Mediaboss Marketing

House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi has raised nearly $26 million for her party in 2017, a significant leap for a nonelection year, according to fundraising figures furnished by the California Democrat's political team.

Most of Pelosi's $25.9 million haul was directed to the coffers of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which will be leading the party's quest to take back the House in 2018. Pelosi has sent the group $24.7 million this year, as opposed to $14 million she raised for the committee in the same period two years ago, in the last congressional "off year."

Pelosi's efforts have come as she has faced mounting criticism from a handful of her fellow Democrats who criticized the party's inability to gain more than a handful of seats in last year's House elections -- a drumbeat that returned after Democrats didn't win a closely watched and heavily contested special election in Georgia in June.

In the immediate aftermath, Pelosi pointed to her prodigious fundraising as one reason for her continued service as the Democrats' top leader in the House. Her political operation counts $593.8 million in fundraising attributable to Pelosi since she entered the House leadership in 2002.

"My leadership is recognized by many around the country, and that is why I'm able to attract the [financial] support that I do, which is essential to our elections, sad to say," she said.

Pelosi racked up million-dollar-plus hauls at a trio of Speaker's Cabinet VIP events this year in San Francisco, New York and Los Angeles -- part of a fundraising schedule that took her to 124 events in 22 cities. The total reflects more than $2 million raised from more than 115,000 small donors in response to committee email solicitations bearing Pelosi's signature.

Democratic National Committee fundraising this year has badly lagged behind that of the Republican National Committee. But in part because of Pelosi's efforts -- but also an unprecedented surge in grass-roots donations -- the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has kept pace with its GOP counterpart, the National Republican Congressional Committee.

Pelosi's $26 million falls behind the $33.1 million that House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., reported raising for his Team Ryan joint fundraising committee in the first half of the year, although it is not an exact apples-to-apples comparison, because Pelosi organizes her fundraising efforts differently.

Jorge Aguilar, the executive director of Pelosi's political operation, called the Democratic leader's haul "a direct reflection of voters' frustration with the destructive Trump-Ryan special-interests-only agenda that aims to rip away the health care of millions."

"It demonstrates the growing enthusiasm for House Democrats to retake the House," he said. "The American people are speaking loud and clear: They want a better deal than what Paul D. Ryan is offering."

A Section on 08/01/2017

Read the original here:
Democrat leader Nancy Pelosi raises $26M for party in 2017 - Arkansas Online

WASHINGTON (AP) The House Ethics Committee said Tuesday it is dropping separate investigations against Democratic Rep. Ben Ray Lujan of New Mexico and Republican Rep. Roger Williams of Texas.

Lujan, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, was accused of using the House chamber to raise money for campaign purposes during a June 2016 sit-in on gun control.

Williams, an auto dealer, was accused of a conflict of interest in offering a 2015 amendment to a transportation bill that would have benefited auto dealers.

The ethics panel said neither Lujan nor Williams violated House rules, but cautioned that both lawmakers acted in ways where mistakes are possible. The panel urged all House members to seek guidance from the ethics committee when in doubt.

A spokesman for Lujan called the complaint politically motivated and without merit.

The Foundation for Accountability and Civic Trust, a conservative-leaning watchdog group, filed a complaint last year alleging that Lujan and other Democrats violated ethics rules by using the House chamber to raise money for campaign purposes. Specifically, the group said Lujan and others sent campaign emails featuring photos of themselves during the June 2016 sit-in.

The ethics panel found that the emails involving Lujan were sent by a campaign consultant on the congressmans behalf, adding that there was no evidence that Lujan directed the emails to be sent while on the House floor. The screenshot used in one of the emails violated House rules, the panel said, but there was no evidence Lujan was aware of the decision to use the photo before the fundraising missive was sent out.

Spokesman Joe Shoemaker said the ethics panel acted appropriately by dismissing the case. Congressman Lujan is committed to abiding by House rules and will continue to do so in the future.

Williams on Tuesday stood by his decision to offer an amendment to a wide-ranging transportation bill that would have allowed auto dealers to rent out vehicles even if theyre subject to recall.

This bill would have resulted in unintended consequences that would punish small business owners, employees and consumers, he said in a statement. As I knew all along, the committee found no violation of any law, rule or regulation.

Williams has said the amendment was intended to address recalls aimed at trivial defects, but critics said it would apply more broadly.

The independent Office of Congressional Ethics, an outside panel that reviews ethics complaints against House members, said Williams personal financial interest in his auto dealership could be perceived as having influenced his decision to offer the amendment.

The ethics panel said Williams should have sought ethics guidance before submitting the amendment and urged him to take care to avoid creating any impression that he was sponsoring the amendment to benefit himself or his business.

In Lujans case, the ethics panel said the evolving nature of electronic communications and campaign solicitations presents novel issues that are not directly addressed by the House Ethics Manual. Further guidance on email use is needed, the panel said.

Read more:
House ethics panel clears NM Democrat, Texas Republican - LubbockOnline.com

By Matt Grossmann and David A. Hopkins By Matt Grossmann and David A. Hopkins August 2 at 6:00 AM

During the 2016 election, many observers from across the political spectrum saw Donald Trumps candidacy as a direct challenge to the Republican Partys ideological orthodoxy. Reporters described Trump as an insurgent populist running on a policy platform that cuts across party lines . . . [and is] anathema to movement conservatives. From Barack Obama on the left to Bill Kristol on the right, critics described Trumps brand of politics as fundamentally incompatible with conservative principles and Republican heritage.

But thats not what weve seen so far. Instead of transforming the Republican Party, Trump has assembled the most conservative administration and agenda of any modern president. Analysts overstated Trumps distance from Republican campaign orthodoxy and expected him to be able to avoid the challenges of leading his party from opposition to governing mode. As a result, they underestimated the resilience of the GOPs basiccharacter.

Many observers misread the Trump campaign, predicting a political realignment between the parties

Because Trumps campaign was so superficially unusual, journalists exaggerated its distance from ordinary conservative positions. Like previous Republicans, Trump relied on broad symbolic rhetoric rather than policy specifics. He accused the Democrats of weakness on national security and the mainstream news media of bias. He denounced Obamacare without explaining how he would replace it, proposed large-scale tax cuts, and decried government regulation.

Trump even stood to the right of other Republicans on his signature issue: immigration. He deployed nativist rhetoric and denounced international institutions. That reinvigorated the American rights tradition of nationalism and aligned the Republicans with a global trend among far-right parties.

The Washington Post's Philip Rucker, Ashley Parker and David Nakamura look at what President Trump has done over the past six months to fulfill his pledge to build a border wall. (Bastien Inzaurralde/The Washington Post)

Trumps campaign did deviate from a few conventional Republican positions particularly on free trade and entitlements. But so had previous conservative populists, like Pat Buchanan. Predictions that Trumps rise would cause the parties to realign ideologically were overstated.

In fact, Trump is governing like a firm even far-right conservative

Before the election, we predicted that Trump wouldnt redefine Republican ideology; rather, the GOPs stable congressional leadership and infrastructure would change Trump, forcing him to reconcile his ambitious campaign promises with the realities of governing without alienating conservative ideologues.

[This is why Pences voter fraud commission will almost certainly find duplicate registrations that arent really duplicates.]

And thats what has happened. Trump is not trying to redefine party orthodoxy or build coalitions with the Democrats. His executive branch appointments have tilted farther to the ideological right than previous Republican presidents (as did his Supreme Court nomination). Working with the Republican-controlled Congress, his appointees are swiftly reversing Obama-era regulations. Republican leaders have driven the congressional agenda, emphasizing ACA repeal, tax reform, and corporate deregulation rather than Trumps less conservative campaign proposals like infrastructure spending and expanded parental leave.

Speaking to conservative activists, Feb. 24, President Trump outlined his plans for tax reform, regulatory rollback and strengthening the U.S. military. (Reuters)

Trumps proposed federal budget endorses deep cuts to many domestic programs, and his positions on social issues such as his recently-announced decision to ban transgender servicemembers from the military are just as conservative.

Trumps distinctive personality continues to dominate headlines. But the presidents personnel and policy choices mostly show how hes constrained by the broader Republican infrastructure of media, interest group, and activist supporters, who were attracted to his angry denunciations of Obama policies but werent interested in a leftward tilt.

Even though some observers saw the recent departure of White House chief of staff Reince Priebus as a sign of Trumps growing independence from the Republican establishment, theres no reason to think that the presidents frustration with Priebuss performance is leading him to reconsider the rightward policy direction of his administration.

[Republicans and Democrats cant even agree about how they disagree]

Heres why the Republican Party is pulling Trump rightward

Our recent book, Asymmetric Politics, explains why the GOP cannot easily be diverted from its conservative path. The Republican Party is the agent of an ideological movement unlike the Democratic Party, which is a social coalition defending the concrete interests of its constituent groups. Democratic politicians work to achieve incremental benefits for a variety of electoral constituencies. But Republican voters, politicians, and activists are motivated instead by adherence to a single ideological doctrine. With Trumps election, Republicans are continuing their longstanding drive toward a broad rightward shift in policy.

President Trump asked House Republicans if they can "believe" that he's president, while celebrating the passage of the American Health Care Act in the House of Representatives on May 4 at the White House. (The White House)

Republicans firm and uncompromising dedication to small-government values can cause big problems for party leaders. The congressional right wing has already shown that its willing to oppose health care and budgetary proposals introduced by its own partys leadership. Disputes among Republicans over how much electoral risk the party should take in order to remain true to conservative principles can be just as difficult to resolve as typical Democratic disagreements over which party constituency should receive the most attention from officeholders.

[How different are the Democratic and Republican parties? Too different to compare.]

Many conservative Republican themes like personal liberty, American nationalism, and moral traditionalism are quite popular. But the ideology is more appealing than most specific conservative policy positions. As Republicans have discovered during frustrating debates over health care, while small government may be an attractive idea, losing government benefits or protections is not and provokes a backlash.

Why Trump still represents a conservative opportunity

Previous Republican presidents resolved these conflicts by pairing selected conservative priorities with major policy initiatives departing from ideological precepts even expanding the size and scope of government.

For instance, George W. Bush launched a new federal intervention in public education, No Child Left Behind, which included nationwide standards and testing; regulated the accounting industry; brought back agricultural subsidies; and passed a new prescription drug entitlement. His father George H. W. Bush hiked the minimum wage, raised taxes, increased environmental regulation, and expanded disability rights. Ronald Reagan hiked gas taxes to fund transportation improvements, built major job training programs, and offered amnesty to undocumented immigrants.

But Trump is sticking with a more consistently conservative path and refusing to compromise with the Democratic opposition. In doing so, Trump and his Republican congressional allies are trying to reverse a decades-long trend in which federal policymaking has drifted in a liberal direction no matter which party is in power.

If the Trump administration doesnt win any major legislative victories while hes in office, conservatives will surely be quite disappointed. Yet if Trump pursues regulatory retrenchment within the federal bureaucracy while declining to advance any major new legislative expansions of government responsibility, he will still compile the most conservative policy record of any recent administration.

Reporters and pundits like to portray political campaigns as a battle of individual personalities. But elections are mostly a competition between two partisan teams. Many Republican leaders and activists saw Trumps victory as a rare opportunity to move national policy much farther to the right. Rather than trying to squelch or redirect these ambitions, Trump has staked his presidency on fulfilling them.

Matt Grossmannis director of theInstitute for Public Policy and Social Researchandassociate professor of political science at Michigan State University. Find him on Twitter@mattgrossmann.

David A. Hopkinsis associate professor of political science at Boston Collegeand blogs about U.S.politics atHonest Graft.

Together theyare the authors ofAsymmetric Politics: Ideological Republicans and Group Interest Democrats(Oxford University Press, 2016).

Read this article:
Trump isn't changing the Republican Party. The Republican Party is changing Trump. - Washington Post

Lawmakers in Congress have offered a wide range of reactions to President Donald Trumps ban on transgender people serving in the military. File photo by Joshua Roberts/Reuters

The reactions to President Donald Trumps tweets last Wednesday announcing a ban on transgender individuals from serving in the military have continued pouring in this week. On Tuesday, 56 retired military officers spoke out against the announcement, warning that the policy, if implemented, would degrade military readiness. For now, the nations top military official has said transgender troops can continue to serve until the White House issues official guidance to the Department of Defense.

(Trans troops, as NewsHours Corinne Segal reported, are weighing their options).

Meanwhile, lawmakers on Capitol Hill have also weighed in on the issue and their response could be critical. In 2010, Congress repealed Dont ask, Dont tell, the controversial Clinton-era ban on openly gay and lesbian service members. If Congress decides to challenge Trump now, it could come in the form of this years annual defense spending bill. The House has already passed its version; the Senate will ring in next. Ultimately, both chambers must agree on a final spending package, so its important to track Republicans positions on both sides of the Capitol.

Heres a look at where lawmakers stand.

Object to the ban: Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, was the only Republican who signed onto a letter from 44 Democrats voicing their opposition to the ban. Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., who chairs the Senate Armed Services committee, has also taken a firm stance against the ban. McCain said in a statement that there is no reason to force service members who are able to fight, train, and deploy to leave the militaryregardless of their gender identity. Other Republicans have also opposed the ban publicly in interviews or on social media, including Sen. Richard Shelby, R-Ala., and outgoing Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., whose son is transgender.

Opposed to the ban, but in favor of cutting funding for gender reassignment surgery: Sen. Joni Ernst, R-Iowa, a veteran and a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, has also come out against the ban. Last week, a spokesperson for the senator told Politico and others that while (Sen. Ernst) believes taxpayers shouldnt cover the costs associated with a gender reassignment surgery, Americans who are qualified and can meet the standards to serve in the military should be afforded that opportunity.

Waiting to hear from military leaders: Sens. John Barrasso, R-Wyo., Roy Blunt, R-Mo., Mike Enzi, R-Wyo., James Lankford, R-Okla., Rob Portman, R-Ohio, and John Thune, R-S.D., all have indicated that they want the Pentagon to weigh in on the issue.

READ MORE: After Trump announces ban, trans soldiers wonder what comes next

Respect the presidents decision: Sen. Steve Daines, R-Mont., said he respected Trumps decision as the commander-in-chief. Sens. John Cornyn, R-Texas, and David Perdue, R-Ga., indicated the president was acting within his rights when he announced the ban on Twitter.

In favor of the ban: Sens. James Inhofe, R-Okla., and Luther Strange, R-La., have given some of the strongest statements of support of the transgender ban. Rep. Duncan Hunter, R-Calif., who serves on the House Armed Services Committee, put out a statement saying the president made the absolute right decision.

The no comment crowd: Rand Paul has not yet commented on the substance of the debate. Neither have Sens. Richard Burr, R-N.C., or Bob Corker, R-Tenn., though Corker said he would look into it.

Critical of the tweets: Several lawmakers in both chambers of Congress criticized Trumps use of Twitter to announce the ban, regardless of how they felt about the policy itself. McCain, for example, called it yet another example of why major policy announcements should not be made via Twitter. Rep. Tom Rooney, R-Fla., told reporters that it throws us off when the president makes surprise policy announcements on Twitter.

Read more:
Where Republican lawmakers stand on transgender troops - PBS NewsHour

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. Senator Lamar Alexander on Tuesday made the first move by a senior Republican to work with Democrats on repairing Obamacare after his party failed to repeal and replace the healthcare law, announcing work on bipartisan legislation to stabilize the individual health insurance market.

Alexander, who chairs the Senate health committee, urged U.S. President Donald Trump to drop his threat to cut government subsidy payments to insurers that make Obamacare plans affordable and to allow the payments through September. The senator also said fellow lawmakers should fund those payments for one year.

Alexander's announcement followed the spectacular failure last week by Senate Republicans to pass their own repeal or replacement of the Affordable Care Act, former President Barack Obama's signature domestic initiative also referred to as Obamacare.

The Tennessee Republican said the Senate health committee "will hold hearings beginning the week of September 4 on the actions Congress should take to stabilize and strengthen the individual health insurance market so that Americans will be able to buy insurance at affordable prices in the year 2018."

The goal, Alexander said, would be legislation sponsored by both parties that would stabilize the insurance market and help lower premiums in 2018 for the roughly 18 million Americans who buy health insurance in the individual market, instead of getting insurance through an employer.

Trump, frustrated that he and Republicans have not been able to keep promises to repeal and replace Obamacare, has threatened to let the law implode, including by cutting off about $8 billion in subsidies that are used to make Obamacare health plans more affordable for low income Americans.

Insurers, who are finalizing their insurance premium rates for 2018, have asked Congress to guarantee that those funds will stay in place for the rest of this year and 2018. Without the subsidies, they say they will need to raise premium rates by about 20 percent.

Without an answer, insurers have filed preliminary rates based on different parameters: Some set rates that assumed the subsidies would be paid, others set rates that assumed they would not, and some submitted two different set of rates reflecting both outcomes.

Senator Patty Murray, the top Democrat on the health panel, welcomed Alexander's statement and said she looked forward to working in a bipartisan manner to stabilize the healthcare market and reduce premiums.

In the House, a bipartisan group of 43 lawmakers on Monday called for Congress to quickly stabilize the individual insurance market by appropriating money for the cost-sharing payments and creating a stability fund for states.

additional reporting by Caroline Humer; Editing by Cynthia Osterman

Read the original:
Republican makes first move to work with Democrats on healthcare - Reuters