Archive for the ‘Afghanistan’ Category

Afghanistan’s all-girl robotics team can’t get visas to come to the US – PRI

A group of teenage girls from Afghanistanwho had planned to cometo Washington, DC, for an international robotics competition won't be coming after all, after the US State Department denied their visas.

This opportunity would allow us to invent, design, and create things that could possibly allow our community, our lives, and us, the team memberswrote on their page ofthe FIRSTGlobal Challenge competitionwebsite. We want to make a difference and most breakthroughs in science, technology, and other industries normally start with the dream of a child to do something great. We want to be that child and pursue our dreams to make a difference in peoples lives."

The team of six had been working for months to build a robot that could complete a variety of engineering tasks, like providing access to clean drinking water.

Just getting this far had been a challenge. While other competitors received raw materials from the event organizer, the Afghan team had to improvise because the box sent from America had been held up for months amid concerns about terrorism, according to the Washington Post.

So being selected to come was a thrill. But it also meant enduring the US visa application process.

The girls had to make a 500-mile journey twice from their hometownof Herat, in western Afghanistan, to the USEmbassy in Kabul for an interview.

I can't tell you why exactly [their applications were denied], but I do know that a fair opportunity was given by the USState Department and embassy, said Joe Sestak, a former congressman and president of FIRST Global. We are saddened they won't be here.

The team was sponsored by Roya Mahboob, founder of Afghanistans Citadel software company, and the countrys first female tech CEO. Mahboob told Mashable the girls spent the day crying after finding out they wouldnt be able to travel.

"The first time [they were rejected] it was very difficult talking with the students," Mahboob said. "They're young and they were very upset.

Although the young women wont make it to the US, their robot is now on its way to participate in the competition. The team of six will tune in to the event via Skype, and a group of young Afghan-American women will represent them at the event.

The team from Afghanistan isn't alone in being rejected, according to Sestak. A team from Gambia was also denied entry, and will also participate via Skype.

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Afghanistan's all-girl robotics team can't get visas to come to the US - PRI

Afghanistan U-15 Beats Tajikistan In Central Asian Championships – TOLOnews

Afghanistan's u-15 team started off well in the Central Asian competition, with Asghar Hussaini clinching two goals for his team.

Afghanistans under-15 football team beat Tajikistan 3-1 in their Central Asian Football Association (CAFA) championship match in Tajikistan on Monday night.

The match was held at the Hisor Stadium outside Dushanbe.

Fardin Naser scored for Afghanistan in the first minute of the match, while Asghar Hussaini scored the second goal for the team in the 83rd minute.

Hussaini also scored the third goal for his team in the 92nd minute.

We have showed in our first match to others that Afghanistan can be the champion of the competition. I hope our wishes come true, said u-15 team coach, Sayed Hadi Kazimi.

Hussaini who scored two goals in the first match for his team said: I will try to score more goals with the support of my teammates so we can become the top scorers of the competition.

The competition is being hosted by Tajikistan, with five teams taking part - Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and Tajikistan.

Afghanistan will play Kyrgyzstan in its second match on Tuesday night.

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Afghanistan U-15 Beats Tajikistan In Central Asian Championships - TOLOnews

War in Afghanistan (2001present) – Wikipedia

War in Afghanistan (2001Present) Part of the larger War in Afghanistan, and the Global War on Terrorism Clockwise from top-left: British Royal Marines take part in the clearance of Nad-e Ali District of Helmand Province; two F/A-18 strike fighters conduct combat missions over Afghanistan; an anti-Taliban fighter during an operation to secure a compound in Helmand Province; a French chasseur alpin patrols a valley in Kapisa Province; U.S. Marines prepare to board buses shortly after arriving in southern Afghanistan; Taliban fighters in a cave hideout; U.S. soldiers prepare to fire a mortar during a mission in Paktika Province, U.S. troops disembark from a helicopter, a MEDCAP centre in Khost Province. Belligerents Invasion (2001): Northern Alliance United States United Kingdom Canada Australia Germany Invasion (2001): Afghanistan[a] al-Qaeda 055 Brigade[1][2] IMU[3] TNSM[4] ETIM[5] Insurgency: Afghanistan[6] Coalition: Insurgency: Commanders and leaders

Hamid Karzai Ashraf Ghani George W. Bush (20012009) Barack Obama (20092017) Donald J Trump (2017 )

Mohammed Omar Akhtar Mansoor Abdul Ghani Baradar(POW)[13] Hibatullah Akhundzada[9] Jalaluddin Haqqani Obaidullah Akhund[13] Dadullah Akhund[13] Gulbuddin Hekmatyar Osama bin Laden Ayman al-Zawahiri

Afghan National Security Forces: 352,000[15] ISAF: 18,000+[16]

Taliban: 60,000 (tentative estimate)[17]

HIG: 1,500 2,000+[21] al-Qaeda: 50100[22][23] ~ 3,000 in 2001[24]

Afghan security forces: 21,950 killed[25] Northern Alliance: 200 killed[26][27][28][29] Coalition Dead: 3,486 (all causes) 2,807 (hostile causes) (United States:2,356, United Kingdom:454,[30] Canada:158, France:89, Germany:57, Italy:53, Others:321)[31] Wounded: 22,773 (United States:19,950, United Kingdom:2,188, Canada:635)[32][33][34] Contractors Dead: 1,582[35][36] Wounded: 15,000+[35][36]

The War in Afghanistan (or the U.S. War in Afghanistan)[38][39] followed the 2001 United States invasion of Afghanistan.[40] Supported initially by Canada in the form of JTF2[41] and the United Kingdom, the US was later joined by the rest of NATO, beginning in 2003. Its public aims were to dismantle al-Qaeda and to deny it a safe base of operations in Afghanistan by removing the Taliban from power.[42] Key allies, including the United Kingdom, supported the U.S. from the start to the end of the phase. This phase of the war is the longest war in United States history.[43][44][45][46][47]

In 2001, U.S. President George W. Bush demanded that the Taliban hand over Osama bin Laden and expel al-Qaeda; bin Laden had already been wanted by the United Nations since 1999. The Taliban declined to extradite him unless given evidence of his involvement in the September 11 attacks[48] and also declined demands to extradite others on the same grounds. The request for evidence was dismissed by the U.S. as a delaying tactic, and on 7 October 2001 it launched Operation Enduring Freedom with the United Kingdom. The two were later joined by other forces, including the Northern Alliance which had been fighting the Taliban in the ongoing civil war since 1996.[49][50] In December 2001, the United Nations Security Council established the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), to assist the Afghan interim authorities with securing Kabul. At the Bonn Conference the same month, Hamid Karzai was selected to head the Afghan Interim Administration, which after a 2002 loya jirga in Kabul became the Afghan Transitional Administration. In the popular elections of 2004, Karzai was elected president of the country, now named the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.[51]

NATO became involved in ISAF in August 2003, and later that year assumed leadership of it, with troops from 43 countries by this stage. NATO members provided the core of the force.[52] One portion of U.S. forces in Afghanistan operated under NATO command; the rest remained under direct U.S. command.

The Taliban was reorganised by its leader Mullah Omar, and in 2003, launched an insurgency against the government and ISAF.[53][54] Though outgunned and outnumbered, insurgents from the Taliban, Haqqani Network, Hezb-e-Islami Gulbuddin and other groups have waged asymmetric warfare with guerilla raids and ambushes in the countryside, suicide attacks against urban targets and turncoat killings against coalition forces. The Taliban exploited weaknesses in the Afghan government, among the most corrupt in the world, to reassert influence across rural areas of southern and eastern Afghanistan. In the initial years there was little fighting, but from 2006 the Taliban made significant gains and showed an increased willingness to commit atrocities against civilians. ISAF responded in 2006 by increasing troops for counterinsurgency operations to "clear and hold" villages and "nation building" projects to "win hearts and minds".[55][56] Violence sharply escalated from 2007 to 2009.[57] While ISAF continued to battle the Taliban insurgency, fighting crossed into neighboring North-West Pakistan.[58]

On 1 May 2011, United States Navy SEALs killed Osama bin Laden in Abbotabad, Pakistan. In May 2012, NATO leaders endorsed an exit strategy for withdrawing their forces. UN-backed peace talks have since taken place between the Afghan government and the Taliban.[59] In May 2014, the United States announced that its major combat operations would end in December 2014, and that it would leave a residual force in the country.[60] In October 2014, British forces handed over the last bases in Helmand to the Afghan military, officially ending their combat operations in the war.[61] On 28 December 2014, NATO formally ended ISAF combat operations in Afghanistan and officially transferred full security responsibility to the Afghan government. The NATO led Operation Resolute Support was formed the same day.[62][63] In May 2017, over 13,000 foreign troops remain in Afghanistan without any formal plans to withdraw.[64][65]

Tens of thousands of people have been killed in the war. Over 4,000 ISAF soldiers and civilian contractors as well as over 15,000 Afghan national security forces were killed, as well as nearly 20,000 civilians.

Afghanistan's political order began to break down with the overthrow of King Zahir Shah by his distant cousin Mohammed Daoud Khan in a bloodless 1946 coup. Daoud Khan had served as prime minister since 1953 and promoted economic modernization, emancipation of women, and Pashtun nationalism. This was threatening to neighboring Pakistan, faced with its own restive Pashtun population. In the mid-1930's, Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto began to encourage Afghan Islamist leaders such as Burhanuddin Rabbani and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, to fight against the regime. In 1978, Daoud Khan was killed in a coup by Afghan's Communist Party, his former partner in government, known as the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). The PDPA pushed for a socialist transformation by abolishing arranged marriages, promoting mass literacy and reforming land ownership. This undermined the traditional tribal order and provoked opposition across rural areas. The PDPA's crackdown was met with open rebellion, including Ismail Khan's Herat Uprising. The PDPA was beset by internal leadership differences and was weakened by an internal coup on 11 September 1979 when Hafizullah Amin ousted Nur Muhammad Taraki. The Soviet Union, sensing PDPA weakness, intervened militarily three months later, to depose Amin and install another PDA faction led by Babrak Karmal.

The entry of Soviet forces in Afghanistan in December 1979 prompted its Cold War rivals, the United States, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and China to support rebels fighting against the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. In contrast to the secular and socialist government, which controlled the cities, religiously motivated mujahideen held sway in much of the countryside. Beside Rabbani, Hekmatyar, and Khan, other mujahideen commanders included Jalaluddin Haqqani. The CIA worked closely with Pakistan's Inter-Service Intelligence to funnel foreign support for the mujahideen. The war also attracted Arab volunteers, known as "Afghan Arabs", including Osama bin Laden.

After the withdrawal of the Soviet military from Afghanistan in May 1989, the PDPA regime under Najibullah held on until 1992, when the collapse of the Soviet Union deprived the regime of aid, and the defection of Uzbek general Abdul Rashid Dostum cleared the approach to Kabul. With the political stage cleared of socialists, the warlords, some of them Islamist, vied for power. By then, Bin Laden had left the country and the United States' interest in Afghanistan also diminished.

In 1992, Rabbani officially became president of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, but had to battle other warlords for control of Kabul. In late 1994, Rabbani's defense minister, Ahmad Shah Massoud, defeated Hekmatyr in Kabul and ended ongoing bombardment of the capital.[66][67][68] Massoud tried to initiate a nationwide political process with the goal of national consolidation. Other warlords, including Ismail Khan in the west and Dostum in the north, maintained their fiefdoms.

In 1994, Mohammed Omar, a mujahideen member who taught at a Pakistani madrassa, returned to Kandahar and formed the Taliban movement. His followers were religious students, known as the Talib and they sought to end warlordism through strict adherence to Islamic law. By November 1994, the Taliban had captured all of Kandahar Province. They declined the government's offer to join in a coalition government and marched on Kabul in 1995.[69]

The Taliban's early victories in 1994 were followed by a series of costly defeats.[70] Pakistan provided strong support to the Taliban.[71][72] Analysts such as Amin Saikal described the group as developing into a proxy force for Pakistan's regional interests, which the Taliban denied.[71] The Taliban started shelling Kabul in early 1995, but were driven back by Massoud.[67][73]

On 27 September 1996, the Taliban, with military support by Pakistan and financial support from Saudi Arabia, seized Kabul and founded the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. They imposed their fundamentalist interpretation of Islam in areas under their control, issuing edicts forbidding women to work outside the home, attend school, or to leave their homes unless accompanied by a male relative.[75] According to the Pakistani expert Ahmed Rashid, "between 1994 and 1999, an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Pakistanis trained and fought in Afghanistan" on the side of the Taliban.[76][77]

Massoud and Dostum, former arch-enemies, created a United Front against the Taliban, commonly known as the Northern Alliance.[78] In addition to Massoud's Tajik force and Dostum's Uzbeks, the United Front included Hazara factions and Pashtun forces under the leadership of commanders such as Abdul Haq and Haji Abdul Qadir. Abdul Haq also gathered a limited number of defecting Pashtun Taliban.[79] Both agreed to work together with the exiled Afghan king Zahir Shah.[77] International officials who met with representatives of the new alliance, which the journalist Steve Coll referred to as the "grand Pashtun-Tajik alliance", said, "It's crazy that you have this today Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazara They were all ready to buy in to the process to work under the king's banner for an ethnically balanced Afghanistan."[81] The Northern Alliance received varying degrees of support from Russia, Iran, Tajikistan and India. The Taliban captured Mazar-i-Sharif in 1998 and drove Dostum into exile.

The conflict was brutal. According to the United Nations (UN), the Taliban, while trying to consolidate control over northern and western Afghanistan, committed systematic massacres against civilians. UN officials stated that there had been "15 massacres" between 1996 and 2001. The Taliban especially targeted the Shia Hazaras.[82][83] In retaliation for the execution of 3,000 Taliban prisoners by Uzbek general Abdul Malik Pahlawan in 1997, the Taliban executed about 4,000 civilians after taking Mazar-i-Sharif in 1998.[84][85]

Bin Laden's 055 Brigade was responsible for mass killings of Afghan civilians.[86] The report by the United Nations quotes eyewitnesses in many villages describing "Arab fighters carrying long knives used for slitting throats and skinning people".[82][83]

By 2001, the Taliban controlled as much as 90% of Afghanistan, with the Northern Alliance confined to the country's northeast corner. Fighting alongside Taliban forces were some 28,00030,000 Pakistanis (usually also Pashtun) and 2,0003,000 Al-Qaeda militants.[69][86] Many of the Pakistanis were recruited from madrassas.[86] A 1998 document by the U.S. State Department confirmed that "2040 percent of [regular] Taliban soldiers are Pakistani." The document said that many of the parents of those Pakistani nationals "know nothing regarding their child's military involvement with the Taliban until their bodies are brought back to Pakistan". According to the U.S. State Department report and reports by Human Rights Watch, other Pakistani nationals fighting in Afghanistan were regular soldiers, especially from the Frontier Corps, but also from the Pakistani Army providing direct combat support.[72][89]

In August 1996, Bin Laden was forced to leave Sudan and arrived in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. He had founded Al-Qaeda in the late 1980s to support the mujahideen's war against the Soviets, but became disillusioned by infighting among warlords. He grew close to Mullah Omar and moved Al-Qaeda's operations to eastern Afghanistan.[citation needed]

The 9/11 Commission in the U.S. reported found that under the Taliban, al-Qaeda was able to use Afghanistan as a place to train and indoctrinate fighters, import weapons, coordinate with other jihadists, and plot terrorist actions. While al-Qaeda maintained its own camps in Afghanistan, it also supported training camps of other organizations. An estimated 10,000 to 20,000 men passed through these facilities before 9/11, most of whom were sent to fight for the Taliban against the United Front. A smaller number were inducted into al-Qaeda.

After the August 1998 U.S. Embassy bombings were linked to bin Laden, President Bill Clinton ordered missile strikes on militant training camps in Afghanistan. U.S. officials pressed the Taliban to surrender bin Laden. In 1999, the international community imposed sanctions on the Taliban, calling for bin Laden to be surrendered. The Taliban repeatedly rebuffed these demands.

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Special Activities Division paramilitary teams were active in Afghanistan in the 1990s in clandestine operations to locate and kill or capture Osama bin Laden. These teams planned several operations, but did not receive the order to proceed from President Clinton. Their efforts built relationships with Afghan leaders that proved essential in the 2001 invasion.

During the Clinton administration, the U.S. tended to favor Pakistan and until 19981999 had no clear policy toward Afghanistan. In 1997, for example, the U.S. State Department's Robin Raphel told Massoud to surrender to the Taliban. Massoud responded that, as long as he controlled an area the size of his hat, he would continue to defend it from the Taliban.[69] Around the same time, top foreign policy officials in the Clinton administration flew to northern Afghanistan to try to persuade the United Front not to take advantage of a chance to make crucial gains against the Taliban. They insisted it was the time for a cease-fire and an arms embargo. At the time, Pakistan began a "Berlin-like airlift to resupply and re-equip the Taliban", financed with Saudi money.[93]

U.S. policy toward Afghanistan changed after the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings. Subsequently, Osama bin Laden was indicted for his involvement in the embassy bombings. In 1999 both the U.S. and the United Nations enacted sanctions against the Taliban via United Nations Security Council Resolution 1267, which demanded the Taliban surrender Osama bin Laden for trial in the U.S. and close all terrorist bases in Afghanistan.[94] The only collaboration between Massoud and the US at the time was an effort with the CIA to trace bin Laden following the 1998 bombings. The U.S. and the European Union provided no support to Massoud for the fight against the Taliban.

By 2001 the change of policy sought by CIA officers who knew Massoud was underway. CIA lawyers, working with officers in the Near East Division and Counter-terrorist Center, began to draft a formal finding for President George W. Bush's signature, authorizing a covert action program in Afghanistan. It would be the first in a decade to seek to influence the course of the Afghan war in favor of Massoud.Richard A. Clarke, chair of the Counter-Terrorism Security Group under the Clinton administration, and later an official in the Bush administration, allegedly presented a plan to incoming Bush National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice in January 2001.

A change in US policy was effected in August 2001. The Bush administration agreed on a plan to start supporting Massoud. A meeting of top national security officials agreed that the Taliban would be presented with an ultimatum to hand over bin Laden and other al-Qaeda operatives. If the Taliban refused, the US would provide covert military aid to anti-Taliban groups. If both those options failed, "the deputies agreed that the United States would seek to overthrow the Taliban regime through more direct action."[97]

Ahmad Shah Massoud was the only leader of the United Front in Afghanistan. In the areas under his control, Massoud set up democratic institutions and signed the Women's Rights Declaration.[98] As a consequence, many civilians had fled to areas under his control.[99][100] In total, estimates range up to one million people fleeing the Taliban.[101]

In late 2000, Ahmad Shah Massoud, a Tajik nationalist and leader of the Northern Alliance, invited several other prominent Afghan tribal leaders to a jirga in northern Afghanistan "to settle political turmoil in Afghanistan".[102] Among those in attendance were Pashtun nationalists, Abdul Haq and Hamid Karzai.[103][104]

In early 2001, Massoud and several other Afghan leaders addressed the European Parliament in Brussels, asking the international community to provide humanitarian help. The Afghan envoy asserted that the Taliban and al-Qaeda had introduced "a very wrong perception of Islam" and that without the support of Pakistan and Osama bin Laden, the Taliban would not be able to sustain their military campaign for another year. Massoud warned that his intelligence had gathered information about an imminent, large-scale attack on U.S. soil.[105]

On 9 September 2001, two French-speaking Algerians posing as journalists killed Massoud in a suicide attack in Takhar Province of Afghanistan. The two perpetrators were later alleged to be members of al-Qaeda. They were interviewing Massoud before detonating a bomb hidden in their video camera.[106][107] Both of the alleged al-Qaeda men were subsequently killed by Massoud's guards.

On the morning of 11 September 2001, a total of 19 Arab men carried out four coordinated attacks in the United States. Four commercial passenger jet airliners were hijacked.[108][109] The hijackers members of al-Qaeda's Hamburg cell [110] intentionally crashed two of the airliners into the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City, killing everyone on board and more than 2000 people in the buildings. Both buildings collapsed within two hours from damage related to the crashes, destroying nearby buildings and damaging others. The hijackers crashed a third airliner into the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia, just outside Washington, D.C.. The fourth plane crashed into a field near Shanksville, in rural Pennsylvania, after some of its passengers and flight crew attempted to retake control of the plane, which the hijackers had redirected toward Washington, D.C., to target the White House, or the U.S. Capitol. No one aboard the flights survived. According to the New York State Health Department, the death toll among responders including firefighters and police was 836 as of June 2009.[111] Total deaths were 2996, including the 19 hijackers.[111]

The United States invasion of Afghanistan occurred after the September 11 attacks in late 2001,[112] supported by allies including the United Kingdom.

U.S. President George W. Bush demanded that the Taliban hand over Osama bin Laden and expel al-Qaeda from Afghanistan. Bin Laden had been wanted by the U.N. since 1999 for the prior attack on the World Trade Center. The Taliban government refused to extradite him (or others sought by the US) unless it provided evidence of his involvement in the 9/11 attacks.[48] They ignored U.S. demands to shut down al-Qaeda bases. The request for proof of bin Laden's involvement was dismissed by the U.S. as a meaningless delaying tactic.

Immediately after the attacks, General Tommy Franks, then-commanding general of Central Command (CENTCOM), initially proposed to President George W. Bush and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld that the U.S. invade Afghanistan using a conventional force of 60,000 troops, preceded by six months of preparation. Rumsfield and Bush feared that a conventional invasion of Afghanistan could bog down as had happened to the Soviets and the British.[113] Rumsfield rejected Franks's plan, saying "I want men on the ground now!" Franks returned the next day with a plan utilizing US Special Forces.[114] On September 26, 2001, fifteen days after the 9/11 attack, the U.S. covertly inserted members of the CIA's Special Activities Division led by Gary Schroen as part of team Jawbreaker into Afghanistan, forming the Northern Afghanistan Liaison Team.[115][116][117] They linked up with the Northern Alliance as part of Task Force Dagger.[118]

Two weeks later, Operational Detachment Alpha (ODA) 555 and 595, both 12-man Green Beret teams from 5th Special Forces Group, plus Air Force combat controllers, were airlifted by helicopter from the Karshi-Khanabad Air Base in Uzbekistan[119] more than 300 kilometers (190mi) across the 16,000 feet (4,900m) Hindu Kush mountains in zero-visibility conditions by two SOAR MH-47E Chinook helicopters. The Chinooks were refueled in-flight three times during the 11-hour mission, establishing a new world record for combat rotorcraft missions at the time. They linked up with the CIA and Northern Alliance. Within a few weeks the Northern Alliance, with assistance from the U.S. ground and air forces, captured several key cities from the Taliban.[115][120]

The U.S. officially launched Operation Enduring Freedom on 7 October 2001 with the assistance of the United Kingdom. The two were later joined by other countries.[49][50] The U.S. and its allies drove the Taliban from power and built military bases near major cities across the country. Most al-Qaeda and Taliban were not captured, escaping to neighboring Pakistan or retreating to rural or remote mountainous regions.[121]

On 20 December 2001, the United Nations authorized an International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), with a mandate to help the Afghans maintain security in Kabul and surrounding areas. It was initially established from the headquarters of the British 3rd Mechanised Division under Major General John McColl, and for its first years numbered no more than 5,000.[122] Its mandate did not extend beyond the Kabul area for the first few years.[123] Eighteen countries were contributing to the force in February 2002.

At the Bonn Conference in December 2001, Hamid Karzai was selected to head the Afghan Interim Administration, which after a 2002 loya jirga in Kabul became the Afghan Transitional Administration. In the popular elections of 2004, Karzai was elected president of the country, now named the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.[51]

In August 2003, NATO became involved, taking the helm at ISAF.[52] Some U.S. forces in Afghanistan operated under NATO command; the rest remained under direct U.S. command. Taliban leader Mullah Omar reorganized the movement, and in 2003, launched an insurgency against the government and ISAF.[53][54]

After evading coalition forces throughout mid-2002, Taliban remnants gradually regained confidence and prepared to launch the Taliban insurgency that Omar had promised.[124] During September, Taliban forces began a jihad recruitment drive in Pashtun areas in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Pamphlets distributed in secret appeared in many villages in southeastern Afghanistan called for jihad.[125]

Small mobile training camps were established along the border to train recruits in guerrilla warfare.[126] Most were drawn from tribal area madrassas in Pakistan. Bases, a few with as many as 200 fighters, emerged in the tribal areas by the summer of 2003. Pakistani will to prevent infiltration was uncertain, while Pakistani military operations proved of little use.[127]

The Taliban gathered into groups of around 50 to launch attacks on isolated outposts, and then breaking up into groups of 510 to evade counterattacks. Coalition forces were attacked indirectly, through rocket attacks on bases and improvised explosive devices.

To coordinate the strategy, Omar named a 10-man leadership council, with himself as its leader.[127] Five operational zones were assigned to Taliban commanders such as Dadullah, who took charge in Zabul province.[127] Al-Qaeda forces in the east had a bolder strategy of attacking Americans using elaborate ambushes. The first sign of the strategy came on 27 January 2003, during Operation Mongoose, when a band of fighters were assaulted by U.S. forces at the Adi Ghar cave complex 25km (15mi) north of Spin Boldak.[128] 18 rebels were reported killed with no U.S. casualties. The site was suspected to be a base for supplies and fighters coming from Pakistan. The first isolated attacks by relatively large Taliban bands on Afghan targets also appeared around that time.

As the summer continued, Taliban attacks gradually increased in frequency. Dozens of Afghan government soldiers, NGO humanitarian workers, and several U.S. soldiers died in the raids, ambushes and rocket attacks. Besides guerrilla attacks, Taliban fighters began building up forces in the district of Dai Chopan in Zabul Province. The Taliban decided to make a stand there. Over the course of the summer, up to 1,000 guerrillas moved there. Over 220 people, including several dozen Afghan police, were killed in August 2003. In late August 2005, Afghan government forces attacked, backed by U.S. troops with air support. After a one-week battle, Taliban forces were routed with up to 124 fighters killed.

On 11 August 2003, NATO assumed control of ISAF.[123] On 31 July 2006, ISAF assumed command of the south of the country, and by 5 October 2006, of the east.[129] Once this transition had taken place, ISAF grew to a large coalition involving up to 46 countries, under a U.S. commander.

From January 2006, a multinational ISAF contingent started to replace U.S. troops in southern Afghanistan. The British 16th Air Assault Brigade (later reinforced by Royal Marines) formed the core of the force, along with troops and helicopters from Australia, Canada and the Netherlands. The initial force consisted of roughly 3,300 British,[130] 2,300 Canadian,[131] 1,963 Dutch, 300 Australian,[132] 290 Danish[133] and 150 Estonian troops.[134] Air support was provided by U.S., British, Dutch, Norwegian and French combat aircraft and helicopters.

In January 2006, NATO's focus in southern Afghanistan was to form Provincial Reconstruction Teams with the British leading in Helmand while the Netherlands and Canada would lead similar deployments in Orzgn and Kandahar, respectively. Local Taliban figures pledged to resist.[135]

Southern Afghanistan faced in 2006 the deadliest violence since the Taliban's fall. NATO operations were led by British, Canadian and Dutch commanders. Operation Mountain Thrust was launched on 17 May 2006, with. In July, Canadian Forces, supported by U.S., British, Dutch and Danish forces, launched Operation Medusa.

A combined force of Dutch and Australians launched a successful offensive between late April to mid July 2006 to push the Taliban out of the Chora and Baluchi areas.

On 18 September 2006 Italian special forces of Task Force 45 and airborne troopers of the 'Trieste' infantry regiment of the Rapid Reaction Corps composed of Italian and Spanish forces, took part in 'Wyconda Pincer' operation in the districts of Bala Buluk and Pusht-i-Rod, in Farah province. Italian forces killed at least 70 Taliban. The situation in RC-W then deteriorated. Hotspots included Badghis in the very north and Farah in the southwest.

Further NATO operations included the Battle of Panjwaii, Operation Mountain Fury and Operation Falcon Summit. NATO achieved tactical victories and area denial, but the Taliban were not completely defeated. NATO operations continued into 2007.

In January and February 2007, British Royal Marines mounted Operation Volcano to clear insurgents from firing-points in the village of Barikju, north of Kajaki.[136] Other major operations during this period included Operation Achilles (MarchMay) and Operation Lastay Kulang. The UK Ministry of Defence announced its intention to bring British troop levels in the country up to 7,700 (committed until 2009).[137] Further operations, such as Operation Silver and Operation Silicon, took place to keep up the pressure on the Taliban in the hope of blunting their expected spring offensive.[138][139]

In February 2007, Combined Forces Command-Afghanistan inactivated. Combined Joint Task Force 76, a two-star U.S. command headquartered on Bagram Airfield, assumed responsibility as the National Command Element for U.S. forces in Afghanistan.[140] Combined Security Transition Command-Afghanistan, or CSTC-A, the other two-star U.S. command, was charged with training and mentoring the Afghan National Security Forces.

On 4 March 2007, U.S. Marines killed at least 12 civilians and injured 33 in Shinwar district, Nangrahar,[141] in a response to a bomb ambush. The event became known as the "Shinwar massacre".[142] The 120 member Marine unit responsible for the attack were ordered to leave the country by Army Major General Frank Kearney, because the incident damaged the unit's relations with the local Afghan population.[143]

Later in March 2007, the US added more than 3,500 troops.

On 12 May 2007, ISAF forces killed Mullah Dadullah. Eleven other Taliban fighters died in the same firefight.

During the summer, NATO forces achieved tactical victories at the Battle of Chora in Orzgn, where Dutch and Australian ISAF forces were deployed.

On 16 August, eight civilians including a pregnant woman and a baby died when, few hours after an insurgent IED ambush damaged a Polish wheeled armored vehicle, Polish soldiers shelled the village of Nangar Khel, Paktika Province. Seven soldiers were charged with war crimes, after locals stated the Polish unit fired mortar rounds and machine guns into a wedding celebration without provocation,[144] but they were cleared of all charges in 2011.[145]

On 28 October about 80 Taliban fighters were killed in a 24-hour battle in Helmand.[146]

Western officials and analysts estimated the strength of Taliban forces at about 10,000 fighters fielded at any given time. Of that number, only 2,000 to 3,000 were highly motivated, full-time insurgents. The rest were volunteer units, made up of young Afghans, angered by deaths of Afghan civilians in military airstrikes and American detention of Muslim prisoners who had been held for years without being charged.[147] In 2007, more foreign fighters came into Afghanistan than ever before, according to officials. Approximately 100 to 300 full-time combatants were foreigners, many from Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Chechnya, various Arab countries and perhaps even Turkey and western China. They were reportedly more violent, incontrollable and extreme, often bringing superior video-production or bombmaking expertise.[148]

On 2 November security forces killed a top-ranking militant, Mawlawi Abdul Manan, after he was caught crossing the border. The Taliban confirmed his death.[149] On 10 November the Taliban ambushed a patrol in eastern Afghanistan. This attack brought the U.S. death toll for 2007 to 100, making it the Americans' deadliest year in Afghanistan.[150]

The Battle of Musa Qala took place in December. Afghan units were the principal fighting force, supported by British forces.[151] Taliban forces were forced out of the town.

Admiral Mike Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said that while the situation in Afghanistan is "precarious and urgent", the 10,000 additional troops needed there would be unavailable "in any significant manner" unless withdrawals from Iraq are made. The priority was Iraq first, Afghanistan second.[152]

In the first five months of 2008, the number of U.S. troops in Afghanistan increased by over 80% with a surge of 21,643 more troops, bringing the total from 26,607 in January to 48,250 in June.[153] In September 2008, President Bush announced the withdrawal of over 8,000 from Iraq and a further increase of up to 4,500 in Afghanistan.[154]

In June 2008, British prime minister Gordon Brown announced the number of British troops serving in Afghanistan would increase to 8,030 a rise of 230.[155] The same month, the UK lost its 100th serviceman.[156]

On 13 June, Taliban fighters demonstrated their ongoing strength, liberating all prisoners in Kandahar jail. The operation freed 1200 prisoners, 400 of whom were Taliban, causing a major embarrassment for NATO.[157]

On 13 July 2008, a coordinated Taliban attack was launched on a remote NATO base at Wanat in Kunar province. On 19 August, French troops suffered their worst losses in Afghanistan in an ambush with 10 soldiers killed in action and 21 injured.[158] Later in the month, an airstrike targeted a Taliban commander in Herat province and killed 90 civilians.

Late August saw one of NATO's largest operations in Helmand, Operation Eagle's Summit, aiming to bring electricity to the region.[159]

On 3 September, commandos, believed to be U.S. Army Special Forces, landed by helicopter and attacked three houses close to a known enemy stronghold in Pakistan. The attack killed between seven and twenty people. Local residents claimed that most of the dead were civilians. Pakistan condemned the attack, calling the incursion "a gross violation of Pakistan's territory".[160][161]

On 6 September, in an apparent reaction, Pakistan announced an indefinite disconnection of supply lines.[162]

On 11 September, militants killed two U.S. troops in the east. This brought the total number of U.S. losses to 113, more than in any prior year.[163] Several European countries set their own records, particularly the UK, who suffered 108 casualties.[31]

In November and December 2008, multiple incidents of major theft, robbery, and arson attacks afflicted NATO supply convoys in Pakistan.[164][165][166] Transport companies south of Kabul were extorted for money by the Taliban.[166][167] These incidents included the hijacking of a NATO convoy carrying supplies in Peshawar,[165] the torching of cargo trucks and Humvees east of the Khyber pass[168] and a half-dozen raids on NATO supply depots near Peshawar that destroyed 300 cargo trucks and Humvees in December 2008.[169]

An unnamed senior Pentagon official told the BBC that at some point between 12 July and 12 September 2008, President Bush issued a classified order authorizing raids against militants in Pakistan. Pakistan said it would not allow foreign forces onto its territory and that it would vigorously protect its sovereignty.[170] In September, the Pakistan military stated that it had issued orders to "open fire" on U.S. soldiers who crossed the border in pursuit of militant forces.[171]

On 25 September 2008, Pakistani troops fired on ISAF helicopters. This caused confusion and anger in the Pentagon, which asked for a full explanation into the incident and denied that U.S. helicopters were in Pakistani airspace. Chief Pakistani military spokesman Major General Athar Abbas said that the helicopters had "crossed into our territory in Ghulam Khan area. They passed over our checkpost so our troops fired warning shots". A few days later a CIA drone crashed into Pakistan territory.[172]

A further split occurred when U.S. troops apparently landed on Pakistani soil to carry out an operation against militants in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. Pakistanis reacted angrily to the action, saying that 20 innocent villagers had been killed by US troops.[173] However, despite tensions, the U.S. increased the use of remotely piloted drone aircraft in Pakistan's border regions, in particular the Federally Administered Tribal Regions (FATA) and Balochistan; as of early 2009, drone attacks were up 183% since 2006.[174]

By the end of 2008, the Taliban apparently had severed remaining ties with al-Qaeda.[175] According to senior U.S. military intelligence officials, perhaps fewer than 100 members of al-Qaeda remained in Afghanistan.[176]

In a meeting with General Stanley McChrystal, Pakistani military officials urged international forces to remain on the Afghan side of the border and prevent militants from fleeing into Pakistan. Pakistan noted that it had deployed 140,000 soldiers on its side of the border to address militant activities, while the coalition had only 100,000 soldiers to police the Afghanistan side.[177]

In response to the increased risk of sending supplies through Pakistan, work began on the establishment of a Northern Distribution Network (NDN) through Russia and Central Asian republics. Initial permission to move supplies through the region was given on 20 January 2009, after a visit to the region by General David Petraeus.[178] The first shipment along the NDN route left on 20 February from Riga, Latvia, then traveled 5,169km (3,212mi) to the Uzbek town of Termez on the Afghanistan border.[179] In addition to Riga, other European ports included Poti, Georgia and Vladivostok, Russia.[180] U.S. commanders hoped that 100 containers a day would be shipped along the NDN.[179] By comparison, 140 containers a day were typically shipped through the Khyber Pass.[181] By 2011, the NDN handled about 40% of Afghanistan-bound traffic, versus 30% through Pakistan.[180]

On 11 May 2009, Uzbekistan president Islam Karimov announced that the airport in Navoi (Uzbekistan) was being used to transport non-lethal cargo into Afghanistan. Due to the still unsettled relationship between Uzbekistan and the U.S. following the 2005 Andijon massacre and subsequent expulsion of U.S. forces from Karshi-Khanabad airbase, U.S. forces were not involved in the shipments. Instead, South Korea's Korean Air, which overhauled Navoi's airport, officially handled logistics.[182]

Originally only non-lethal resources were allowed on the NDN. In July 2009, however, shortly before a visit by new President Barack Obama to Moscow, Russian authorities announced that U.S. troops and weapons could use the country's airspace to reach Afghanistan.[183]

Human rights advocates were (as of 2009) concerned that the U.S. was again working with the government of Uzbekistan, which is often accused of violating human rights.[184] U.S. officials promised increased cooperation with Uzbekistan, including further assistance to turn Navoi into a regional distribution center for both military and civilian ventures.[185][186]

In January 2009, about 3,000 U.S. soldiers from the 3rd Brigade Combat Team of the 10th Mountain Division moved into the provinces of Logar and Wardak. Afghan Federal Guards fought alongside them. The troops were the first wave of an expected surge of reinforcements originally ordered by President Bush and increased by President Obama.[187]

In mid-February 2009, it was announced that 17,000 additional troops would be deployed in two brigades and support troops; the 2nd Marine Expeditionary Brigade of about 3,500 and the 5th Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division, a Stryker Brigade with about 4,000.[188] ISAF commander General David McKiernan had called for as many as 30,000 additional troops, effectively doubling the number of troops.[189] On 23 September, a classified assessment by General McChrystal included his conclusion that a successful counterinsurgency strategy would require 500,000 troops and five years.[190]

In November 2009, Ambassador Karl W. Eikenberry sent two classified cables to Washington expressing concerns about sending more troops before the Afghan government demonstrates that it is willing to tackle the corruption and mismanagement that has fueled the Taliban's rise. Eikenberry, a retired three-star general who in 20062007 commanded U.S. troops in Afghanistan, also expressed frustration with the relative paucity of funds set aside for development and reconstruction.[191] In subsequent cables, Eikenberry repeatedly cautioned that deploying sizable American reinforcements would result in "astronomical costs" tens of billions of dollars and would only deepen the Afghan government's dependence on the United States.

On 26 November 2009, Karzai made a public plea for direct negotiations with the Taliban leadership. Karzai said there is an "urgent need" for negotiations and made it clear that the Obama administration had opposed such talks. There was no formal US response.[192][193]

On 1 December, Obama announced at the U.S. Military Academy in West Point that the U.S. would send 30,000 more troops.[194] Antiwar organizations in the U.S. responded quickly, and cities throughout the U.S. saw protests on 2 December.[195] Many protesters compared the decision to deploy more troops in Afghanistan to the expansion of the Vietnam War under the Johnson administration.[196]

On 4 September, during the Kunduz Province Campaign a devastating NATO air raid was conducted 7 kilometres southwest of Kunduz where Taliban fighters had hijacked civilian supply trucks, killing up to 179 people, including over 100 civilians.[197]

On 25 June US officials announced the launch of Operation Khanjar ("strike of the sword").[198] About 4000 U.S. Marines from the 2nd Marine Expeditionary Brigade[199] and 650 Afghan soldiers[200] participated. Khanjar followed a British-led operation named Operation Panther's Claw in the same region.[201] Officials called it the Marines' largest operation since the 2004 invasion of Fallujah, Iraq.[199] Operation Panther's Claw was aimed to secure various canal and river crossings to establish a long-term ISAF presence.[202]

Initially, Afghan and American soldiers moved into towns and villages along the Helmand River[199] to protect the civilian population. The main objective was to push into insurgent strongholds along the river. A secondary aim was to bring security to the Helmand Valley in time for presidential elections, set to take place on 20 August.

According to a 22 December briefing by Major General Michael T. Flynn, the top U.S. intelligence officer in Afghanistan, "The Taliban retains [the] required partnerships to sustain support, fuel legitimacy and bolster capacity."[203] The 23-page briefing states that "Security incidents [are] projected to be higher in 2010." Those incidents were already up by 300 percent since 2007 and by 60 percent since 2008, according to the briefing.[204] NATO intelligence at the time indicated that the Taliban had as many as 25,000 dedicated soldiers, almost as many as before 9/11 and more than in 2005.[205]

On 10 August McChrystal, newly appointed as U.S. commander in Afghanistan, said that the Taliban had gained the upper hand. In a continuation of the Taliban's usual strategy of summer offensives,[206] the militants aggressively spread their influence into north and west Afghanistan and stepped up their attack in an attempt to disrupt presidential polls.[207] Calling the Taliban a "very aggressive enemy", he added that the U.S. strategy was to stop their momentum and focus on protecting and safeguarding Afghan civilians, calling it "hard work".[208]

The Taliban's claim that the over 135 violent incidents disrupting elections was largely disputed. However, the media was asked to not report on any violent incidents.[209] Some estimates reported voter turn out as much less than the expected 70 percent. In southern Afghanistan where the Taliban held the most power, voter turnout was low and sporadic violence was directed at voters and security personnel. The chief observer of the European Union election mission, General Philippe Morillon, said the election was "generally fair" but "not free".[210]

Western election observers had difficulty accessing southern regions, where at least 9 Afghan civilians and 14 security forces were killed in attacks intended to intimidate voters. The Taliban released a video days after the elections, filming on the road between Kabul and Kandahar, stopping vehicles and asking to see their fingers. The video went showed ten men who had voted, listening to a Taliban militant. The Taliban pardoned the voters because of Ramadan.[211] The Taliban attacked towns with rockets and other indirect fire. Amid claims of widespread fraud, both top contenders, Hamid Karzai and Abdullah Abdullah, claimed victory. Reports suggested that turnout was lower than in the prior election.[212]

After Karzai's alleged win of 54 per cent, which would prevent a runoff, over 400,000 Karzai votes had to be disallowed after accusations of fraud. Some nations criticized the elections as "free but not fair".[213]

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War in Afghanistan (2001present) - Wikipedia

Why Afghanistan? Why Now? – Daily Beast

Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis went to Brussels last week to convince NATO allies to send around 3,000 more troops to Afghanistan, where they will likely join between 3,000 and 5,000 more American troops expected to be sent there (thats in addition to the more than 8,500 US and 5,000 other NATO troops already in country).

The number of U.S. troops isnt official yet and probably wont be until mid-July, but according to a White House leak last month, that number is 4,000. The mission will be basically the same, to train, advise, and assist Afghan forces, but the intention will be to break what General John Nicholson, current commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, has called a stalemate.

We are not winning in Afghanistan Secretary Mattis said in June, and we will correct this as soon as possible.

You might be forgiven for feeling some dj vu. You might also be forgiven for being surprised to hear that were still in Afghanistan. And youd most definitely be forgiven for wondering why.

The reasons that the United States first sent troops to Afghanistan almost 16 years agoto hunt down Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda in response to the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagonno longer hold. Special Forces assassins killed Osama bin Laden six years ago in his house in Pakistan. Al Qaeda is a shadow of its former self, and while according to some accounts the organization maintains a presence in Afghanistan, its probably only there because we are, much like the cadres of ISIS-affiliated terrorists who are said to be behind a recent series of attacks in Kabul. U.S. soldiers in Islamic countries tend to draw jihadists like honey draws flies.

The Talibanconsistently the biggest problem for U.S. forces in Afghanistanare indistinguishable from the Afghan people, because they are the Afghan people, and despite years of counter-insurgency rhetoric, the likelihood of a foreign invader forcing the Afghan people to stop shooting at them is pretty close to zero. The Afghan people have a long and honorable tradition of killing foreign invaders, and were not likely to change that. The fact is, there has been no clearly articulated national security interest justifying U.S. military forces remaining in Afghanistan. Yet there they are. And now were sending more.

The sense of dj vu around this new promise to win Afghanistan is captured well by David Michds recent film, War Machine, in which Brad Pitt plays General Glen McMahon, a thinly-veiled fictionalization of General Stanley McChrystal, the American commander in Afghanistan whose career famously flamed out after he and his staff were caught trashing the Obama administration by Rolling Stone reporter Michael Hastings.

McChrystal, like General David Petraeus, who replaced him in Afghanistan, and General Mad Dog Mattisnow Secretary of Defensewas worshipped by the media as a warrior scholar, a Jedi Knight, and a warrior monk, who perfectly embodied the repressed desire establishment liberals seem to have for a hard-bodied daddy to tell them what to think and who to kill. He was brought in to take over the American mission in Afghanistan in 2009 because we werent winning, and the Obama administration needed somebody to change that.

As Hastings recounts in his book The Operators, which War Machine is drawn from and based on, McChrystal was more than happy to fill that role. McChrystal was a West Point graduate whod made his career in the Armys insular, hyper-competitive, swaggering special operations community, and made his mark as the commander of the Joint Special Operations Command during the bloodiest years of the war in Iraq. His greatest public coup was hunting down and killing Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the head of al Qaeda in Iraq; his biggest public scandals came from his overseeing torture at Camp Nama in Iraq, and his signing off on a factitious Silver Star award for Pat Tillman which omitted the fact that Tillman was killed by friendly fire.

Scandals like that should have sunk McChrystal, but in the early days of the Obama transition, holding people accountable for torture or outright lies was seen as partisan and unproductive. The president believed we needed to look forward as opposed to looking backwards, and when he looked forward in Afghanistan, he saw McChrystal as someone who could win. Like General Mattis, whose call sign in Iraq was Chaos, McChrystal was believed to have the discipline, wisdom, and drive a new president needed. We seem to think, post-9/11, that our generals can save us. That sense of dj vu you might be having is the haunting reminder that they never do.

Afghanistan is symbolic of bigger problems in U.S. foreign policy, and Michds War Machine embodies some of the key problems of Afghanistan. Like the war in Afghanistan, the film cant decide what genre it belongs to. It swings from slapstick to combat film to tragedy to political satire to drama, then back again, in much the same way as the story weve been told about the war in Afghanistan. Are we there to bring democracy to the Afghans? Are we there to hunt terrorists? Are we there for womens rights? Are we trying to win, or just trying to get out? Weve turned a corner so many times we dont even know which way were going.

Another way that War Machine embodies the problem of Afghanistan is in its confusions about who were supposed to sympathize with. From his first scene, Brad Pitt plays McMahon as a blustering fool; obviouslyhesnot our protagonist. Nor are any of McMahons cronies very sympathetic, not even Anthony Michael Halls choleric General Pulver (a caricature of General Michael Flynn, who served on McChrystals staff). Ben Kingsleys Hamid Karzai is a one-note joke, andAymen HamdouchisBadi Basim, McMahons Afghan aide, has little to do besides act, you know, Afghany. The voice-over which begins the film is revealed about an hour too late to belong to Scoot McNarys reporter Sean Cullen, the films version of Michael Hastings, which suggestshemight be our hero, or at least a surrogate who can help us make sense of the story, but Cullen disappears off-stage almost as soon as he arrives, and were dumped into a firefight sequence which seeks to enlist our sympathies for both the American marines fighting in Helmandandthe Afghan villagers whose lives are made hell by those same marines. Yet more confounding, when Cullens Rolling Stone story costs McMahon his career, the film seems to want us to sympathize with the general.

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Its the same with Afghanistan. Whos really to blame, and whos the victim of circumstance? Everyone thinks theyre doing the right thing, but no one is innocent, not the hunter-killer teams, not the killer general, not the Talibans killers, not even theRolling Stonejournalist looking for the killer detail.

People have lots of feels for the soldiers, of course, and the poor Afghans, but those feelings are mostly pity, and largely abstract. Does anyone reallycareabout Afghanistan? Does anyone without a professional or personal connection to the war in Afghanistan give a rat's ass what's happening there, or bother themselves about the fact that it's been going on for almost 16 years? I have a hard time believing it. The problem of how to get American viewers invested in a complex story about Afghanistan is less a problem of narrative than a problem with how we think about the war itselfwhich is mostly not at all.

Finally, theres General McMahon. Brad Pitt plays the general with out-sized, lip-chomping brio, but the performance never quite gels. Part of the problem might be that Pitt is too introspective an actor to pull off the kind of bull-headedness that the U.S military inculcates in its officer class.

But the problem is deeper: no matterhowoutrageously Pitt and Michd played up McMahon and his war, theyd never be able to give us a caricature that could match the brutal arrogance of American military leadership, especially self-styled Caesars like McChrystal, Petraeus, and Mattis, or make a movie as FUBAR as the real war in Afghanistan. Its impossible to satirize the absurd.

Why are we still in Afghanistan? Why are we sending more troops there? These questions are only the tip of the iceberg. The ongoing U.S. mission in Afghanistan doesnt make any sense, or at least none that officials are willing to articulate, but the sad fact is just how widespread this is, and how used to it weve become.

American foreign policy stopped making sense 16 years ago, when we turned the hunt for a group of criminals into a global war without end, and it grew even more absurd when we launched an aggressive war against a sovereign nation on a pretext of lies. The chaos of American foreign policy today under Donald Trump is no more than the consequence and continuation of the last 16 yearsFor they sow the wind, and they shall reap the whirlwind. What really doesnt make any sense is why we keep letting it happen.

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Why Afghanistan? Why Now? - Daily Beast

After a bloody month in Afghanistan, demonstrators demand security reforms – Los Angeles Times

Protesters returned to the streets of Kabul on Monday waving pink flags and demanding the resignations of top security officials in the wake of the deadliest month in Afghanistan in years.

The demonstration was a continuation of weeks of sit-ins and protests in Kabul after a massive truck bombing killed at least 150 people on May 31. Days later, security forces opened fire on demonstrators, killing at least seven, and eventually dismantled the protest camp by force, resulting in another death.

At least 230 people died during the holy month of Ramadan, which ended last week. But the protests are only one manifestation of a political crisis that is threatening President Ashraf Ghanis government.

Ghani is already under fire for security failures and the inability of security forces to contain the Taliban insurgency. President Trump is considering sending as many as 5,000 additional U.S. troops to Afghanistan in the coming months to prop up the flailing Afghan army and police.

The crisis has taken on an ethnic dimension in a country where ethnicity plays a major role in politics. Critics have long accused Ghani of favoring a clique of people from his own Pashtun ethnicity, widely believed to be Afghanistans largest, although no census has been conducted since 1979.

The frustration culminated on Saturday in a highly publicized meeting in Turkey among leaders of three ethnic minority groups, who announced they were forming a coalition calling for reforms and greater inclusivity in the government.

The members of the coalition an ethnic Tajik, an ethnic Hazara and an ethnic Uzbek all hold top government positions but believe they have increasingly become marginalized.

In April, Ghani fired Ahmad Zia Massoud, a Tajik, from the post of special representative for reforms and good governance for what the presidential palace said was weak performance.

Then Abdul Rashid Dostum, an ethnic Uzbek who is Ghanis estranged vice president, left the country for Turkey in May after Ghanis government began investigating allegations that Dostum ordered sexual abuse of a political rival. Dostums aides said he left Afghanistan for health reasons, but there is widespread speculation that he is trying to avoid prosecution in the assault case.

Ghani started cracking down on these personalities, said Tahir Qadiry, a senior adviser to Atta Mohammed Noor, an ethnic Tajik and chief executive of Jamiat-i-Islami, the largest political party in Afghanistan. The clique wanted to get rid of these people.

Noor, the governor of the northern province of Balkh, was in talks to join Ghanis government in Kabul but those talks fell apart after Ghanis advisers began spoiling the discussions, Qadiry said.

Ehsan Qaane of the Afghanistan Analysts Network, a Kabul-based research group, said ethnic leaders believe Ghani is not giving them enough authority. People think he is trying to remove Uzbeks and Tajiks from power, he said.

When civil society groups took to the streets after the May 31 attack and security forces opened fire on them, the ethnic leaders saw a chance to put pressure on Ghanis government.

That has led to a heated debate playing out on Afghan social media. Mainly Pashtun supporters of the government accuse the protesters of being thugs and claim that Jamiat-i-Islami, as the largest force within the opposition, is paying them.

A civil society movement that organized the protests, called Uprising for Change, denied that it was backed by the opposition coalition.

This movement is a self-organized, civic and independent movement made up of citizens who are educated and dont belong to any political parties in Afghanistan, said organizer Asar Hakimi.

Qaane says the protesters and the coalition are not linked, even if some of them might have links to political parties.

The protesters are coming from the grassroots level, they are made up of youth, he said. Their demands are legitimate and according to the law.

Ghani has repeatedly vowed to reform the security sector and promised an inquiry into the killings of protesters, although no tangible steps have been taken. Najibullah Azad, a Ghani spokesman, said his government includes people of all tribes, languages, regions and religions and accused the opposition coalition of being based on personal interests.

We want every politician in and out of government and political party to stand with the elected government of Afghanistan against the common enemy of the government and people, Azad said.

Liuhto is a special correspondent. Times staff writer Shashank Bengali contributed to this report from Istanbul, Turkey.

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After a bloody month in Afghanistan, demonstrators demand security reforms - Los Angeles Times