Archive for the ‘Afghanistan’ Category

Afghanistan’s Evacuation: The Heroes of Glory Gate – The Atlantic

On the morning of August 26, 2021, a sweaty young American diplomat named Sam Aronson stood in body armor near the end of a dusty service road outside the Kabul airport, contemplating the end of his life or his career.

Thirty-one and recently married, 5 foot 10 without his combat helmet, Sam surveyed the scene at the intersection near the airports northwest corner, where the unnamed service road met a busy thoroughfare called Tajikan Road. Infected blisters oozed in his socks. He winced at gunfire from Afghan Army soldiers who fired over the heads of pedestrians in a crude form of crowd control. He breathed exhaust from trucks that jittered past market stalls shaded by tattered rugs and faded canvas. The withdrawal of American forces after two decades of war, the sudden fall of Kabul to the Taliban, and the mad rush to the airport by tens of thousands of desperate Afghans couldnt stop street vendors from hawking cotton candy, vegetables, and on-the-spot tailoring.

Eleven days earlier, Sam had been home in Washington, D.C. He possessed only a laymans knowledge of Central Asia; hed spent the previous two years at the American embassy in Nigeria, and had been a State Department bodyguard before that, for Ambassador Samantha Power and others. But, ambitious and allergic to inactivity, hed volunteered to join the skeleton staff in Kabul overseeing the frenzied evacuation.

Now, as a U.S. Foreign Service officer and vice consul, Sam had the power to grant U.S. entry to people with American passports, visas, and green cards, as well as to the nuclear families of qualified Afghans who had helped the United States and might face Taliban reprisals. Once approved, evacuees were assigned seats aboard military cargo planes whose takeoffs and landings created a white noise that hummed in Sams ears. By the morning of the 26th, the emergency airlift had already evacuated more than 100,000 people. In two more days, the operation would end.

Sam felt like a lifeguard in a tsunami. He and a few colleagues could review the documents of only a tiny fraction of the thousands of people pressed against the airport walls. State Department rules handed down from Washington required him to deny entry to extended familiesmen, women, and children who clutched at him and begged for their lives. The improvised, chaotic screening process forced Sam to make quick decisions that might be reversed at subsequent checkpoints.

Then Sam discovered a loophole: a secret airport entrance, nicknamed Glory Gate, that had been created by CIA paramilitary operatives, the U.S. Armys elite Delta Force, and Afghan Army soldiers. The service road where he stood was a hidden-in-plain-sight path that led from Tajikan Road to a gap in the airport wall. If he could bring people in through that back door, Sam realized, he could approve them himself in freelance rescues that skirted the bureaucratic process entirely. That is, if he could avoid getting himself or anyone else killed.

Sam faced a terrible choice: follow the State Departments shifting, confusing, infuriating policies about whom he could save, or follow his conscience and risk his life and career to rescue as many imperiled people as he could.

As the morning heat rose toward 90 degrees, Sam concluded that he had no choice after all.

To surreptitiously bring in evacuees on foot, someone would need to go beyond the end of the service road, cross Tajikan Road, walk more than 100 meters through the bustling street market, and collect at-risk Afghans at the Panjshir Pump, a 24-hour gas station used by the CIA and others as a transit point for evacuees. Then theyd need to retrace their steps without drawing hostile attention from the street crowds or the Taliban fighters who regularly cruised past in pickup trucks.

Unarmed, Sam was not allowed to step beyond the end of the Glory Gate service road. Even being that far outside the airport walls exposed him to danger of kidnapping or death. He needed an accomplice.

Upon his arrival in Kabul, Sam had befriended a 20-year-old Afghan man with a California-surfer vibe who could have passed for his younger brother. Asadullah Asad Dorrani had spent two years working as a translator for the U.S. Special Forces. Asad had been offered seats on multiple flights, but he refused to leave without his sister, her husband, and their two young children.

Unlike Sam, Asad wasnt bound by U.S.-government limits on where he could travel. Then again, involving Asad in Sams Glory Gate plan would put the young mans life at risk.

They connected over WhatsApp and made a deal: Sam would help Asad save his sisters family, and Asad would escort Sams rescue targets from the Panjshir Pump to the service road.

Sam and Asads test case was an Afghan teenager. His older brother and guardian, Ebad, had worked for the U.S. embassy in Kabul, which qualified Ebad, his wife, and their children for evacuationbut not his brother. I take care of him, Ebad pleaded. He doesnt have anyone else. Hes all alone. It pained Sam to imagine the fate of a 17-year-old on the cusp of manhood in a city under Taliban control.

With Asad translating, Sam spoke by phone with Ebads brother and directed him to the Panjshir Pump. Sam told Ebads brother to whisper devils when approached by a young Afghan man in body armor. Asad had chosen the password because he thought it sounded like something from a movie.

Sam needed the cooperation of the covert American operator who ran Glory Gate, a combat-hardened, thick-bearded man in his 40s whose call sign was Omar. He explained the plan, and Omar agreed to help. On Omars signal, Afghan paramilitary guards under his command created a distraction by firing their weapons over the heads of passersby. At a break in traffic, Asad sprinted from the service-road entrance into Tajikan Road. He cut through an opening in a median strip, crossed to the far side, and wove through the restless crowd east toward the gas station.

Days earlier, Asad had seen Afghan soldiers fired on by a sniper at the North Gate, an incident that left one dead. But risking his life for Ebads brother might enable Asad to do the same for his sisters family. He told himself, If there is a chance, Im going to take it.

Sam waited anxiously at the edge of Tajikan Road. He knew that Asad could find himself with a bulls-eye on his back, if for no other reason than his American-issued body armor.

Sam also worried about his career. No one in the State Department knew that hed recruited a young Afghan interpreter. For all practical purposes, Asad was this random Afghan guy I met in the passenger terminal. Now Sam had sent him outside the wire to grab some other random Afghan guy who didnt qualify as a nuclear-family member of an embassy staffer.

What if he gets taken by the Taliban? Sam thought. Ultimately, the State Department, the White House, is responsible, but I will have caused that disaster. If anything goes wrong, Asad is fucked. Im fucked. My career is over.

After long minutes of waiting, Sam saw Asad sprinting toward him with a wide-eyed young man in tow. Sam and a security contractor pulled them behind Hesco bastions, dirt-filled barriers that looked like huge hay bales.

The security contractor searched Ebads brother for weapons or explosives. Finding none, the next challenge was getting the teenager past diplomatic and military security, then reconnecting him with Ebad. First, Sam realized he needed to do one more thing.

Hold up, lets take a picture, Sam said. Shortly after 9:30 a.m., Sam texted it to Ebad with a two-word caption: Got him.

Ebad replied: I will remember your kindness for ever.

Goosebumps rose on Sams sunburned forearms. He recognized that hed crossed a line.

Once inside the passenger terminal, Sam faked his confidence, adopting a dont-bother-me demeanor. He didnt want to explain what hed done, and he didnt want anyone to learn that the young man wasnt part of an embassy staffers nuclear family. If that happened, Ebads brother would be thrown back into the crowds, and Sam might be relieved of duty and ordered onto the next plane.

Sam rushed Ebads brother past the State Department screening officials stationed outside the terminal. He muttered special-interest case, to falsely suggest that he was acting under a higher government authority. It worked.

So Sam began plotting to bring others through Glory Gate.

A diplomatic-security officer whod been in the military gave Sam a ride back toward Tajikan Road. Having seen what Sam had accomplished, the officer turned to him with a question: Can you help me with my old interpreter? He worked with me up in Mazar-i-Sharifthe scene of fierce battlesand Ive been trying to figure out a way to get his family in this whole time.

Sam thought, Why are you asking me for permission? If the officer wanted to pull in his onetime interpreter, Sam thought he could simply do it himself. Then it dawned on Sam: The security officer understood the system. Only a State Department consular official like Sam had the authority to designate someone as an at-risk Afghan eligible to enter the airport. Sam nodded. He told the officer to give his interpreter directions to the Panjshir Pump.

When Sam returned to the edge of Tajikan Road, he learned that Asads sister, Taiba Noori, was too afraid to make a run for the airport. On a teary phone call, Taiba had told Asad: Im sorry, I cant do it My children might get hurt.

Call her again, Sam insisted. Tell her we just made this work. We did the proof of concept. Shes not going to be the first one. This will work!

Asad called back. Worn down, Taiba and her husband, Noorahmad Noori, agreed to go to the Panjshir Pump with their 5-year-old son, Sohail, and 3-year-old daughter, Nisa.

The Noori family reached the Panjshir Pump at about the same time as the security officers former interpreter, his wife, and their two young children. Sam decided that on this second run, they should attempt to bring in both families at once, a total of eight people, an exponential leap from the single target of Ebads brother. Sam filled in Omar, who again signaled Afghan paramilitary guards to scatter the crowd with gunfire. Asad ran into Tajikan Road.

Sam paced with anxiety. As the minutes passed, he noticed several Afghan men edging toward a cement wall 150 meters to the west, apparently intending to climb over and sprint toward the airport, even if it meant risking gunfire. Two of Omars Afghan soldiers opened fire low above the mens heads. The would-be wall jumpers retreated.

Amid the gunfire, Sam spotted Asad running toward him, breathing heavily, carrying Sohail. Taiba ran toward Sam, screaming as she dragged Nisa by the hand. Noorahmad carried their bags. As bullets from the Afghan guards buzzed low over their heads, Sam put himself between danger and the people he needed to protect.

He yelled at Taiba to pick up Nisa, thenspun the mother and daughter around and placed himself squarely behind them. He hoped the steel plates in his body armor would shield them if anyone shot in their direction from the street. Explosions of gunfire and stun grenades mixed with Taibas cries.

Okay, Sam shouted, lets move!

Sam led them down the service road into a protective alcove within an alley of cement blast walls.

Sit down, sit down, he told them.

Sam grabbed water bottles that felt as warm as toast and gave them to Asad and his sisters family. The interpreter and his family took cover nearby. Sam exchanged fist bumps with Sohail and Nisa, which made the children smile. Asad radiated relief. Still Taiba wept.

Youre safe now, Sam said.

Back inside the airport, Sams off-book evacuation initiative came under sudden threat from his bosses, who still didnt know what hed been doing.

His supervisor cornered Sam as he entered the barn-shaped building that the State Department and the U.S. military used as a command center. Good, there you are, she said. I need you for a special project. Ive got to run out for 10 minutes. Sit tight. Ill be right back.

She disappeared, and Sam tried not to lose what remained of his cool. Earlier that day, the last official gate to the airport had been closed for security reasons. Im just getting this thing going, he thought. Now shes going to pull me for something else? If Im not out there doing this, nobody will be.

He thought about disobeying her order to wait, but that didnt seem wise. He could tell her what hed been doing and ask permission to continue, but she might order him to stop. Shit, Sam thought. How am I going to get out of this?

He texted a colleague on the small State Department team and asked for help. He explained his unsanctioned evacuations at Glory Gate. Shes trying to pull me for some bullshit project, but Im getting people off the road right now. If she pulls me, were not getting anybody else in.

Sams colleague, older and more experienced in the art of bureaucratic avoidance, calmed him down. He also recognized a way he could capitalize on Sams enterprise.

Dude, youre getting people in? Ive got a family Ive been trying to get in this whole time.

Sams colleague wanted to help a former interpreter from his Army days, to repay the man for saving his life more than a decade earlier. Sam told him: If you can do damage control to distract her or something so she doesnt realize Im gone, Ill go get your interpreters family in, plus others.

The colleague agreed to provide cover.

As more people learned what he was doing, Sams list of target names grew longer.

To keep track, he used a Sharpie to write descriptions and coded names on his left forearm and the back of his left hand. For instance, the security officers former interpreter and his three family members from Mazar-i-Sharif became 4 Mazar. Each time Sam and Asad brought in another group, Sam drew a line through the code. The skin on his arm soon looked like the work of an amateur tattoo artist, covered with crossed-out names of ex-lovers.

During one van ride back to Tajikan Road around 2:30 p.m., Sam realized that he hadnt eaten anything all day except two Nutri-Grain bars. He found a brown plastic bag of military rations on the van floor marked Menu 4: Spaghetti With Beef and Sauce and shoveled the cold gruel into his mouth.

Sams frenetic pace put him in conflict with an embassy email sent that day to all the State Department team members in Kabul. With the tone of a wellness letter, it told them to stay hydrated, fed, and rested, and noted that the team was already short-staffed because of illness and fatigue. The email sounded an ominous note as well, instructing them to keep their bags packed and to be ready to leave within 30 minutes in case of emergency.

Back at Tajikan Road, Sam learned that Glory Gates intelligence operators had received a warning of a terrorist car bomb heading their way. If it wasnt intercepted, they expected it to arrive sometime in the next two hours.

Ignoring an impulse to run as far and as fast as he could, Sam sent a voice message to the colleague who was helping him, cautioning that a car bomb might complicate plans to rescue his old interpreter. Im going to try to get your guys, Sam said, shouting over low-flying planes, but things are really fucking fluid, and weve got to move fast because theyre probably going to shut this gate and boot us pretty soon.

Sam and Asad brought in two more families, again using his special-interest case swagger in the terminal. Next, eight Afghan women who were American citizens or green-card holders. The women were members of Afghanistans Hazara population, a persecuted ethnic and religious minority who feared genocide under the Taliban.

Meanwhile, Sam watched American covert operatives take defensive action to prevent any terrorist vehicles from entering Glory Gate. They moved blast walls with a forklift and positioned an armored personnel carrier sideways across the service road. When Sam asked one of the gatekeepers for details, he said: Be ready to pull back. If we say run, run.

Sam could only hope that if he got that message, he would have time to call Asad and bring him in. Sam told himself this mission would be Asads last, no matter what. Asad would be on a plane with his sisters family by nightfall, even if Sam had to drag him on personally.

When they reached the passenger terminal on the days final trip, Sam handed off the Hazara women and the interpreter and his family to another State Department colleague. Sam noted the time: 5:08 p.m. As he looked at his watch, he could see that hed crossed out every Glory Gate target name on his left forearm.

On that one day, August 26, Sam, Asad, and a pair of State Department security officerswith help from American intelligence operatives, Special Operations Forces, and Afghan paramilitary troopspersonally brought 52 people, from 13 families, through Glory Gate. (Several hundred Afghans whod worked at the U.S. embassy also passed through the gate on buses.)

But there were others Sam had turned down. A United Nations program officer whose family theyd rescued texted him in the afternoon: My sister and family 4 people are also waiting if possible can you plz help them. She has two kids. His sister worked at the Afghan presidential palace, and her husband was a contractor for the Americans and the British.

Sorry, Sam replied. Im on the last group Im allowed to grab. Theyre shutting down this gate.

This refusal, among others, would haunt Sam: For every at-risk Afghan theyd helped, countless others remained in peril.

Outside the Americans command center, Sam stopped in a courtyard to smoke a cigarette, a new habit hed picked up to calm his nerves. He crushed the butt under his heel and went in. Dehydrated, limping from his blisters, caked in sweat and dust, Sam peeled off his helmet and body armor and sank onto a couch.

At that moment, less than a mile away, a former engineering student named Abdul Rahman Al-Logari walked among several hundred fellow Afghans waiting to be searched by Marines outside the Abbey Gate. Under his clothing, he wore a 25-pound explosive vest. While U.S. officials searched on the ground and from the air for a car bomb, Logari arrived on foot. He drew close to American servicemen and -women clustered near other Afghans.

At 5:36 p.m., he detonated his suicide bomb.

Ball bearings the size of peas tore through the crowd, killing 13 U.S. troops and at least 170 Afghans. The bomb seriously wounded dozens of other U.S. military personnel and many more Afghans seeking evacuation. Bodies filled the open sewage canal that divided the roadway leading to the Abbey Gate. Screams of pain and grief filled the air. Survivors raced to rescue others. Some tried to climb the airport walls. Believing they were under attack by ISIS-K gunmen, Marines opened fire.

Word of the terrorist attack spread instantly through the command center. A voice boomed: Attention. Unconfirmed report of a blast at the Abbey Gate. Stand by for more information.

Sam jolted from the couch to full alert. Warnings sounded about follow-up attacks. One report, which turned out to be mistaken, claimed that a second bomb had exploded at the Baron Hotel, across from the Abbey Gate. Sam heard a report of a grenade tossed over the airport wall. Another alert said terrorists had breached the airport, but soon that report was withdrawn.

Oh my God, Sam thought. This just keeps going on and on.

The alert system resumed, with a blaring siren warning of an imminent rocket attack. A robotic female voice repeated: Incoming, incoming, incoming. Take cover.

As he huddled in a corner, Sam remembered a lesson hed learned days earlier: If he heard the whirring engine of an incoming rocket, he needed to sing, to save his lungs from the blast pressure.

While he waited for an explosion or an all-clear signal, Sam texted his wife: Youre going to see something on the news shortly. Im okay.

If they offer you a plane out, she replied, do not be the hero who stays.

But he did stay, until the very end, and saved more people, in even more harrowing nighttime rescues that took him beyond Glory Gate into the chaos of Tajikan Road.

He left Kabul late on August 28, on one of the last planes out.

To Sams relief, when his bosses in Kabul and back in D.C. learned about his unauthorized actions at Glory Gate, they werent angry. Hed helped vulnerable people without triggering a catastrophe, so Sam was hailed for his initiative rather than punished for his defiance. A commendation letter described Sam as a hero amid the apocalyptic scene in Kabul.

A separate letter from Secretary of State Antony Blinken praised Sam for his commitment, bravery, and humanity. It concluded: I am honored to be part of your team.

And yet, Sam says his supervisor denied his request for a couple of days off to recover. Despite a pledge from Blinken that no one returning from Kabul would be penalized for seeking therapy, Sam was told to inform the medical office that hed seen a State Department psychologist, which Sam believed could have triggered a career-threatening mental-health review. Sam pushed back and the request was dropped. Eventually, feeling that he needed a bigger change, he resigned from the State Department and took a job on the global-policy team of a tech company.

Sam remained in regular contact with Asad, who settled in Michigan near his family. When Asad visited Washington, Sam took him to an Afghan restaurant to catch up.

For several months after his return, Sam had nightmares. He drank bourbon or wine to help him sleep. A woman in a headscarf with two young children begging for money outside a Target sparked flashbacks. He felt the dry air, heard the gunshots, and began to tremble. He broke out in tears on the ride home.

Sam felt proud of what hed accomplished in Kabul. During the last days of a lost war, in a hostile place where he didnt belong and shouldnt have been, hed put the lives of others above his own. But he also carried guilt for all those he couldnt help, and for all the people hed turned away before discovering Glory Gate.

I followed those orders, he says. If I could do it all over again, Id say screw the rules and let them in.

This article was adapted from the forthcoming book The Secret Gate: A True Story of Courage and Sacrifice During the Collapse of Afghanistan.

When you buy a book using a link on this page, we receive a commission. Thank you for supporting The Atlantic.

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Afghanistan's Evacuation: The Heroes of Glory Gate - The Atlantic

U.S. ‘Virtually Never Held Anyone Accountable’ for Civilian Deaths in Afghanistan War, Former White House Official Says – PBS

One night in October 2009, Mohammad Aalem was at home in Afghanistans Wardak province with his children and two brothers.

What Aalem says happened next is burned into his memory: U.S. forces blew up the gate to his home and began firing. It was one of the controversial night raids that would become a hallmark of Americas counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan.

My brother was sleeping in his bed with his children, Aalem, a taxi driver, tells correspondent Martin Smith about his brother, a police officer, in the above excerpt from Part Two of America and the Taliban. When he opened the [bedroom] door, they instantly killed him.

Pointing to his cheek, one shoulder, his chest and then the other shoulder, Aalem says of his brothers death, They shot him here and over here and here. They shot him in all these places.

Wardak province was a hotbed of Taliban activity at the time.That night, in his guest house, there were guests, Aalem says: I dont know if they were [Taliban]. We are people from rural Afghanistan. If anyone comes, we give them food.

But neither he nor his brothers were Taliban, Aalem says.

Aalems story unfolds in Part Two of America and the Taliban, which premiered Tuesday, April 11, 2023, on PBS and online. Over the course of the series, award-winning producers Marcela Gaviria and Martin Smith chronicle how what began in the wake of the 9/11 attacks as an effort to eliminate Al Qaeda and eliminate its ruling ally, the Taliban, became Americas longest war, with nearly 50,000 Afghan civilians, almost 70,000 members of the Afghan national military and police forces, and approximately 2,400 American service members killed and how it ended in defeat in August 2021 with U.S. troops withdrawing, the Western-backed government collapsing, and the Taliban once again in control.

Part Two of America and the Taliban focuses on how the war effort, which started under George W. Bush, played out during Barack Obamas presidency. In reporting the documentary, Smith found that Aalem was not alone in his experience and that a pattern of Afghan civilian casualties incurred during raids and other errant attacks severely undercut the U.S. militarys effort to win hearts and minds in the country, including that of Afghan leadership.

President Karzai increasingly became bitter, Omar Zakhikwal, a former minister in then-Afghan President Hamid Karzais government, tells Smith. The raiding of houses and night raids he was strictly opposed to. But the thing that particularly annoyed President Karzai was the killing of civilians. And it repeatedly happened.

Retired Gen. David Petraeus, commander of U.S. Central Command from 2008-10 and of U.S. and coalition forces in Afghanistan in 2010-11, apologized directly to Karzai after an airstrike killed nine children. In the above excerpt, Smith presses Petraeus on Afghan civilians killed or injured during raids and other operations by U.S. and coalition forces.

The accumulation of civilian casualties mistakes, all mistakes, to be clear I mean, we were very, very tough, says Petraeus, who made efforts to reduce civilian casualties. War is full of mistakes. Full of incredible loss, tragedy, heartbreak, hardship and casualties.

Retired Lt. Gen. Douglas Lute, a deputy national security advisor from 2007-13, tells Smith the U.S. response to Afghan civilian casualties was lacking.

We virtually never held anyone accountable for civilian casualties, Lute says in the above excerpt. I mean, we paid condolences and sometimes we said, It wasnt us. Or, Sorry, its a mistake. But we never held anybody accountable.

We virtually never held anyone accountable for civilian casualties. I mean, we paid condolences and sometimes we said, It wasnt us. Or, Sorry, its a mistake. But we never held anybody accountable.

- former deputy national security adviser and retired Lt. Gen. Douglas Lute

In the documentary, retired Army Lt. Col. Jason Dempsey, who served two rotations in Afghanistan, tells FRONTLINE the peace offerings the U.S. often made to Afghans whose family members were killed in errant strikes werent enough to stem the badwill.

They held those grudges and they did accumulate over time, not only in an individual action, but in the narratives our enemies were building about us being indiscriminate killers, Dempsey says. You know, our failure rate, if its 1, 2% out of hundreds and thousands of strikes per year, you can build a hell of a lot of stories about the evil Americans if youre screwing up 2%, and I guarantee we were screwing up more than that.

As for Aalem, he says that after his brother was killed, their house was then set on fire and he was taken to Bagram prison with another brother. He spent four years there and, he says, was never charged with any crime.

The experience turned him against the Americans. He says that after his release, he contemplated carrying out a suicide attack, but chose not to because I have young children. I didnt do it because I had to support my family.

As seen in the excerpt, to this day, Aalem gets choked up when talking about his brothers death at one point pausing the interview and leaving the room.

He wants to keep his brothers memory alive.They killed my brother, Aalem says. He was a police officer, a good one. He was on active duty, and on that night he had come home.

For the full story on how the U.S. lost the 20-year war in Afghanistan, watch America and the Taliban. Parts One and Two of the three-part series are available to stream now on FRONTLINEs YouTube channel, at pbs.org/frontline and in the PBS Video App:

Part Three airs Tuesday, April 25 at 10/9c on PBS stations (check local listings) and on FRONTLINEs YouTube channel, and will also be available to stream starting at 7/6c at pbs.org/frontline and in the PBS Video App. America and the Taliban is a FRONTLINE production with RAIN Media, Inc. The producers are Brian Funck, Marcela Gaviria and Martin Smith. The writers and directors are Marcela Gaviria and Martin Smith. The correspondent is Martin Smith. The co-producer is Scott Anger. The executive producer and editor-in-chief for FRONTLINE is Raney Aronson-Rath.

This story has been updated.

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U.S. 'Virtually Never Held Anyone Accountable' for Civilian Deaths in Afghanistan War, Former White House Official Says - PBS

Queen Elizabeth Wanted Prince William to Fight in Afghanistan Like Harry – The Daily Beast

Queen Elizabeth II wanted both William and Harry to see active service fighting alongside other British soldiers in Afghanistan, but it was decided that it was too risky to send the second-in-line to the throne, a former head of the Army has said.

Although Harry and William both wanted to fight, the revelation that William was kept safe seems likely to fuel the sense that William was consistently given preferential treatment to Harry by the institution due to his position in the hierarchy, a key claim of Harrys book, Spare, which described William having a bigger bedroom and better furniture than him when they were children.

The revelation of the queens thoughts on the matter was made by the former head of the British army, General Sir Mike Jackson, in a new TV documentary.

Jackson said Elizabeth expressed her view that both her grandsons should fight, saying that she told him at a meeting: My grandsons have taken my shilling, therefore they must do their duty.

But, Jackson said, It was decided that William as heir to the heir, the risk is too great. But for his younger brother, the risk was acceptable.

Jackson made the comments in a new ITV documentary entitled The Real Crown, according to reports in British media including the Daily Mail and the Telegraph.

What goes on in those audiences and who says what to whom remains for the two people involved, and I will break the rule about not divulging what goes on on this one occasion, Jackson is quoted saying in the documentary.

Jackson said: William was very keen to go. Unequivocally. But it was complex, and some very great minds and experienced people took a view on it.

Harry undertook two tours of Afghanistan. William put his military training to use flying rescue helicopters.

In Spare, Harry said he killed 25 Taliban fighters, and that he was dehumanized by his training to see them as chess pieces removed from the board.

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Queen Elizabeth Wanted Prince William to Fight in Afghanistan Like Harry - The Daily Beast

Under the Taliban, None of Afghanistan’s Children Can Really Learn – The Diplomat

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570 days since the Taliban banned teenage girls from school. Education is not a privilege, its a human right; a right Afghan women and girls continue to be denied #LetAfghanGirlsLearn, tweeted Yalda Hakim of the BBC on April 13.

Like Hakim, many human rights, women rights and education rights activists across the globe have been counting the days that Afghan girls have been deprived from education, hoping for the day when school doors will be open again for all Afghan girls.

However, what will girls learn at school when they return? A recent report from Afghan newspaper Hasht-e Subh paints a dark picture of what boys at schools are currently learning:

After the Doha agreement between the U.S. and the Taliban in 2020, the Taliban started to revise the school curriculum. In this process, Pashto and some Dari textbooks have been used, which include 45 elementary school textbooks, 48 secondary school textbooks, and 43 high school textbooks. The Taliban have evaluated the textbooks by a board they call technical, assuming that the previous government was a puppet. According to the Taliban, since the curriculum was compiled and issued by the Republic with the financial assistance of foreign countries, some non-Islamic and non-Afghan standards similar to the western world have been included in it. In the introduction, they admit that the curriculum of the past 20 years has an Islamic appearance, but ugly superstitions have skillfully been included in it under the title of Islam. By ugly and superstitious, they mean democracy, equality, womens rights, civil liberties, tolerance, mutual acceptance, non-violent measures and other values that are not compatible with their own ideology.

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The report added that the Taliban have not revealed the identities, academic backgrounds and scientific qualifications of the board members [responsible for evaluating textbooks]. But from the content of the report, it can be understood that there was no place for education specialists and pedagogy experts in the composition of the board.

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Instead, Hasht-e Subh noted that the Talibans goal in overhauling the education curriculum is to strengthen the ideology of the Taliban among the future generations This is why the changes proposed by the Taliban are very extensive.

This attitude toward education is why no one in my family currently attends school none of my brothers or sisters.

I remember very well what they were teaching and forced students to learn at school in the last period of Taliban in 1990, my father said. They were trying to brainwash people. I dont want my children study the Talibans curriculum. I want my children get educated and empowered to serve to our nation and humanity.

The Taliban claimed that they changed, but they never did, he added. They want to take time back and do everything like that period.

As an example, one of the main goals of changing the curriculum, according to the Taliban, is to replace the extremist views of the Taliban in the textbooks. As part of that, the Taliban have demanded an end to the emphasis on peace in the previous curriculum, and a rehabilitation of the Talibans real jihad against the United States, among others. Under the Taliban curriculum, children are encouraged to fight instead of financial and human losses of past wars, the religious and worldly benefits of past jihads should be explained in the curriculum.

But my father does not want his children learning to embrace violence. He believes that the ideology of the Taliban is against our religion and culture.

Islam teaches us to do not offend people with our tongues, our hands, and our works. Killing people is an unforgivable crime. If in Afghanistan my children cannot go to school forever, that is okay, but I dont want that my children learn how to commit suicide or be proud of being killers and humiliating and discriminating against other people.

In addition to teaching violence, the Taliban have removed all topics related to human freedoms in school curriculum, Hasht-e Subh notes. The Taliban have said that the standards of human rights in the education curriculum should be explained only from the perspective of the Talibans religious interpretation. The new curriculum instead emphasizes Shariah and the evils of democratic elections.

The issue of womens rights, and depictions of women taking part freely in society, was another major concern for the Taliban. From the Hasht-e Subh report:

In two cases, members of this committee read stories in the textbooks that encourage women to leave the house; they emphasize that the necessity of going out fully covered should be emphasized in the same lessons. Regarding womens work in schools, hospitals, factories and government offices, the Taliban have said that the limits of womens work conditions for education should be defined from an Islamic point of view The fact is that according to the Taliban, women cannot work in any of these places

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My father expressed his anger against the Talibans claim that their restrictions on women are an essential part of Islam. The first wife of our Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), Bibi Khadija, was a business woman. Bibi Aisha also was dealing with politics even she participated and led in war, he pointed out. However today, after 15 centuries, the Taliban claim that Islam bans women from working.

We follow Islam. not the Taliban ideologies. So my daughters have the right to study and work in any major they are interested in. There must not be any restriction on my daughters and all Afghan women.

Today, it has been nearly two years since any of my siblings have been to school. During that time, my sister and I have been teaching my younger brother and sister using old textbooks; along with this we are looking for opportunities to study online. I believe there are thousands of families who think like my father, and thousands more children including boys being kept out of public school to avoid the Talibans brainwashing.

The Taliban paralyzed the education system during their previous period of rule, when they also dealt with the curriculum in an ideological way. And the practice of putting ideological propaganda in Afghan textbooks was strong even before the Taliban. During the civil war, the school curriculum was compiled with the help of international institutions and Mujahideen. Its main goal was to promote jihadism and antagonism. This included students being taught to count numbers with images of bullets, weapons, and other tools of war.

It remains to be seen whether international donors will work with the Taliban this time to develop a curriculum in which hate and hostility are propagated. But it seems that due to 20 years of living in relatively democratic conditions and the media revolution, the young generation of Afghanistan will not easily reconcile with an extremist ideological curriculum.

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Under the Taliban, None of Afghanistan's Children Can Really Learn - The Diplomat

Special Representative for Afghanistan West’s April 11 – 18 Travel to … – Department of State

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In Doha, Special Representative for Afghanistan (SRA) Thomas West will meet with Qatari colleagues, Afghan civil society leaders, and partner missions. In the UAE, SRA West will meet withEmiraticounterparts, Afghan business and thought leaders. In Istanbul, he will hold consultations with Afghan political leaders, journalists, humanitarian professionals and human rights activists.

SRA West is conducting outreach in the region to secure input as the international community seeks solutions to Afghanistans compounding challenges, made worse by the Talibans recent decisions to limit womens participation in humanitarian operations and ban them from their vital work for the UN.

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Special Representative for Afghanistan West's April 11 - 18 Travel to ... - Department of State