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Democracy is under threat everywhere. Growing numbers of citizens prefer authoritarian ideas, and politicians nurturing those wishes are on the rise in Hungary, Poland, France, Turkey, Germany, and the United Statesto mention only the most salient examples. By now pundits everywhere have expressed concern about populism and the cementation of illiberal or defected democracies. Populist politicians all stress that they speak for the people and articulate demands that are suppressed by a dominating elitethat is, by a minority. Whereas Viktor Orbn and Recep Erdoan mobilize large majorities, this is certainly not true for Marine Le Pen or Donald Trump. While these distinctions are important, they do not affect the main point at issue.

What makes the discussions complicated is the fact that democracy is threatened by democratic means: When citizens prefer authoritarian ideas, shouldnt democracy meet these demands?

Equating democracy and majority rule is unproblematic only in societies without permanent social conflicts and rifts. If the chances of belonging to a majority are more or less evenly distributed across the population, supporting majority decisions makes sense because, in the long run, we will all belong to majorities more often than we will find ourselves among minorities. But in reality, these chances are not evenly distributed. Seven decades of empirical research on political involvement show that participation is always biased against the less privileged.

Each major expansion of the ways citizens try to influence politicsprotests in the 1970s, social movements in the 1980s, voluntarism in the 1990s, political consumerism and new social media in the 2000shas been accompanied by the claim of improving equality. None of these movements have accomplished this. Political activism remains relatively low among lower socio-economic groups. Men are still politically more engaged than women (with the dubious exception of political consumerism). Young people, especially, avoid institutionalized modes of participation. Not even the spread of social media has changed these continuous distortions of democracys ideal of equal voices. Those who could gain the most from political participation are the least activepermanent losers dont like democracy.

To be frank, the empirical record of participation research is depressing. Hardly any program, project, or policy has been able to mobilize less politically active populations effectively.

More than twenty years ago, Sidney Verba and his colleagues succinctly enumerated the main reasons why people do not participate politically: because they cant, because they dont want to; or because nobody asked.

Much has changed since, but not the relevance of these three causes. Only recently did the first signs of what might be a changing political climate become visible: growing dissatisfaction with the causes and consequences of socio-economic hardship (financial crises, austerity politics, globalization, migration) seems to counteract Verbas second reason. The rise of populist politicians and parties effectively takes care of the third. Theoretically, grievance theories gain renewed relevance mainly through their explanation of protest against austerity politics. For the first time since democracy started to encourage mass-participation, voices of the losers can be heard more clearly. Not all these voices support liberal democracy unconditionally. This can only be a surprise for people who are content with the extended participation of privileged groups in existing democracies.

If the weather vanes of political change are read correctly, we are approaching the end of a long period of biased participation. But neither the vanes nor their popular readings seem to be unproblematic. First, a crisis of democracy requires more than the election of some populist politician or the surprising outcome of a referendum. What seems to be refuted is the optimistic but rather nave idea that all political development is a long march towards democracy.

The second issue is that even in established democracies, parts of the population have always supported authoritarian ideas. Empirical political science scrutinized this phenomenon as early as the 1950s. Recent populism largely overlaps with this old-fashioned authoritarianism.

Third, democratic participation is not disappearing but remains increasingly popular, especially among critical citizens. By now, the repertoire of participation is virtually infinite and includes actions ranging from voting, to posting blogs, and buying fair-trade products.

So might we conclude, there is nothing new under the sun and defenders of democracy can sleep well tonight? Curing the most serious failure of liberal democracyits enduring inability to involve permanent losersis a reason for contentment. Yet the often xenophobic, intolerant, and ignorant nature of the present remedies cant be neglected.

This brings us back to the equation of democracy and majority rule as the cardinal sin. Under majority rule, it is stupid for permanent losers to plea for democracy. But it is perhaps even more stupid for defenders of democracy to advocate their case when dealing with people who want to change the rules of the game only because they are long-time, politically absent losers. Democracyunderstood as a value in and for itselfis open for both winners and losers, and not for picky authoritarians who want majority rule only.

Featured image credit: Meeting 1er mai 2012 Front National by Blandine Le Cain. CC BY-SA 2.0via Flickr.

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Democracy for losers - OUPblog (blog)

Last November, as the presidential campaign season wound down, President Barack Obama, speaking at a rally for Hillary Clinton, found himself confronted by a man peacefully holding up a sign promoting Donald Trump. When the crowd heckled the man, Obama calmed and then admonished the crowd, defending the protesters right to free speech in America. He urged the crowd, not to boo, but to vote, to actually partake in democracy.

Donald Trumps treatment of protesters at his rallies, you may recall, stood in stark contrast to Obamas encouragement of democratic process. He infamously incited his supporters to remove protesters, violently if necessary, offering to pay their legal fees if sued.

The bottom-line policy for Trump? Dissent is not allowed and must be suppressed by any means necessary.

This behavior on the campaign trail certainly prefigured his administrations modus operandi, as evidenced by the series of unfortunate events of the last week.

For example, as disconcerting, if not horrifying, as Trumps effective Muslim ban was, equally troubling was the administrations reaction to conventional expressions of disagreement carefully and intentionally enabled, encouraged, and protected in the structures of our democratic government.

As Sean Colarossi reported in the pages of PoliticusUsa.com, when hundreds of diplomats from the U.S. State Department collectively signed on to a letter expressing dismay and dissent to the executive order, Trumps press secretary Sean Spicer chillingly told the press, These career bureaucrats have a problem with it? They should either get with the program or they can go.

Get with the program or go?!? Sound familiar? Its the refrain from Trumps campaign rallies, encouraging that any act or expression of dissentbehaviors vital to democracybe met with violent suppression.

It is important to note, too, that the State Department has actually established specific procedures to allow and protect the expression of dissent among its ranksthat is, to institutionalize democracy. The procedure entails filing an official form which cannot be submitted anonymously, and the process offers strenuous assurances against reprisal.

Why is this process in place? As any American citizen who truly respects our institutions and country should know, our founders established a system with checks and balances so we would have a deliberative democracy, one in which enormous decisions impacting the lives of our multitudes would be subject to robust discussion and careful consideration that entailed taking into account a full range of perspectives, especially dissenting ones. Hence, Thomas Jefferson declared dissent to be the highest form of patriotism.

Last week, though, we saw Trump had little, or no, respect for Americas hallowed system of checks and balances; and he certainly demonstrated he has no intention of refraining from seeking reprisal against those who dissent.

His Apprentice-like firing of Attorney General Sally Yates made that point loudly and clearly.

And what did Sally Yates do? She did her job within our democracy to provide a check and a balance to an authoritarian imposition of an unlawful policy. She expressed this understanding quite clearly when she explained her position in the governmental process of the executive branch:

. . . [I]n litigation, DOJ Civil Division lawyers are charged with advancing reasonable legal arguments that can be made supporting an Executive Order. But my role as leader of this institution is different and broader. My responsibility is to ensure that the position of the Department of Justice is not only legally defensible but is informed by our best view of what the law is after consideration of all the facts. In addition, I am responsible for ensuring that the positions we take in court remain consistent with this institutions solemn obligation to always seek justice and stand for what is right. At present, I am not convinced that the defense of the Executive Order is consistent with these responsibilities nor am I convinced that the Executive Order is lawful.

But Trump shows no interest in honoring or adhering to the sacred system our founders carefully crafted as an alternative to and safeguard against authoritarian rule. Theres not a new sheriff in the capital. Theres a new CEO trying to run a business, not govern a democratic polity with rules.

Even Republicans, intent on repealing the Affordable Care Act against what polls show is the will of the people, have fumed over Trumps refusal to consult them and key committees and agencies before issuing the executive order banning refugees from seven countries with largely Muslim populations.

And, as Paul Krugman has pointed out, the Trump administrations willingness to entertain and give voice to the possibility of implementing a 20% tax on Mexican imports to pay for the infamous wall, underscored the administrations flouting and complete ignorance of rules and treaties already in place and established through negotiation and deliberation nationally and internationally. Krugman explains,

International trade policy is governed by rules originally the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT], now folded into the WTO [World Trade Organization]. A key part of these rules is that countries agree NOT to just impose new tariffs or import quotas unilaterally. So if the US just goes ahead and imposes a 20 percent tariff on Mexico, it has in effect repudiated the whole system (which it built!).

Trump simply shows no regard for rules or decisions arrived at through collective and diplomatic deliberation. We are seeing in full force the problems of Trumps temperament raised in the campaign. It threatens deliberative democracy itself.

When James Madison penned Federalist Paper No. 10, he underscored the importance of representatives who would act at some distance from the passions of the people and thus be capable of enacting a deliberative democracy. For Madison, the representatives should be able to withstand the temporary delusion to give time and opportunity for more cool and sedate reflection.

Unfortunately, it is now the people who need protection from the delusions and impulsive passions of its chief representative, President Trump.

When Obama declared last October that Democracy is on the ballot, he wasnt kidding. A minority of Americans voted in a President who wants to destroy it. It is one of the few things he wants to do deliberately.

Barack Obama, Deliberative Democracy, department of justice, dissent, Donald Trump, Federalist Papers, James Madison, Mulsim Ban, Paul Krugman, Sally Yates, sean spicer, State Department, thomas jefferson

Excerpt from:
Dissent, Democracy, and Deliberation Are on Trump's Chopping Block - PoliticusUSA

By Sebastian Burduja, President of the New Civic Action Party (PACT)

BUCHAREST, ROMANIA Democracy is under attack in many parts of the world today. Economic hardship, growing inequality, youth unemployment, and widespread corruption have led to sweeping disillusionment with politics as usual. The growing gap between regular citizens and politicians has unleashed the dangerous forces of populism, xenophobia, and isolationism, even in established democracies. In this grim global context, Romania offers a surprising glimmer of hope.

Over the last four days, the world has witnessed Romanias largest protests since the 1989 Revolution. For the hundreds of thousands of Romanians in the streets of Bucharest, all across the country, and in the diaspora, this protest is a matter of principle and started as a spontaneous reaction to the current governments abusive attempt to roll back the fight against corruption. On January 31, in the dead of night, the social-democratic cabinet passed an emergency ordinance that decriminalizes abuse of power for a range of instances, including for all damages of up to 200,000 lei (roughly 45,000 EUR). Other measures include reducing prison sentences and weakening provisions around conflicts of interest and whistleblowing. Among the beneficiaries are top leaders of the ruling party currently under investigation and numerous local politicians already serving time. The blatant injustice of the ordinance and the governments dismissive attitude toward the public outcry have struck a chord with ordinary Romanians, who have pledged to protest every night until justice is restored.

Romania has struggled with endemic corruption for the past 27 years. A failed break with the Communist past created in the early 1990s an intricate web of corrupt politicians and businessmen, tied in bungled privatizations and flawed public procurement procedures. Corruption became an inescapable and painful reality in the daily lives of Romanians, who were forced to pay bribes to access basic public services. The situation started improving as Romania began seeking EU membership, a national goal with huge support among the public. This allowed Brussels to pressure Romanian politicians into tying their own hands by conditioning accession on the adoption of critical anticorruption reforms. This led to the creation and development of the countrys anticorruption bodies, most prominently the National Anticorruption Department (DNA). Recent years have shown Romanians that nobody is above the law numerous politicians, including prime ministers, ministers, MPs, and local officials have been tried and some have been convicted. All this has required significant effort from prosecutors and judges, in a hostile political environment often seeking to influence their decisions. It is no surprise that the governments current attempt to reverse these hard-fought reforms has generated so much frustration.

Beyond all the disappointment with politicians, however, the Romanian protests are about principles and renewed hope in a better future. People are standing up in tremendous numbers for justice, democracy, and the rule of law. As an active participant to the daily protests, I witnessed firsthand the positive energy, decency, and sense of civic duty that spring from these demonstrations. People are firm and exceptionally resilient in the face of below-zero temperatures, but also extremely peaceful. For example, on the first night of the protest, a few hooligans tried to provoke the police and were immediately isolated by the crowd. The next night protesters handed flowers to the police and frequently chanted say no to violence (fr violen).

Importantly, Romanians are more dedicated than ever before to fighting corruption and ensuring a free democracy. Nobody is calling for the country to exit the EU, get closer to Russia, or give up on its commitment to democratic values. This is critical in a region where many countries, including most of Romanias immediate neighbors, have been warming up to the Kremlin and even openly militating for illiberal democracy, a phrase dear to Hungarys Prime Minister Viktor Orbn. Romanians are among the most passionate enthusiasts for more integration because they have seen the benefits of belonging to the European community. Real GDP growth is among the fastest in the EU, with over 70% of exports going to the common market. Eurobarometers, surveys done at the EU level, consistently show that Romanians also appreciate Brussels positive effect on the countrys democratization and anticorruption struggle.

Critics of the protests claim that the people are overreacting to political manipulation by opposition parties and note that the ordinance is needed to align current legislation with Constitutional Court rulings. Several TV stations have adopted this message, sparking debates about journalism ethics in what often feels, in Romania and beyond, like an Orwellian reality. The facts around the governments ordinance and its consequences are, however, too obvious to deny. Nobody can show how the people of Romania will actually benefit from this measure and nobody can explain why the government suddenly decided to prioritize this issue on the public agenda. Credible voices like the general prosecutor of Romania, the chief prosecutor of the DNA, the European Commission, and the Embassies of the US, France, Germany, Canada, and the Netherlands have all spoken strongly against the ordinance and the method by which it was passed.

Whether Romania can shine as a beacon of hope for democracy in Europe and beyond depends on how the current crisis will be resolved. The clock is ticking: the emergency ordinances provisions come into full effect on February 11 at midnight. So far, the government has vowed to keep pushing ahead with the changes, but there are also cracks in the system, with multiple resignations from the ruling party in recent days. The biggest protests are expected on Sunday and the general mood remains optimistic. The National Anthem, dating from 1848, calls onto Romanians to awaken and build together a better future. This may have just happened and the world should be watching closely: a victory for democracy in Romania will be a victory for democracy in Europe and around the world.

Sebastian Burduja is the president of the New Civic Action Party (PACT). He is a governance expert and the author of Between Hope and Disillusionment. Democracy and Anticorruption in Postcommunist Romania (2016).

The views expressed in opinion articles published on euronews do not represent our editorial position

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All Eyes on Romania: Democracy's Improbable Beacon of Hope? -View - euronews

The more than 60,000 scientists who work in the U.S. government form one of our nations greatest assets. Their research is as varied as science itself, ranging from understanding the fundamental workings of atoms to building the next great space telescope to determining unsafe levels of chemicals in waterways to predicting the impacts of future climate change to creating new vaccines and cancer treatments.

We have a clear interest in knowing what the scientists we support are doing, both as a matter of public accountability, and so that we can make informed decisions. While we can obtain this information in a variety of ways, including journal articles and information on agency websites and social media accounts, I would argue that no channel of information about government science is more critical than the independent media.

Consider, for a moment, the word media. The media mediate between sources of information and the public. They make decisions about what is most important and relevant to readers (since no one has time to keep up with all the science being done at federal agencies, or even one agency). They translate from the technical to the accessible. They place science in larger social and political contexts, and they hold institutions accountable when they try to manipulate or suppress scientific results for political reasons. No other institution in our society is capable of fulfilling all these roles. For this reason, free and open access to government scientists must remain open, evenindeed, especiallywhen scientists results challenge the governments political outlook.

How open are federal agencies to the press now? The answerat the moment, at leastdepends greatly on the agency. At some, such as NASA, NIST and NOAA, a reporter can in most cases speak to a scientist without having the interview cleared in advance with a public affairs officer, or PIO. PIOs at these agencies generally help reporters connect with scientists, and provide backup information to support a story.

At other agencies, however, staff put up substantial barriers between journalists and scientists. The EPA, for example, requires many interview requests to be approved by PIOs. This may make sense in some cases, as the EPA is under constant pressure from both anti-regulatory and environmental groups, and wants to tailor its message to avoid costly political blowback. But that does not get it off the hook for providing timely scientific information to the publicand delays in approving interviews can kill stories being written on tight deadlines.

Access barriers can also pop up for seemingly innocuous topics. When I contacted a U.S. Forest Service scientist a few years ago to learn about research being done to understand threats to the eastern hemlock treehardly an area of major public controversyI was shocked to get a reply from a PIO asking for a list of questions I planned to ask. (I did eventually talk to the scientist, but only after several days delay.) I have had a few similar experiences at other agencies, and have heard and read far more egregious stories from others.

I will grant that on matters of policy, an agency has an interest in speaking with one voice, so as not to confuse the public. But when it comes to the science informing policy, the public deserves the unfiltered and unmanipulated truth, directly from the scientists who did the research. Its not just I who believe this. The Union of Concerned Scientists has for years advocated for openness at government agencies, and its 2015 report card on agencies media and social media policies reported an overall improvement over the Obama years. Scientists now have the expectation that theyll be able to share their research and their views with the public, says Michael Halpern, deputy director of the unions Center for Science and Democracy, and our democracy is better for it.

But the report found many agencies policies still falling short of ideal. (One of the agencies to which the union gave an incomplete, the Department of Energy, implemented a strong openness policy in the waning days of the Obama administration. Lets hope the new administration honors it.) Meanwhile the Society for Professional Journalists wrote several letters imploring the Obama administration to live up to its promise to be the most transparent administration ever. (I chair the National Association of Science Writers information access committee, which has supported several of these letters.)

I can almost hear you getting impatient at this point. What, youre asking, is information access at federal agencies going to be like under Trump? As with so many things, the incoming administrations plans in this area are still largely unknown. But early signs are troubling. Confusingly worded directives led to temporary freezes on communications at several agencies, though some of these have been reversed after a public outcry. (On the plus side, these events showed that the public is engaged on this issue, and that pressure can have an impact.) At the moment, sources at various agencies tell me its mostly business as usual, but those agencies are still awaiting confirmed nominees. And its abundantly clear that Trump himself is no fan of the press, to put it mildly.

Those who wish to explore the darkest possible future might read the American Heritage Foundations 2016 Blueprint for Balance documentbelieved by some to be the basis of President Trumps budget planwhich suggests saving $262 million (.007 percent of the total federal budget) by eliminating public affairs staff at agencies. This would, of course, not stop journalists from finding their ways into agencies, but would probably make their work more reliant on scientists willing to leak or go outside authorized communication channels, and would certainly make the American public more ignorant about the workings of its governmentand about science.

Even without this nuclear option, there are plenty of ways that administrators can restrict access to scientists and information. They can ignore or delay responses to inquiries in hopes of delaying or killing a story. They can route interview requests to scientists they know will toe the party line. They can try to suppress individual scientists ability to use social media, speak at conferences, and, in the worst case, publish research without review. Unfortunately, Donald Trumps team would not need to invent these tactics, because they have already been demonstrated by his predecessors. They would merely need to make them the rules instead of the exceptions.

As the new administrations media access policies become clear, journalists and the public must be vigilant to ensure that scientific integrity and free flow of information remain enshrined as policy and practice across the federal government. These principles are vital to our democracy.

The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.

Gabriel Popkin

Gabriel Popkin is a freelance science journalist and chair of the National Association of Science Writers' information access committee.

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The Free Flow of Scientific Information Is Critical for Democracy - Scientific American (blog)

New York Times

A Blow to Myanmar's Democracy New York Times The murder of U Ko Ni, a prominent Muslim lawyer and a key member of Myanmar's governing National League for Democracy party, on Sunday is a serious blow to the country's fragile democracy. The brutal, public killing he was shot at point-blank range ... and more »

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A Blow to Myanmar's Democracy - New York Times