perhaps their most loyal constituency: black women.

And barely hours after Ms. Watson came forward on Friday saying she was raped by Mr. Fairfax in 2000 when they were students at Duke University, several senior Virginia Democrats began making the case that should Mr. Northam continue his refusal to resign, he ought to appoint State Senator Jennifer McClellan to replace Mr. Fairfax if he quits or is impeached. (It is not certain that Mr. Northam could appoint any successor to Mr. Fairfax, scholars said, because of conflicting provisions and interpretations of the Virginia Constitution and state law.)

Ms. McClellan, who is black, is a longtime Richmond legislator who was already thought to have statewide ambitions and has a close relationship with Senator Tim Kaine.

Jennifer would make an exceptionally good lieutenant governor, said C. Richard Cranwell, a former state Democratic chairman and legislator, when asked about the senator.

Delegate Charniele L. Herring, who is the chairwoman of the House Democratic Caucus and a former chair of the Democratic Party of Virginia, said, African-American women have been a core, consistent base, and its important that we as a party reconcile with them.

But some of the countrys most prominent black women were just as confounded about the way forward as any Democrat in Virginia.

This has been one of the most difficult political weeks of my life, said Donna Brazile, the former chairwoman of the Democratic National Committee. Theres no playbook for this.

Even before Ms. Watson made her accusation Friday, Mr. Fairfax was in grave jeopardy. He infuriated Virginias three freshman Democratic women in the congressional delegation with his dismissive treatment of the initial assault claim made by Vanessa C. Tyson, and then compounded his difficulty by not calling any of them. Similarly, he had not called Mr. McEachin, one of two African-Americans in the delegation, before Ms. Watson spoke out.

You dont need to be a woman to be upset about the way Justin has handled this, Mr. McEachin said.

It came to no surprise to Virginia Democrats, then, when Mr. McEachin and the three female lawmakers Representatives Elaine Luria, Abigail Spanberger and Jennifer Wexton were some of the earliest on Friday night to demand Mr. Fairfax resign.

As for Mr. Northam, the governor, he told his cabinet on Friday that he would not resign. In an email to state employees acknowledging that the state is in uncharted waters, he said: You have placed your trust in me to lead Virginia forward and I plan to do that.

But some black Democrats are unhappy about the prospect of him remaining in office, after he acknowledged he wore shoe polish to go in blackface as part of a Michael Jackson costume for a dance contest in 1984.

Yet Ms. Bass, the Congressional Black Caucus leader, and other Democrats offered some measure of praise for Mr. Herring, who revealed that he wore blackface to imitate a rapper as a University of Virginia undergraduate but has pleaded for forgiveness from the states black lawmakers.

At least he came forward and seemed to be sincere and apologized, Ms. Bass said.

Other national Democrats also praised Mr. Herring, who methodically reached out to nearly every prominent African-American lawmaker in Virginia, and said it was time the party reconsider its demands for instant accountability for the transgressors in its ranks.

Its unrealistic to expect politicians to have lived perfect lives the general public doesnt expect that, and they are much more forgiving than the Twitter outrage mob, said Elisabeth Smith, a Democratic strategist, singling out Mr. Herring. If anything, weve learned the importance of taking a step back and taking a deep breath before demanding these guys heads on a plate.

But there is far less sympathy among black lawmakers in the Capitol for the governor, who has flip-flopped about whether he was in a racist photo that appeared on his medical school yearbook page.

Northam called me Friday night and took ownership of that photo and said, Im sorry, thats me in the photo, recalled Ms. Herring, who is not related to the attorney general. Then, Saturday, moonwalks it back, and then adds some more pain with the description about how he needs to only put a light coat of shoe polish on because its hard to get off. He doesnt get it.

For Ms. Herring and other legislators, the controversies over blackface were painful reminders of the states not-so-distant past and its lingering prejudices. Ms. Herring said she had often thought about a particular red glow from her childhood: what she saw when a cross burned outside her Georgia home when she was 9.

And just a few blocks north of Virginias elegant state capitol, several black Richmonders were downright suspicious of Mr. Northam. The Virginia crisis began a week ago Friday when Mr. Northams yearbook page surfaced on a conservative website, with one photo featuring a man in blackface and another in Ku Klux Klan robes, and Mr. Northam said he was in the photo and then, a day later, said he was not. Now it is Mr. Fairfax who is under far more pressure to resign or get impeached than Mr. Northam.

Deon Wright, 42, said he did not know what to think about the various parts of the political crisis. But one thing is certain, Mr. Wright said: Youre more able to survive as a white man in America who wore blackface than as a black man thats facing #MeToo accusations.

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