Archive for August, 2017

Trump’s new chief of staff plans to restrict the president’s media diet. Others have tried and failed. – Washington Post

Maybe John F. Kelly can actually do it. If so, he will be the first.

Politico reports that the new White House chief of staff plans to restrict the flow of information to President Trump including news media reports in the hope of keeping the boss on a more even keel. Here's a bit from reporter Josh Dawsey:

When new White House Chief of Staff John F. Kelly huddled with senior staff on his first day at work, he outlined a key problem in President Donald Trumps White House that he planned to fix: bad information getting into the presidents hands.

Kelly told the staff that information needed to flow through him whether on paper or in briefings because the president would make better decisions if given good information.

Kelly's diagnosis makes perfect sense, but others have tried and failed to tame Trump by monitoring his media diet.

If candidate Trump was upset about unfair coverage, it was productive to show him that he was getting fair coverage from outlets that were persuadable, Sam Nunberg, a former campaign adviser, told Politico in February.

Politico's Tara Palmeri wrote at the time that the key to keeping Trumps Twitter habit under control, according to six former campaign officials, is to ensure that his personal media consumption includes a steady stream of praise.

Okay. But the idea that Trump's Twitter habit has ever been under control is laughable. Maybe these campaign officials know something the rest of us don't that Trump's tweets would have been even more inflammatory if not for their interventions.

We'll probably never know about tweets that Trump didn't send. If his staffersmanaged to him out of trouble even a few times, then their efforts were worthwhile. But no one has been able to consistently prevent Trump from stirring up controversy.

Part of the problem is that in a White House composed of competing factions, people invariably try to advance their agendas by presenting Trump with material which may or may not be reliable that promotes their worldviews.

Politico all over this story reported in May on advisers' penchants for strategically feeding dubious information to the president. This was one example, described by reporter Shane Goldmacher:

Current and former Trump officials say Trump can react volcanically to negative press clips, especially those with damaging leaks, becoming engrossed in finding out where they originated.

That is what happened in late February when someone mischievously gave the president a printed copy of an article from GotNews.com, the website of Internet provocateur Charles C. Johnson, which accused deputy chief of staff Katie Walsh of being the source behind a bunch of leaks in the White House.

No matter that Johnson had been permanently banned from Twitter for harassment or that he offered no concrete evidence or that he had lobbed false accusations in the past and recanted them. Trump read the article and began asking staff about Walsh.

Goldmacher added that then-chief of staff Reince Priebus and White House staff secretary Rob Porter have tried to implement a system to manage and document the paperwork Trump receives. How'd that work out?

Kelly is trying to do the same thing, three months later. Perhaps he will prove a more effective manager than Priebus, but Trump is still his impulsive self, and his aides are still vying for influence. Those immutable factors will make Kelly's mission very difficult.

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Trump's new chief of staff plans to restrict the president's media diet. Others have tried and failed. - Washington Post

Majority of Americans Have ‘Unfavorable View’ of Black Lives Matter, Say Black Crime Is a Top Concern – Newsweek

The civil rights activist group Black Lives Matter was first thrust into the public consciousness in 2012, during its first protest following the killing of a 17-year-old unarmed African-American, Trayvon Martin, who was walking home from a convenience store with a bag of Skittles and a drink when he was shot and killed by George Zimmerman, a white man.

During his trial, Zimmerman cried self-defense, claiming he fired his weapon only after being attacked by Martin, and he skated past murder charges. The verdict sparked outrage and a national race debate in part powered by the creators of Black Lives Matter, after whichthe nonprofit organization would become synonymous with protesting the wrongful deaths of unarmed black people, especially those shot and killed by non-black police officers.

Despite BLMs efforts to bring awareness to the plight of being black in America, as well as advocating for social justice for minorities, the group has faced strong opposition from law enforcement and race-related support groups like Blue Lives Matter and All Lives Matter. In fact, the overall tone toward BLM, which aims to bring an end to the oppression experienced by African-Americans, is unfavorable, according to a new poll.

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The Harvard-Harris survey, released Monday, found only 43 percent of voters have a positive view of BLM, while more than half of voterssome 57 percenthave an unfavorable view of the organization.

Not all that surprisingly, a majority of those who are opposed to the group are white. Only 35 percent of whites feel favorable toward BLM, compared to 65 percent who have a negative view of the group. As for black voters, 83 percent feel positively toward BLM, while only 17 percent dont.

In regard to partisanship, support among Republicans was the lowest21 percentand only 18 percent of Republicans who voted for Trump have a favorable view of BLM. Sixty-five percent of Democrats feel positively toward BLM and 66 percent of Democrats who voted forpresidential nominee Hillary Clinton favor the group.

Although instances of police brutality against black people, including the shooting deaths of a number of unarmed black men, have received a high volume of national attention in recent years, Americans in general dont believe police violence toward African-Americans is the biggest problem in todays society. Seventy percent of voters said black-on-black crime in African-American communities is a bigger issue, while 30 percent feel police violence against African-Americans is a bigger issue.

A majority of Americans do believe police are too quick to use aggressive force56 percentand 64 percent agree that race played a role in the use of aggressive force. However, 44 percent of voters feel cops only use force when necessary, and 36 percent believe race isnt a factor in the use of force.

Fifty-four percent of voters think police are too quick to draw their weapons and shoot at African-Americans, while 46 percent feel police engage with people of all races about the same.

So far in 2017, 581 people have been shot and killed by police officers, according to The Washington Posts Fatal Force Tracker. Of those killed, 127 were black while 241 were white.Last year, 963 people were shot and killed by cops, 465 of whom were white and 233 black.

More than 323 million peoplelive in the U.S., and only 13 percent of them are black. Whites make up 76.9 percent of the population.Meanwhile, over 2.3 million U.S. residents are currently serving sentences in prisons and jails. Forty percent of those people are black, according to criminal justice nonprofit Prison Policy Initiative, while 39 percent are white.

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Majority of Americans Have 'Unfavorable View' of Black Lives Matter, Say Black Crime Is a Top Concern - Newsweek

Treble.fm is a new social networking app for musicians who want to collaborate – The Verge

A new app called Treble.fm that aims to connect musicians, songwriters, and producers launched to the public today. Artists can build a profile, mark what musical categories they are experts in (such as piano, drums, engineer, or singer), and then search for other musicians to collaborate with based upon their needs for a project and the collaborators physical location.

Using the app is a very straightforward process. After signing up, I was prompted to create my profile, where I could select up to three artist roles (I chose producer, DJ, and engineer); link my relevant social accounts; connect my SoundCloud, so other artists on the app could hear my work; list my influences; and then add a description for myself and what I was looking for.

Once my profile was completed, I was able to search for other artists based upon their talents and location relative to me. I was also able to browse the bulletin section, where users can directly create notices for paid and unpaid opportunities. If there is an artist youre interested in speaking with, a request to connect must be sent and approved before you can communicate with them.

Treble.fm is built for the type of people who use their Instagram as a business card

Trying to find musicians to collaborate with on a project, especially if their expertise is something outside of my normal sphere, can be an arduous process. (I know a lot of other producers, for example, but exactly zero sax players.) Other apps Ive tried are cluttered and dont prioritize attaching things like a users YouTube and SoundCloud accounts the easiest ways to check out someones abilities resulting in bland, text-based profiles that leave out the most important part: music.

In Treble.fm, a users bio, socials, SoundCloud songs, and connect button are all on one clean-looking page that can be visually personalized, and everything is integrated so you never have to leave the app. I found Treble.fm to not only be easy to use, but I appreciated that requested connections had to be approved before any conversation could begin. This means both parties have vetted each other and are interested in what the other person is doing creatively before they start talking.

Treble.fms founder, Matt Bond, acknowledges other apps exist to create connections between musicians, like BandFriend and Jam Compass. Were not the first company to make a networking app for artists, says Bond. But most are built by tech people. Were artists with tech backgrounds and we understand what other artists are looking for. So, we created a simple and stripped-down experience that just takes those things into account. Bond is betting on Treble.fms more streamlined interface that he says attracts a younger audience, built for the type of people who use their Instagram as a business card.

The platform currently boasts around 2,000 users who were invited to use the app during its beta phase, and artists like OSHUN, Melo Makes Music, and Taylor Bennett have been already used Treble.fm to connect with other musicians. Bennett, in particular, is an active user, and utilized it to find musicians for a performance in New York. He then used the same musicians as a backing band for a second event, and even flew them out to Chicago for a third event. The lead single on Bennetts latest album, Restoration of an American Idol, was also facilitated through collaborations on Treble.fm.

Treble.fm is available now for free in the App Store.

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Treble.fm is a new social networking app for musicians who want to collaborate - The Verge

Email ‘most common internet activity’ in Britain – BBC News


BBC News
Email 'most common internet activity' in Britain
BBC News
Finding information on goods and services came second, at 71%, followed by social networking at 66%. Internet use on mobile devices also continues to rise, the ONS said. The findings are part of an annual survey of internet habits, covering more than 2 ...
One in 10 British households 'have no internet access'Glasgow Evening Times

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Email 'most common internet activity' in Britain - BBC News

Symposium: Millions of tiny constables Time to set the record … – SCOTUSblog (blog)

Alan Butler is senior counsel for the Electronic Privacy Information Center, which filed amici briefs in support of petitioner David Riley in Riley v. California and in support of respondent Antoine Jones in United States v. Jones.

The Supreme Courts Fourth Amendment opinions, especially those involving new surveillance technologies, are well stocked with metaphors and similes. Lower courts are faced with the challenge of applying abstract contours of constitutional law to techniques unimaginable when previous cases were decided. Usually courts reach for similes first this new technique is like the old technique considered in that famous case several decades ago in hopes of maintaining consistency. But, more recently, the Supreme Court has relied on new metaphors to explain how to adapt old doctrine to new facts. These doctrinal course corrections are necessary where the routine application of old rules to new facts produces absurd results. We will likely see a similar correction in Carpenter v. United States.

Multiple appellate courts, including the lower court in this case, have held that cellphone location records are not protected under the Fourth Amendment because they are similar to the logs of dialed numbers that were at issue in Smith v. Maryland. The Supreme Court granted certiorari in Carpenter, despite the lack of a circuit split, to address this important Fourth Amendment question. Now the court has an opportunity to set the record straight, and should avoid the conceptual pitfalls that have bedeviled lower courts over the last decade. The court should build upon its unanimous judgments in Jones and Riley to establish strong constitutional protection for location data.

The facts in Carpenter are similar to other recent location-data cases. Law-enforcement investigators obtained several months of the defendant Timothy Carpenters cellphone location records without a warrant. These records were obtained from Carpenters cellphone providers, and included a historical log showing which cellphone towers the target phones were connected to when they made or received calls during a six-month period. Unlike some other cellphone-tracking cases, this case does not involve real time location tracking or the use of GPS data.

The Supreme Court has made a point in its recent decisions in Jones and Riley to reject the wooden application of decades-old Fourth Amendment precedents to modern problems. In Riley, the court declined to apply the traditional search incident to arrest exception to permit the warrantless search of a cellphone in the defendants possession at the time of arrest. In a unanimous decision, the court dismissed the notion that a cellphone was materially indistinguishable from a cigarette pack or a wallet (That is like saying a ride on horseback is materially indistinguishable from a flight to the moon.). Instead, the court found that the search of a cellphone is even more revealing than the search of a home.

In Jones, the Supreme Court considered whether the attachment and use of a GPS device to track the location of the defendants car was a search under the Fourth Amendment. The court had previously held in a pair of cases in the 1980s that the use of radio beepers to track the movement of a car on public roads over a month-long period was not a search. Some lower courts had found that a GPS tracker was like a beeper and that use of the device therefore would not trigger the Fourth Amendment. But the court unanimously rejected that conclusion, albeit under two distinct rationales. Four justices joined Justice Antonin Scalias majority opinion finding that the attachment of a GPS device was a physical trespass, akin to a constables concealing himself in the targets coach. Three justices joined Justice Samuel Alitos concurring opinion, which found that the tracking violated a reasonable expectation of privacy. Alito was skeptical of the usefulness of Scalias metaphor, because it would have required either a gigantic coach, a tiny constable, or both, but nevertheless agreed that prolonged location tracking triggered the Fourth Amendment.

In both Jones and Riley, the Supreme Court re-evaluated long held assumptions in light of new technological developments. The result in both cases was the unanimous conclusion that digital tracking and surveillance techniques trigger close Fourth Amendment scrutiny because they are more intrusive than their physical analogs. The collection of cellphone location data at issue in Carpenter v. United States is another example of changing technology that has enabled a level of intrusiveness that was impossible in an analog world. If officers can warrantlessly track every phone, then they can essentially deputize millions of tiny constables, hiding in our pockets and constantly recording our movements. Under the courts rationale in Jones, such extensive tracking is unreasonable, but lower courts have continued to apply analog cases to this new digital problem.

Lower courts have struggled for more than a decade to determine what Fourth Amendment and statutory protections apply to cellphone location data. In particular, courts have grappled with intersecting provisions in the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (the Stored Communications Act and Pen Register Statute) and with technological developments that have continually increased the precision of location-tracking methods. Three general trends have emerged from these cases. First, some courts have drawn a distinction between historical and prospective location data, finding that warrants are only required for prospective (or real time) tracking. Second, courts have focused on the precision of the location-tracking method in order to measure the degree of intrusiveness or the privacy interest at stake. Finally, courts have relied on the holding in Smith and the content/non-content distinction to find that location data are not protected by the Fourth Amendment.

None of the concepts used by lower courts real time vs. historical, precise vs. imprecise, and content vs. non-content provides a principled basis for crafting a Fourth Amendment rule. The Supreme Court would be wise to avoid these distinctions because they all present major pitfalls.

First, while some courts have assumed that real-time location tracking is inherently more intrusive than collecting historical data, the opposite is actually true. Historical data is more frequently used in criminal cases because it is inherently more revealing historical tracking can reveal patterns, associations, behaviors and other personal details that cannot be so easily derived from records in real time. It is the duration and extent of the tracking, not its temporal relationship to an investigation, that matters. Alito reached a similar conclusion in his concurring opinion in Jones, noting that the use of longer term GPS monitoring in investigations of most offenses impinges on expectations of privacy.

Second, attempts to distinguish cases based on the precision of the location-tracking methods at issue have been inconsistent and arbitrary. The government has argued that collection of cellphone-tower data should not trigger Fourth Amendment scrutiny because the data do not reveal the users precise location. Many courts have assumed that cell-tower data are necessarily less precise than GPS data (the type of data at issue in Jones). But that assumption is wrong in many cases (tower data can be more precise than GPS data in urban areas) and is inherently short-sighted. The precision of location-tracking methods has only increased over time and will continue to do so as the density of cellphone towers increases and data analysis methods evolve. Indeed, federal law requires all cellphone providers to develop the capability to locate 911 callers precisely in an emergency.

Third, the traditional distinction between content and non-content (or metadata) does not map well onto location data because it does not provide a useful analytical framework for evaluating the privacy interests at stake. The Supreme Court protected the contents of the phone call in Katz v. United States even though those contents had been disclosed to another person (the recipient of the call). The fact that cellphone location records are held by a third party does not mean they are not entitled to protection. Indeed, Justice Potter Stewart recognized in his dissenting opinion in Smith that even the mere numbers dialed can reveal private facts, and thus are not without content. But the data generated by modern communications bear no resemblance to the minimal billing data generated by the analog telephone system in 1979.

Lower courts refusal to protect cellphone location data is especially troubling when, as here, Congress has already established higher privacy standards for location data in some contexts. When Congress enacted the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act in 1994 at the behest of the FBI, it prohibited law enforcement from obtaining location data with a pen register (the same type of device at issue in Smith). But rather than view this statutory protection as an indication that individuals have a reasonable expectation of privacy in their location information, courts have held that cellphone-tower data are similar to the call records at issue in Smith and thus are not protected.

A better way to resolve the issue in this case is to re-evaluate Smith in light of the changes in our communications systems since 1979. Justice Sonia Sotomayor alluded to the need to do so in her concurring opinion in Jones, positing that the rule adopted in Smith is ill suited to the digital age, in which people reveal a great deal of information about themselves to third parties in the course of carrying out mundane tasks. Even Alitos concurring opinion in Jones implicitly recognized that long-term tracking was fundamentally different from the short-term, analog tracking methods in the 1980s beeper cases. If the Supreme Court rejects the conclusion that all personal data held by modern service providers are unprotected, and that the world has fundamentally changed since Smith was decided, then lower courts and Congress can finally begin to adopt appropriate digital-privacy rules.

Posted in Carpenter v. U.S., Summer symposium on Carpenter v. United States, Featured, Merits Cases

Recommended Citation: Alan Butler, Symposium: Millions of tiny constables Time to set the record straight on the Fourth Amendment and location-data privacy, SCOTUSblog (Aug. 3, 2017, 10:50 AM), http://www.scotusblog.com/2017/08/symposium-millions-tiny-constables-time-set-record-straight-fourth-amendment-location-data-privacy/

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Symposium: Millions of tiny constables Time to set the record ... - SCOTUSblog (blog)