Archive for the ‘Afghanistan’ Category

Afghanistan lose 5-5 in nightmare collapse – cricket.com.au

Afghanistan have crumbled in sensational fashion in the third one-day international against Zimbabwe, losing 5-5 in a stunning collapse to hand the hosts a three-run win in Harare.

The result means Zimbabwe keep their hopes in the five-match series alive, with the ledger now sitting 2-1 in Afghanistans favour.

Cruising at 5-121 and needing just nine runs from 23.3 overs to seal the series, Afghanistan fell in a heap as seamer Chris Mpofu (3-24) and left-arm spinner Sean Williams (3-15) ran riot.

Mpofu started the panic when he had Samiullah Shenwari (29) and Najibullah Zadran (first-ball duck) caught behind in successive balls.

Quick Single: Beauty of Pune pitch in eye of beholder

The 31-year-old quick struck again in his next over after Williams had chimed in with the scalp of Mohammad Nabi, before Mpofu took the final wicket to complete an unlikely victory.

Earlier, Tarisai Musakanda (60) and Malcolm Waller (36 not out) were two of only three Zimbabwe batsmen to reach double-figures as the home side were skittled for 129 in 32.4 overs.

Afghan seamer Gulbadin Naib (4-27) did best with the ball while Asghar Stanikzai top-scored for the tourists with 31.

The fourth ODI is on Friday and the final match on Sunday, both at the Harare Sports Club.

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Afghanistan lose 5-5 in nightmare collapse - cricket.com.au

Afghanistan: The Stolen Tale of Khorasan – Fair Observer

Laura Cesaretti

Laura Cesaretti is an Italian freelance journalist based in Afghanistan. She has previously worked in Turkey and Lebanon, covering the Syrian humanita

Afghanistans Khorasan region is often associated with war and social conservatism, yet it has a rich history of religious tolerance and a passion for art.

Whether known to be the graveyard of empires or the land of lions, Afghanistan has always been perceived as the motherland of fearless, rural fighters. Yet the view of a mountainous, ruthless country does not give justice to the beauty of this historic land, regulated for centuries by codes and institutions that incorporated progressive thinking. Over 30years of war and an unstoppable campaign against local tribal customs have contributed to enforce this conventional wisdom, portraying Afghans as conservative extremists who oppose any form of modernization.

Not surprisingly, this stereotype is also used by the Islamic State (IS). The group first set foot on Afghan soil in 2014, and it announced the establishment of the so-called Province of Khorasan the following year. The people of Khurasan in general love Islam and warfare, Shaykh Hafidh Said Khan, the appointed wali of Khorasan, told the ISDabiqmagazine, and because of this, the region has a dormant force for supporting tawhid and jihad.

The use of the term Khorasan is not casual. Historically, it refers to a broader area that includes northern Afghanistan and other Central Asian countries such as Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. The actual boundaries, however, have been the subject of tales and narratives that extend them to include the southern-central provinces of Afghanistan.

A controversialhadith (sayings of Prophet Muhammad), in particular, has later engraved the region with a deep symbolic meaning across many Islamist groups. It is said that an army will rise up from this region bearing a black banner, and it will lead Muslims to the final victory against the enemies of Islam. This has encouraged speculation, particularly referring to Afghanistan, spreading the belief that the Taliban or other groups like IS could be the prophesied army.

What many, including the Islamic State today, ignore is how the Afghan Islamic tradition is profoundly unrelated to this apocalyptic view. Throughout history, Afghan nationalist movements have been inspired by an Islam that did not fear to include elements of Hinduism and Zoroastrianism, for centuries making Afghanistan one of the most spiritual and tolerant religious crossways. Even nowadays, in the old city of Kabul you can find an old temple where people worship Baba Ratan, a Sufi saint for Muslims and a guru for Hindus and Sikhs, famous for having professed miracles across India and Afghanistan, including Jalalabad, Kabul, Peshawar and Khorasan.

The impact of his teachings and poems is still alive in todays Afghanistan, along with the spiritual footprint of other Sufi thinkers. Popular poetry, strictly related to religion and society, uses vocabulary of human rights and national pride, and Sufi scholars are believed to be the real architects of Afghan society.

This ascetic approach toward life is not relegated to the intellectual Afghan class. Afghan politicians recite lines of poetry in their speeches, and farmers use their birds as metaphors for life, recalling, perhaps, the lines that Iman Ghazali, the great 11th-century Sufi, wroteduring his last state of illness: A bird I am: This body was my cage/But I have flown leaving it as a token. Even conservative clerics often use poems in Friday prayers, and the most violent warlords prefer to have pictures of themselves taken with flowers rather than an AK47.

Many Muslims around the world do not agree with the way of Sufism, and this is saying a lot about Afghan people. Things have changed in the past years, but most of our people are still very moderate, compassionate and caring about each other. We are one of the few cultures which have to allow Sufism to grow, explains Mahmud Kaber Khalili, grandson of the great poet Khalilullaj Khalili and son of the political leader Masood Khalili. In his book,Afghanistan Decoded, Mahmud Khalili has dedicated an entire chapter to his familys historicalhujraa meditation room built in 1962 decorated only by poems.

Even during wartime, the hujra has been preserved with the highest respect by mujahedeen and Taliban alike. Poetry, in fact, has always been considered to have a powerful social role in Afghanistan, and people from different economic and social background pay the same level of respect to poets. Poetry festivals are held regularly in many provinces of the country, even the ones controlled by the Taliban, who have a long-standing poetic tradition.

Poetry of the Talibanbrings together over 200 poems about grief and battle, as well as love and mysticism. Contrary to music, banned under the Taliban as religious propaganda, poetry had little to do with political ideology, and more with local traditions that characterized the Afghan identity.

The Afghanistan Ministry of Information and Culture has repeatedly lamented this misinterpretation of Afghan culture, and how the international community has paid so little attention to this fundamental peculiarity of the Afghan life. We are the victim of terrorism, says the spokesperson of the ministry, Haroon Hakimi. It is unfortunate that birthplace of so many scholars who were spreading peace and love to the world has been affected by war, and known mainly for that.

Sufism, in fact, has been used as a counterterrorism strategy by the West, but not as a source of interpretation and understanding of a great civilization. Khorasans Sufi intellectuals and poets such as Rumi are popular in the West, but not well-known for their religious beliefs and spiritual interpretations.

Indeed, the Khorasan region is also homeof rigid interpretations of Islam, such as the Deobandi school, to which groups such as the Taliban belong. This interpretation is not much different from the Wahhabi teachings that inspired the Islamic State, and yet the space for political and social debate has always characterized this part of the region.

Baqi Hilaman Ghaznawi, a Sufi scholar and writer of many books in Dari and Pashto, explains: Taliban are not al-Qaeda or Daesh [Islamic State]. In the 1990s, when they arrived, they respected our spiritual traditions.

It is this spiritual narrative that characterizes the Khorasan region more than war and conservatism. The aesthetic passion for poetry and emotion of Afghans is something that can be felt in every aspect of their every day like. Yet neither the West nor the Islamic State are ready to recognize it.

The views expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observers editorial policy.

Photo Credit:farid_ep

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The Great Afghanistan Hope – Powder Magazine

When the two men slid through the finish line in the World Alpine Ski Championships at St. Moritz last week, they didnt have quite the same crowds that lined the racecourse at Corviglia, the slope where champions like Frances Tessa Worley and Switzerlands Beat Feuz would clinch gold. Coming in 73rd and 74th out of 75 finishers, they didnt qualify for the main event, the mens giant slalom at Corviglia, which takes just the 50 top finishers from the qualifiers.

But what they did was still a historic first.

The two menSajjad Husaini, 25, and Alishah Farhang, 26were the first skiers from Afghanistan ever to complete in the world championships. The hope is that this is just one step toward a national team for Afghanistan and the Olympics next year.

The story of how the two skiers came from Afghanistan to St. Moritzwhere they have spent the last three seasons traininginvolves, like the sport itself, both passion and teamwork.

We are not aiming for a gold medal or a victory for my country, says Farhang. We are trying to show a positive image of Afghanistan to the world. When people hear Afghanistan, they think war, violence, killing each other. I cannot ignore that. It is some of that. But its not as much as you hear in the media. And we can bring a positive change through sport.

Switzerlands Inferno: The Worlds Oldest and Longest Downhill Race.

Both Husaini and Farhang were living at Bamyan, at large town at 8,200 feet in the Hindu Kush of central Afghanistan. Winter there can last half a year, and the peak is snow-capped even in June. But neither of them had ever thought about skiing before.

I had no idea what this ski is. I didnt watch it on the TV, says Farhang. Although some locals from the area do make wooden skis by hand, he says, until a few years ago, he wouldnt have even understood what they were for. I didnt ski on these wooden skis. Never. Because I had no ideawhat are these skis?

And then, about six years ago, a Swiss reporter named Christoph Zrcher found himself stuck near Bamyan, trapped thanks to fighting on the roads.

You sit there and you look at those mountains, Zrcher says. As a Swiss, you can imagine it doesnt take too long before you think about skiing. Hey, guys, does anybody ski here? They said Ski, whats that? And then I said, Oh, what a shame. And decided to go back to Switzerland and organize 30 pairs of skis and ski boots to bring back.

Soon after first bringing equipment to Bamyan, Zrcher helped organize a ski club. Based in Zurich, the Bamyan Ski Club is a nonprofit thats introducing skiing to locals, as well as raising Bamyans profile as a ski resort for foreigners.

Getting locals to become interested in skiing wasnt quite as easy as Zrcher had expected. At first, they were wary of strapping the equipment to their feet and sliding downhill.

In the end we just dished out $10 bills, Zrcher says, laughing. But even then, it wasnt easy. Most would try for a day or two, thensurprised at just how tricky it wasgive it up.

So Zrcher and the others had an idea: Theyd run an Afghan Ski Challenge, a ski race taking place over a two-mile course. The winner would receive a Swiss watch. Every year, the number of participants in the contest grew a bit more. This year, there were around 80.

Two of the winnersFarhang and Husainigot more than a Swiss watch. They also have been given training with a professional coach for two months a year in St. Moritz, as well as food and lodging in the infamously pricy resort (courtesy of the town itself). And, of course, two slots in this weeks championships.

Even if they didnt win the race, both Farhang and Husaini have come a long way since their first days on skis. Both were inspired to take up the sport when they saw the ski clubs members on snow. But even though they wanted to try the sport, it wasnt always easy.

The first time Farhang tried skiing, he said, the guide he was with took him to a high, steep slope.

That was a very difficult experience. I was just rolling over into the snow, and I did not like it at all that day. The next day, I took a day off because I was so tired, he says. Then another day I said, OKIm going to try in a flatter part. Then it was more fun.

Coming to St. Moritz for the first time, meanwhile, was another hurdle. There was culture shock and being away from familybut even the mountain and the conditions were different.

Our mountain is higher. Even the Bamyan town is very high; it is 2,500 meters above the sea level, says Husaini. The snowhere it is more wet, Bamyan is more dry. At Bamyan, he goes on to explain, the snow is so light, you feel like youre floating. Here, he had to learn to carve.

On the other hand, infrastructure at St. Moritzthe worlds first winter resortaffords much better access. Bamyan doesnt have anything in the way of a rope tow; any skiing has to be earned the hard way.

Every day, sometimes three hours, sometimes four hours, we have to walk up, and then its 10 or 15 minutes of skiing down. You are a really good skier if its just one and a half minutes, Husaini says.

One thing, though, has remained the same whether theyre skiing in St. Moritz or Bamyan: the fun of it.

When I was a child, I would also do some sledding on the snow, Husaini says. But when I saw [the skiers at Bamyan] I thought, Oh, this is even more amazing than the sledding. And faster. And more joyful.

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The Great Afghanistan Hope - Powder Magazine

Interpreter for US Military in Afghanistan Seeks Asylum in Iowa – whotv.com

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IOWA FALLS, Iowa -- Starting in 2007, Zalmay Niazy began working as an interpreter for the United States Armed Forces in Afghanistan.

"It was a very good career that I had and I'm very proud that I helped the United States Armed Forces," said Niazy.

But putting his life on the line for America was something that did not sit well with the Taliban.

"The Taliban and the bad guys were always threatening me and my family and they were always giving us a hard time, and they kidnapped my uncle from the house and they killed him because I was an interpreter," said Niazy.

Niazy came to America in December of 2014, seeking political asylum. But despite his best efforts, he's run into a roadblock.

This is why Niazy brought his situation to Senator Charles Grassley's attention at a town hall meeting in Iowa Falls. At the meeting, Niazy said, "I came here, sir. I applied for political asylum. I hired a lawyer in Des Moines and...he's going through all the process and from the last two years and four months I haven't heard anything from the asylum process from there, and I always contact them. I always send them and they just give me a one year work permit and it expires."

Senator Grassley responded by saying to Niazy, who was standing right next to him, "You've hired a lawyer. I wish I knew you before you hired a lawyer. I could have saved you a lot of money, because usually your lawyer comes to us and we do the work for them," said Grassley.

Senator Grassley also said a new executive order, which President Trump is expected to issue soon, should make things easier for Niazy and for other people in similar situations.

"They were left out of the original order that President Trump put out because it wasn't carefully drafted, so it's my understanding on the drafting of this one that they're going to make sure that people like you (Niazy) can come to this country legally and...will be able to get in. That will be pretty clear," said Grassley.

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Interpreter for US Military in Afghanistan Seeks Asylum in Iowa - whotv.com

Pakistan shells border with Afghanistan as tensions rise over terrorist attacks – Washington Post

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan An escalating border conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan is threatening to undermine their cooperation on terrorism and peace talks with the Taliban as the Trump administration begins weighing its options to spur progress on both fronts.

After a blitz of terrorist bombings across Pakistan left more than 125 people dead, Pakistani forces began shelling both sides of the border Friday, aiming at camps used by a group tied to the Islamic State that claimed most of the attacks. Pakistan also closed all border crossings.

Afghanistan has protested that the shelling is forcing hundreds of villagers to flee their homes. U.S. officials have asked Pakistani military leaders to cooperate with their neighboring country in going after the militants, but Pakistan has threatened to take further unilateral action.

And in a tit-for-tat exchange of demands, Pakistan asked Afghan officials Saturday to hand over 76 alleged militants based in Afghanistan, while Afghan diplomats Sunday called for action on a list of 32 terrorist training centers and 85 militant leaders they say are in Pakistan, including the Haqqani Taliban faction that is fighting against the Afghan state.

Turmoil in Afghanistan has created space for terrorist organizations to find their foothold there, said Nafees Zakaria, a spokesman for Pakistans Foreign Affairs Ministry. He said the group responsible for the recent bombings was based in Afghanistan as far back as 2014, when it massacred 141 people at a Pakistani army school, an assault that outraged the country.

Zakaria added that other countries in the region are concerned about the growing footprint of groups like ISIS in Afghanistan. The Islamic State is also known as ISIS.

Russia in particular has been seeking a role in solving the Afghan conflict, hosting regional meetings on it and expressing support for the Taliban as an antidote to a spillover of Islamic State groups into Central Asia. That approach has alarmed U.S. military officials who urged the Trump administration to raise troop levelsin Afghanistan to block further Taliban advances.

There is plenty of irony in Pakistans finger-pointing. Afghanistan has long complained that Pakistan provides sanctuary for Taliban leaders and factions, a charge it denies. And the group most linked to last weeks bombings, Jamaat-ul-Ahrar, is an outgrowth of the Pakistani Taliban, which was driven into Afghanistan by a massive Pakistan army operation in 2015.

Once the group had relocated, some members split off and pledged allegiance to the Islamic State, a radical Sunni militia. Those militants have overrun several Afghan border districts, despite repeated efforts by Afghan forces to push them out, and they have claimed the bombing of several Shiite mosques in Kabul, the Afghan capital.

Afghanistan is the victim of terrorism, not its shelter, Gen. Dawlat Waziri, a spokesman for the Afghan Defense Ministry, declared Sunday. He called Pakistans border attacks an act of aggression and warned that if diplomatic efforts fail, Afghans will defend their soil with whatever means available. A Foreign Affairs Ministry official said Afghanistan might even seek U.N. sanctions against Pakistan for supporting terrorist groups.

Michael Kugelman, deputy director for Asian studies at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, described Jamaat-ul-Ahrar as one of the Pakistani Talibans most bloodthirsty factions, with a small but brutal contingent in Afghanistan.

In Pakistan, Kugelman added, the Islamic State has been forming opportunistic partnerships with radical religious groups of all kinds, including some that officials had for political reasons been reluctant to curb. The danger, he said, is of growing collaboration between the Islamic State and high-octane local militant factions eager to latch onto its still-powerful brand.

Given the common threat this phenomenon has created for Pakistan and Afghanistan, analysts pointed out, it would seem a perfect moment for their governments to join forces , especially when they are eager to prove to the new administration in Washington that they are serious about fighting Islamist insurgents and terrorists.

Instead, years of bitter acrimony between the two Muslim neighbors has fueled an explosion of highly politicized accusations and threats, reminiscent of a decade ago when Afghanistans then-president, Hamid Karzai, used to send lists of anti-Afghan militants living openly in Pakistan to its military president, Gen. Pervez Musharraf with no result.

The growing wave of terror in both countries requires a joint approach, the News International newspaper here urged in its lead editorial Sunday. The only beneficiary of increasing tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan are terrorist groups. It is important to ensure that we, on both sides, do not resort to blame games.

Today, the stakes for both countries are high. In Afghanistan, the 16-year war with the Taliban is at a stalemate, the defense forces are demoralized and stretched thin, and the government of President Ashraf Ghani is beset by divisions and administrative paralysis.

Although the Trump administration appears likely to continue supporting the war with funds and troops, critics say the conflict cannot be settled unless the Ghani government takes decisive action to curb corruption, overcome ethnic rivalries, resume stalled election plans and mend fences with Pakistan.

In Pakistan, the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been struggling to rein in a panoply of militant Islamist groups without arousing further violence, to maintain a balance between military and civilian power and to navigate new relations with China and other partners while preserving long-standing security ties with Washington.

Even before last weeks attacks, some influential U.S. policy experts had urged the Trump administration to sharply cut aid to Pakistan if it does not carry out a full-fledged crackdown on Islamist militants and begin playing a positive role in the effort to settle the Afghan war, rather than trying to manipulate it while providing refuge for anti-Afghan insurgents.

Davood Moradian, director of the Kabul-based Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies, said success in Afghanistan was achievable but only if three things happened.

Afghanistan has to address corruption, strengthen the armed forces and integrate the Taliban into politics, he said. Pakistan has to abandon its strategy of using terrorism as a state policy. And the United States has to assure its allies and adversaries in both countries that it is determined to prevail.

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