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In a rocky graveyard at the edge of Lashkar Gah, a local police commander was digging his sisters grave.

Her name was Salima, but it was never uttered at her funeral. As is custom in rural Afghanistan, no women attended the ceremony, and of the dozens of men gathered to pay their respects, few had known the deceased.

Salima, like almost all women in Helmand province, had spent most of her life after puberty cloistered in her family home.

Her family said she accidentally shot herself in the face when she came across a Kalashnikov hidden under some blankets while cleaning.

In town Helmands provincial capital the story was regarded with suspicion, if not surprise. Salima died 10 days before an arranged marriage, but nobody asked any questions: it would be improper to scrutinise a womans death.

Her body was lowered into the hole, wrapped in a thin, black shroud. She had lived unseen, and was buried by strangers.

For more than 15 years, womens empowerment has been claimed as a central pillar of western efforts in Afghanistan. Yet in Helmand, adult women are almost entirely invisible, even in the city. They are the property of their family, and few are able to work or seek higher education, independent medical care or justice.

And if the advancement of womens rights has moved at a glacial pace in places such as Helmand, the process toward peace has slid backwards. Helmands two main towns, Lashkar Gah and Gereshk, are among a handful of places in the province not under Taliban control.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration has yet to define a strategy for Afghanistan.

The US was expected to have approved the deployment of about 4,000 additional troops to Afghanistan by now the first surge since the withdrawal began in 2011.

Yet the administration is torn. The president himself has wondered aloud why weve been there for 17 years, and recent reports even suggest that the White House is considering scaling back instead.

In Helmand, which is markedly worse off than when foreign combat troops left three years ago, Afghan forces on the frontline are desperate for support. But critics say that more military power only risks fomenting insurgency.

Even if you kill all the teenagers, the next generation will join the Taliban, said Abdul Jabbar Qahraman, a former presidential envoy to Helmand. The insurgency used to be mostly a business. Now its also about revenge.

Afghanistan is Americas longest war, but it is a war America cannot win. And nowhere is this more evident than in Helmand.

Places where British and American troops fought their hardest battles are now firmly under Taliban control.

Babaji, the scene of one of biggest British air assaults in modern times, fell to the Taliban shortly after the Guardian visited last year.

Marjah where in 2010 thousands of US, British and Afghan troops launched the largest joint offensive in the war is firmly in the control of the insurgents.

In Musa Qala, the Taliban run a veritable government; in Lashkar Gah, they are close enough to occasionally lob rockets into the governors compound.

Prolonged, large-scale battles are rare. Instead, the war is a slow grind of guerrilla attacks, sporadic gun clashes and the occasional push to overrun a population centre. Homemade bombs the Talibans weapon of choice continue to spread.

Several provincial capitals remain in government hands only due to US air support. In the first six months of 2017, the coalition released 1,634 weapons, the highest level of air engagement since 2012.

Once in a while, though, government forces win small successes by striking back with their own unconventional methods.

Lounging in the shade of a plum tree at a police base in the town of Spina Kota, Nesar Zendaneh was dressed in black traditional tunic, sporting a thick moustache under curly bangs that partly covered his druggy, bloodshot eyes.

As part of a unit under the National Directorate of Security, Zendaneh and his colleagues dress like local villagers, infiltrate Taliban areas and conduct sneak attacks.

I dont hide from them, said Zendaneh, as small arms fire crackled nearby. Four months ago, we snuck up on a group of Taliban and fired on them with RPGs. We killed 10 of them; the rest fled.

In the summer months, the land, green and overgrown, provides bountiful cover for insurgents. Leaving the base in Spina Kota, a police Humvee sped up as it swerved around a bend in the road.

This is the most dangerous corner, said the driver, pointing to a white house behind a single sunflower, about 30 meters (100ft) away. Thats the Taliban right there.

Often dispatched to frontlines and remote checkpoints, Afghan police have become so militarised that they rarely engage in actual police work. That makes winning the loyalty of the people even harder.

But foreign troops have relied heavily on the police and other local forces, such as the 1,500-strong militia led by Haji Baz Gul, the first community leader to rise up against the Taliban in Marjah, in 2010.

A mild-mannered elder with a cloud of grey beard and a white skullcap, Baz Gul said western forces had left their Afghan allies in the lurch.

After the long fight for Marjah, the US pulled out too soon, he said, leaving salaries for only one-third of his men. The rest were unable to work in their villages after the Taliban returned; they either fled the region or chose to join the militants.

The enemy is at our gates, Gul said. And the Taliban are not just winning the military battle, but hearts and minds too, he added.

Across Helmand, new mosques are cropping up, funded by private businessmen. Government schools, however, stand empty and decrepit.

We have 2,000 Taliban madrasahs in Helmand. The government is very weak, he said.

In a province where the war is being fought between neighbours, the frontline can offer a sense of security. For Maj Ghulam Wali Afghan, the only problem with the frontline, where he has been fighting for 15 years, is how to get there.

As he scooted forward in his chair, two of his men gingerly wiggled the stumps that used to be his legs into a pair of prosthetics. Grabbing one leg each, they clicked his knees into place and helped him stand. Six months ago, the police major sustained his first-ever injury when he stepped on a landmine.

We are tired of fighting, said Afghan, who commands 330 police. Still, he has nowhere else to go.

Neither does Sardar Mohammad, another police commander, who lost his legs to a mine two years ago. Eleven days later, he was back at the front.

For the men without formal education, and with no compensation for wounded Afghan veterans a civilian future holds little promise. At the frontline, they are protected.

Taliban are my enemy. They can kill me easily. If I leave the job, I will just be at home. Here I have guards, Mohammad said.

Battle-hardened police commanders such as Afghan and Mohammad have been left to fight the wests war, but they are not necessarily fuelled by the same ideals of democracy and human rights touted by western leaders and the Kabul government.

The Helmand conflict is highly localised. Mohammads enmity with the Taliban began when the Islamists regime confiscated his familys land, and detained and beat his relatives two decades ago. To him, the Talibans views on religion, education and womens role in society are unimportant.

Mohammads war is not an ideological one. It is just war.

We have the same views. We are all Muslims, he said. Both he and Afghan would welcome more US troops.

When there are American airplanes and helicopters monitoring in the air, nobody fires at us. When they are not there, we cant even move one metre without being shot on, said Mohammad.

Yet neither commander believed military might would end the hostilities. Only a negotiated peace could do that, said Afghan.

We know from the past 40 years that bullets dont stop war.

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The war America can't win: how the Taliban is regaining control in Afghanistan - The Guardian

Afghanistan is back in the news. Wednesday, 2 U.S. servicemembers were killed in a suicide bombing attack. Already this year, U.S. airstrikes are at their highest level since 2012, and President Trump is considering sending up to 3,000 more troops to support the 8,400 Americans already serving there.

Why does the AfPak region remain a hotbed of terrorist plotting and violence? General John W. Nicholson, commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan, notes that of the 98 designated terrorist organizations around the globe, 20 of them operate in the region. Its an exceptional concentration, and just one reason why the U.S. must remain engaged in Afghanistan.

Yet for some years now, voices on both the right and left have urged American withdrawal. That would be a mistake. As America and its allies have drawn down troops in Afghanistan, Al Qaeda has been quietly strengthening its hand.

The terrorist group has proved adept at retaining allies in the region, then working alongside them to strengthen the terrorist movement as a whole. Lets focus on just three of these allies.

First, there is the Taliban. Many in the West believe they can be peeled off from Al Qaeda at the negotiating table. That seems highly unlikely. Despite multiple changes of leadership, the two groups have reaffirmed allegiance to each other after every change. Its not just talk. The two continue to work together militarily.

Al Qaeda also retains its ties to the Haqqani network (HQN). In the immediate aftermath of the allied invasion of Afghanistan, the AfPak insurgent group helped al-Qaeda establish itself in Pakistani tribal areas. The groups continue to work hand-in-glove.

Intelligence officials recently told Fox News that Al Qaeda provides fighters, expertise and material support to HQN when needed and several times its members have participated in joint operations with the Taliban and HQN. Indeed, a senior HQN leader has commented that there is no distinction between us [and Al Qaeda] we are all one.

Then there is Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Formed in December 2007, its an umbrella group drawing terrorists from various Pashtun Pakistani groups. TTP provided the training to Faisal Shahzad, the Times Square bomber. Back then CIA Director John Brennan noted that TTP and AQ train together, they plan together, they plot together. They are almost indistinguishable.

That remains true. TTP publicly confirmed that senior al-Qaeda leaders such as Qari Muhammad Yasin killed in an air strike in March 2017 worked closely with their group up until the time of his death.

In addition forging alliances in Afghanistan, Al-Qaeda still uses it as a training base--most notably for its newest affiliate, Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS).

Terrorism expert Bill Roggio says AQIS has likely drawn members from al-Qaeda allies such as TTP, Harakat-ul-Muhajideen, Jaish-e-Mohammad, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. AQIS is a regional threat, focused on carrying out attacks on military targets in Bangladesh, Burma, India and Pakistan.

In October 2015, the U.S. launched one of the largest joint ground-assault operations we have ever conducted in Afghanistan. The target: two AQIS training camps that, in total, covered around 30 square miles. The U.S. commander said it was probably the largest Al Qaeda training camp found since the war began.

That such a training camp could exist in 2015 speaks to a broader problem of the U.S. consistently underestimating Al Qaedas strength. Last year, the U.S. killed or captured 250 Al Qaeda figures. Thomas Joscelyn, a leading expert on al-Qaeda points out, This was two and half times the American governments long-held, high-end estimate for Al Qaedas entire presence in the country.

Underestimating Al Qaeda in Afghanistan had devastating consequences on 9/11. We cannot make the same mistake again. The ongoing terrorist threat emanating from Afghanistan remains a compelling reason for the U.S. to remain committed to the fight there. (And I have not even discussed ISIS, which has its own affiliate in the country).

Unfortunately, the Afghan security forces are not yet trained to such a standard that they can execute this vital counter-terrorism task alone. So the nature of the Western commitment must involve troops not just from the U.S., but across NATO. These troops will not be able to transform Afghanistan into a paragon of democracy and liberty, nor should they try to.

But additional troops will be able to help maintain security in a country rife with terrorist groups that still pose a very clear danger to innocent lives around the world.

Robin Simcox is the Margaret Thatcher Fellow in the Davis Institute for National Security and Foreign Policy at The Heritage Foundation (heritage.org).

Originally posted here:
Afghanistan in crisis: Why is the region still a hotbed of terrorism and violence? - Fox News

A suicide bomber stormed into the largest Shiite Muslim mosque in Afghanistan's Herat province Tuesday night opening fire on worshippers before blowing himself up, killing at least 20 and wounding dozens more, said the provincial governor's spokesman Jalani Farhad.

However Mehdi Hadid, a lawmaker from Herat, who went to the site soon after the explosion told The Associated Press that the scene was one of horrific carnage. He estimated at least 100 dead and wounded were scattered throughout the mosque. The attack took place in the middle of evening prayers when the mosque was packed with about 300 worshippers.

At Herat Main Hospital, Dr. Mohammed Rafique Shehrzai, confirmed 20 bodies were brought to the hospital in Herat city, the capital of western Herat province Tuesday night, soon after the blast shattered the late evening.

Shiites are a minority in Afghanistan and have been threatened by the affiliate of the Islamic State group that operates in the country's east.

No one immediately claimed responsibility for the attack on the Jawadia Mosque, the largest Shiite Muslim mosque, in Herat.

Hadid said he rushed to the mosque after hearing about the explosion. He was told the attacker first fired on the private guards outside the mosque before entering. When inside, he fired on the praying worshippers until his rifle jammed then he blew himself up.

See more here:
Afghanistan mosque explosion kills at least 20 people ...

Civilian and security forces walk inside a minority Shiite mosque after a suicide attack in Herat, Afghanistan on Aug. 1, 2017 reportedly killed at least 20 people.Hamed SarfaraziAP

(KANDAHAR, Afghanistan) A suicide bomber struck a NATO convoy near the southern Afghan city of Kandahar on Wednesday, causing casualties, the U.S. military said.

Lt. Damien E. Horvath, a military spokesman, could not say how many casualties there were, or provide their nationalities. The NATO mission, known as Resolute Support, "can confirm that a NATO convoy was attacked in Kandahar. The attack did cause casualties," he said.

Kandahar police spokesman Zia Durrani also confirmed the attack and the area on the edge Kandahar was quickly cordoned off.

No one immediately claimed responsibility for the bombing.

Eyewitness Ghulam Ali, who runs a mechanics shop near the attack site, said the intensity of the blast knocked him out. When he came to he saw one military vehicle ablaze on the road. He stepped out of his shop but a sudden burst of gunfire drove him back inside.

He heard helicopters arriving and saw soldiers being taken away from the scene but could not determine the extent of their injuries.

Shah Agha Popal, who runs a vehicle parts shop also nearby, said he also saw soldiers being taken away by two helicopters. "But I couldn't tell if they were wounded or if they were dead," he said.

The combined U.S. and NATO troop contingent currently in Afghanistan is about 13,500. The Trump administration is deciding whether to send about 4,000 or more U.S. soldiers to Afghanistan in an attempt to stem Taliban gains.

The attack came as Afghan authorities in western Herat province tightened security ahead of a mass funeral for the victims there of an attack the previous evening that killed 29.

A suicide attacker opened fire inside a mosque packed with worshippers at evening prayers, before detonating his explosives. A second explosion came 10 minutes later.

No one has claimed responsibility for that attack either, but it came a day after the Islamic State group warned it would strike Shiites. The Sunni militant group considers Shiite Muslims as apostates.

Herat provincial spokesman Jilani Farhad said that to reduce the possibility of more attacks, a planned Shiite protest against the attack was to be held just before the burial on Wednesday afternoon, rather than at a separate time and location.

Along with the 29 killed, 64 people were wounded, 10 of them critically.

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Suicide Bombing Strikes NATO Convoy in Afghanistan - TIME

After a suicide attack on a Shiite mosque in Herat, relatives of the victims grieve for the loved ones they lost in the violence Tuesday. Hamed Sarfarazi/AP hide caption

After a suicide attack on a Shiite mosque in Herat, relatives of the victims grieve for the loved ones they lost in the violence Tuesday.

A Shiite mosque in western Afghanistan was stormed during evening prayers Tuesday, torn asunder by grenades and a suicide bomber's detonated vest, law enforcement officials say. By the time the scene had settled at the place of worship, at least 29 people were killed and dozens more were injured.

And local officials say the death toll could still rise.

"Two attackers entered the mosque and started shooting and throwing grenades at people," worshipper Mohammad Adi, who was hospitalized for his wounds after the assault, tells Reuters.

"Based on our initial information two terrorists were involved, one of them wearing a suicide vest who detonated himself while the second one was armed with a rifle," local police spokesman Abdul Ahad Walizada tells the news agency Agence-France Presse. "They are both dead."

No group immediately claimed responsibility for the attack, which unfolded at the Jawadia mosque in the city of Herat, near Afghanistan's border with Iran. Both news services note the Taliban has denied involvement in the violence.

The Associated Press describes the aftermath of the attack:

"[Local lawmaker Mehdi] Hadid said he saw several pieces of a body that was being identified as the assailant. Although it's not clear if there was a second attacker, witnesses in the area reported hearing a second explosion about 10 minutes after the initial bomber detonated his explosives.

"The mosque was badly damaged with windows blown out, walls and even the large dome peppered with shrapnel and everywhere was blood from the victims, said Hadid.

"Located just 50 meters (150 feet) away was an Afghan National Police station, but Hadid said the police were too frightened to take action and stood outside the mosque while the attack happened."

The violence follows on the heels of another deadly attack in Afghanistan, this one launched Monday on the Iraqi Embassy in Kabul. As NPR's Scott Neuman reported, witnesses described an embassy building that was racked with gunfire and several explosions.

Reuters notes that so far this year, more than 1,700 civilians have been killed in Afghanistan. The persistent violence has at times attracted protests from Afghans fed up with what they see as the government's failure to maintain its citizens' safety.

"Our leaders are doing nothing to stop this carnage," one protester said earlier this year, just days after a car bomb killed more than 150 people in Kabul.

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Suicide Attack On Shiite Mosque Leaves At Least 29 Dead In Afghanistan - NPR