Not this:  
    according to a couple recent articles that passed through my    twitter feed recently.  
    Tablet published a piece by Lee Smith titled,    The Arab-ization of American    Politics, with a provocative subtitle: Why do so    many Americans mistake what typically signals a failure of    democracy for democracy itself?  
    The crux of Smiths argument is this: despite the    protesters chant that this is what democracy looks like that    we hear repeatedly at these marches,  
      American democracy is not about the size of crowds. Mass      gatherings are not supposed to guide our democracy or protect      our freedoms. Yes, the Constitution guarantees the right to      freedom of assembly as well as freedom of speech, as it also      guarantees, for instance, the right to bear arms. However,      only a fool believes that democracy looks like collecting      Nazi-era Lugers, or looks like a closet full of pornographic      magazines. The actual mechanism of democracy is not people      going to the street, but to the ballot box and voting for      their chosen candidate.    
      The Founding Fathers did not need the example of the French      Revolution birthed in blood and gore the same year the U.S.      Constitution came into force in order to understand the      dangers of people going to the streets to fight for their      political ideas. The violence that frequently resultswhether      ignited by the most radical protesters, or by the most      radical protectors of orderwhen political power is counted      in large numbers massed in public squares is a constant      throughout human history. And thats exactly what the framers      sought to save us from.    
    In fact, Smith says, mass crowds generally represent, e.g., in    the Arab Spring, the failure of democracy  Westerners took it    for granted that the protesters against Mubarak in Tahir Square    were pro-democracy because they equated protests with    democracy, so they were unprepared for the Morsi government to    embrace the Islamism of the Muslim Brotherhood; and    subsequently, they were unprepared for the return of    authoritarianism in al-Sisi because, after all, he came to    power due to yet more protesters.  
    A second article, in City Journal, bySteven Malanga, The    Book of Saul, addresses the particular question of the    Democratic party. Referencing proclamations of success of    the Womens March and the actual substantial advantages of    the GOP at the state and national level, he writes:  
      The new Democratic Partythe one increasingly governed by      identity politics and driven by special interestshas become      so intoxicated by the nostrums of Saul Alinsky and his Rules      for Radicals that it has forgotten how to operate in a      democracy, where elections count more than revolutionary      theater. Perhaps this is the inevitable result of elevating a      charismatic former community organizer to the presidency.      President Obama was a gifted campaign strategist and an      appealing personality, but he convinced his party that the      Alinsky model was a viable permanent approach to governing.      True, it often worked for him, but success led him to use it      as a crutch, even after he assumed the worlds most powerful      office. Were going to speak truth to power, presidential      advisor Valerie Jarrett once said when asked about media bias      against Obamas policies. As political scientist Pete      Peterson pointed out, however, [Y]oure the White House. You      are the power.    
      Obama inspired a generation of like-minded Democrats to      follow him into the protest-as-politics movement. Bill de      Blasio has been an elected official in New York City for 15      years now, having served on the city council and as public      advocate, and now as mayor. Yet, he attends protests as if he      were a powerless outsider and occasionally invites arrest,      according to the New York Times. In a city dominated by      left-leaning Democrats, getting arrested on purpose is good      politics.    
    So what is the value of protests in a modern, functioning    democracy?  
    Last week we saw generically anti-Trump protests. On    Friday, the March for Life took place. And this weekend,    there were various protests at airports in reaction to    individuals being detained and prevented from entering the    United States despite previously-obtained visas or even    permanent residency.  
    At the same time, flying across my facebook feed are calls to    call Congressmen about the upcoming confirmation vote for Betsy    DeVos  and yet these facebook posts struggle with the    question: what do you do if you know your Senators are    firmly on one side or the other? One friend, in Michigan,    hoped that there would be value in calling Senators in Ohio    with the pitch that we have family and friends in Ohio but it    seems to me that offices simply dont give the time of day to    callers who arent constituents.  
    And of course, the increasing focus on battleground states and    early-primary states has meant that many people feel keenly the    irrelevance of their vote, and the uselessness of traditional    activities like knocking on doors and passing out flyers.  
    Readers, thoughts? Are protests the cornerstone of    democracy or one step away from mob rule?  
    Image:    https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3ATrump-WomensMarch_2017-top-1510075_(32409710246).jpg;    By Mark Dixon from Pittsburgh, PA    (Trump-WomensMarch_2017-top-1510075) [CC BY 2.0    (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)], via Wikimedia    Commons  
More:
What does democracy look like? - Patheos (blog)