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Since his brother and father were arrested and imprisoned while visiting Iran nearly two years ago, Babak Namazi has been trying to persuade the U.S. government to step up its fight for their freedom.

Both inmates 45-year-old Siamak Namazi and 81-year-old Baquer Namazi are Iranian American dual nationals who were convicted of espionage in a secret trial last year and are now serving 10-year sentences in Tehrans Evin Prison, notorious for its harsh conditions.

You always think the worst and it paralyzes me, said Babak Namazi.

Now it appears that the familys quest for their release is gaining traction.

The U.S. House passed a bill Wednesday calling for Iran to release all U.S. citizens and legal residents being held for political purposes.

The White House had already started to elevate the issue. Last week, it threatened new and serious consequences if Iran did not release all imprisoned U.S. citizens. That prompted Iran to call for the U.S. to release Iranians it is holding, suggesting to some experts that Iran is willing to negotiate a trade.

For Iran, a prisoner swap would resolve a problem of their making, said Reza Marashi, research director for the National Iranian American Council. Iran doesnt have the upper hand when it unjustly detains Americans. Iran needs to resolve this so that a bad situation doesnt get worse.

It is unclear where the Trump administration stands on the idea of an exchange. The last prisoner swap occurred in January 2016 under the Obama administration when four Iranian American dual nationals were freed in exchange for the release of seven Iranians. The exchange was seen as a sign of good faith in the wake of a deal to monitor Irans nuclear program.

Siamak Namazi was rumored to be among the Americans who would be freed, but his release never materialized.

His brother said that engagement with the Trump administration was slow at first, but that it has improved in recent months.

Last month I left a meeting very confident that the case of my family has become a top priority for the Trump administration, said Babak Namazi, who testified alongside relatives of other prisoners on Tuesday before a congressional foreign affairs subcommittee.

At least four Americans are imprisoned or missing in Iran.

This month, Iran sentenced Xiyue Wang, a 37-year-old Chinese American student at Princeton, for spying. Robert Levinson, a 69-year-old former FBI agent, went missing in Iran in 2007, and his whereabouts are unknown.

There are also two U.S. permanent residents detained in Iran. Karan Vafadari, who owns an art gallery in Tehran, was arrested last July. Nizar Zakka, an information technology expert originally from Lebanon, is also believed to have been detained in Iran since 2015.

In addition, Gholamrez Reza Shahini, an Iranian American dual citizen, was sentenced to 18 years in prison in October for national security crimes but was released on bail and is under house arrest in Iran, according to family members.

The issue of jailed Americans in Iran has been a sensitive subject in U.S.-Iranian relations since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In recent years, Iranian hard-liners have used the arrests of Americans to undermine the efforts of President Hassan Rouhanis government to improve relations with the West, experts said.

The Trump administrations threats on the issue of imprisoned Americans follow the imposition of U.S. sanctions last week on 18 entities and individuals connected to Irans ballistic missile program, military procurement and Irans Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps the powerful hard-line security and military organization whose members are believed to have jailed the Namazis and other Americans.

The Iranian regime continues to detain U.S. citizens and other foreigners on fabricated national-security-related charges, State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert said the day the sanctions were announced.

President Trump had made it clear to Secretary of State Rex Tillerson that "bringing Americans home" from overseas detention was an issue of huge concern and an administration priority, a senior State Department official told reporters Tuesday, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The official would not say how any negotiations would take place.

Iranian officials have intensified their rhetoric on the issue and this week started releasing names of its nationals who it says the United States has unlawfully detained, or requested its allies to detain.

Recently a number of Iranians in various countries, at the request of the U.S., were arrested on the baseless claims of circumventing sanctions, said Abbas Araghchi, Irans deputy foreign minister, according to an article published Monday by Raja News, an affiliate of Irans Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The article also lists the names of 12 Iranians who were apparently detained in the U.S. and elsewhere, including some who were released during the prisoner swap with the U.S. in January 2016.

On a visit to the U.S. last week, Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif made similar claims during an event at the Council of Foreign Relations in New York. He said that an Iranian woman who is two months pregnant was arrested a few weeks ago in Australia, along with an Iranian national living in Spain and another in Germany.

Im not saying that its tit for tat, but Im saying that we need to address this humanitarian problem from a humanitarian perspective and not from a political perspective, Zarif said. And Im certainly ready to do all it takes on my side to help reside this humanitarian problem.

The Namazi family is based in Dubai, United Arab Emirates.

Siamak Namazi, who was visiting relatives in Iran, was arrested there in October 2015. In February 2016, his father traveled there to seek his release and was arrested.

According to Babak Namazi, his brother, a businessman, has been held for most of the time in solitary confinement. Their father, a retired official with the United Nations Childrens Fund, has lost 30 pounds and twice been hospitalized.

Babak Namazi said he fears his father will die.

I continue to urge the Trump administration to do everything possible to bring them home. We are literally running out of time, he said.

Times staff writer Tracy Wilkinson in Washington contributed to this report. melissa.etehad@latimes.com

Follow me on Twitter @melissaetehad

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Trump administration intensifies demands for Iran to release US prisoners - Los Angeles Times

Theres trouble in the Gulf, where a hijacked news website has helped kick off a blockade of Qatar. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and their allies have cut off a fellow member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), citing as justification fake news stories that the Emiratis themselves allegedly planted.

The conflict started when several statements attributed to Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani appeared on the Qatar News Agencys website and the governments official Twitter feed. The comments, which the Qataris quickly dismissed as the result of a hack, strayed from the Arab Gulf consensus on hot-button issues such as relations with Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, and Israel. The Saudi-led bloc rejected that explanation and on June 5 severed diplomatic relations with Doha and also halted air, sea, and land transportation to the gas-rich state. Despite the mounting evidence that the offending news stories were contrived, the blockade has remained in place through extensive diplomatic intervention from abroad.

The confrontation, which threatens stability in a region critical to U.S. interests, is bad enough. But far more ominously, it shows how future crises can be sparked by cyberoperations to manipulate information. Operations of the kind used against France in 2015 and the United States during the 2016 presidential election take advantage of preexisting tensions to drive political change. In the case of the Gulf, these fake news stories exploited regional hostility and the Iranian boogeyman to push the region into conflict.

The recent hack didnt occur in a vacuum; tensions among the Gulf Arab monarchies have been simmering for years. The Saudis, with support from Kuwait, Bahrain, and the UAE, have struggled for nearly half a decade to prop up the central government in Yemen against the Iranian-supported Houthi rebels. In Syria, many of the GCC states support Syrian rebel groups against the Islamic State, while Iran provides Bashar al-Assads government and groups like the Syrian Electronic Army with training and technical assistance. In the eyes of their neighbors, the Qataris also maintain an uncomfortably close relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood, which they see as a movement that threatens established rulers across the region.

While internal GCC differences over Iran are a key driver of the current crisis, the next conflagration might be sparked by Tehran itself. The country has demonstrated growing maturity in offensive cybersecurity, conducts extensive espionage against its neighbors, and is actively engaged in harassing Israeli government websites with regular distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks. In a 2013 speech, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also claimed that Iran, together with Hezbollah, was carrying out nonstop attacks on Israeli industrial sites like water treatment facilities and power stations.

Irans capabilities have been strongly influenced by its own experience as the target of cyberoperations. In the years after Stuxnet, the U.S.-Israeli effort to stymie Iranian nuclear enrichment efforts, Tehran began making repeated efforts to gather information on industrial control systems in both countries. After a 2012 attack on an Iranian oil facility by malware designed to wipe computer systems of data, Iran responded by conducting precisely the same sort of attack against the back-office computer systems of oil giant Saudi Aramco and Qatari natural gas producer RasGas, which forced the replacement of tens of thousands of computers.

Iran is capable of causing a lot of havoc through cyberspace. Moving from web defacements and crude censorship in the early 2000s, through sophisticated internal information controls and sustained espionage campaigns, to complex multistage attacks today, Irans evolution in cybersecurity has been rapid. More recent Iranian operations have leveraged extensive reconnaissance of social media to successfully compromise American government organizations and critical infrastructure facilities.In 2016, the U.S. Justice Department unsealed an indictment against seven Iranian nationals accused of engaging in the costly digital harassment of American banks, one of whom was also charged with trying to hack into upstate New Yorks Bowman Avenue Dam.

All this means that the next hack in the Gulf might not simply exploit Irans reputation as a regional boogeyman it might be launched by Iran itself. There are limits to our ability to assign attribution for incidents in cybersecurity, which suggests that future information operations may be able to operate under the cloak of relative anonymity or at least plausible deniability.

This isnt the last time information operations are going to roil the region. The Gulf states need to be better equipped to defend themselves against these sort of attacks, and the first step is investing in their domestic cybersecurity capabilities. Their best bet is to leave aside surveillance and censorship to develop the technical capacity to identify and mitigate weaknesses in their own networks.

The episode demonstrates how the Gulf is ripe for exploitation via information operations. Through a fairly low-risk compromise of the Qatar News Agency, an actor managed to fracture one of the primary political blocs arrayed against Iranian action in the region. The Gulf has more than its share of political rivalries and long-standing antipathies, and Irans status as a growing power in cyberspace means that these vulnerabilities only appear poised to worsen. The damage done so far was likely the result of internal political fragmentation in the Arab bloc the potential fallout that could result from external interference is daunting.

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The Iranian Cyberthreat Is Real - Foreign Policy (blog)

Two enemies of America are poised for upcoming rocket launches, two senior U.S. officials told Fox News, with another North Korean intercontinental ballistic missile launch expected as soon as Wednesday night and Iran on the verge of sending its own vehicle into space.

Iran's Simorgh space-launch vehicle is believed to be carrying a satellite, marking the second time in more than a year that Tehran has attempted to put an operational satellite into orbit -- something the Islamic Republic has never done successfully, according to one of the officials who has not authorized to discuss a confidential assessment.

Iran's last space launch in April 2016 failed to place a satellite into orbit, the official said.

The intelligence community is currently monitoring Iran's Semnan launch center, located about 140 miles east of Tehran, where officials say the "first and second stage airframes" have been assembled on a launch pad and a space launch is expected "at any time," according to the official.

Just days after President Trump took office, Iran conducted its first ballistic missile test under the new administration, prompting the White House to put Tehran "on notice." Since then there have been other ballistic missile and cruise missile tests, including one from a midget submarine in early May -- a type of submarine used by both Iran and North Korea.

North Korea and Iran have long been accused of sharing missile technology.

"The very first missiles we saw in Iran were simply copies of North Korean missiles," said Jeffrey Lewis, a missile proliferation expert at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey. "Over the years, we've seen photographs of North Korean and Iranian officials in each other's countries, and we've seen all kinds of common hardware."

U.S. officials are skeptical, however, that North Korea and Iran are coordinating their rocket and missile launches.

While Iran insists its space program is for peaceful purposes, officials have long said any components used to put a satellite into orbit can also be used for building an intercontinental ballistic missile capable of hitting the United States.

U.N. resolution 2231 says Iran is called upon not to undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including launches using such ballistic missile technology, according to the text of the agreement which went into effect days after the landmark Iran nuclear agreement that was engineered by the Obama administration.

Critics have said that language was purposefully watered down to called upon instead of a more restrictive phrase because Russia intervened.

In a sign Congress is losing patience with both Iran and North Korea, the House of Representatives on Tuesday overwhelmingly passed (419-3) new sanctions targeting Iran, North Korea and Russia, due in part to Iran and North Korea's missile programs.

News of Iran's pending rocket launch coincides with more evidence North Korea is also preparing to test another ICBM, perhaps as early as Wednesday night -- a date that would coincide with the 1953 Korean Armistice Agreement, which ended the fighting in the Korean War, but technically not the war itself.

U.S. officials say North Korea has recently moved fueling equipment and trucks to a launch pad near the town of Kusong, near North Korea's border with China and about 100 miles north of the capital city of Pyongyang.

North Korea has a history of conducting missile tests on historic dates.

North Korea's first successful launch of a long-range missile capable of reaching Alaska -- a rocket the Pentagon now calls the KN-20 -- occurred on July 4, while the U.S. celebrated Independence Day.

That North Korean ICBM traveled some 1,700 miles into space, seven times higher than the orbit of NASA's International Space Station. It is not clear, however, if the rocket's "re-entry" vehicle successfully returned to Earth in one piece after it splashed down in the Sea of Japan hundreds of miles off the Korean peninsula.

Officials believe a new test of North Korea's KN-20 is for the purpose of testing the re-entry vehicle.

Lucas Tomlinson is the Pentagon and State Department producer for Fox News Channel. You can follow him on Twitter: @LucasFoxNews

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Iran poised to launch rocket into space, as North Korea readies another missile test, US officials say - Fox News

An Iranian state television presenter has sparked outrage after footage emerged of her drinking beer without wearing a hijab while on holiday in Switzerland.

The consumption of alcohol in Islam is prohibited and alcohol has been banned in Iran since the establishment of Islamic Republic government in 1979.

Islamic dress codes are strictly enforced by 'morality police' in the country and womens hair and body must be covered in public. Wearing the hijab, a head covering worn in public by Muslim women, is compulsory.

Azadeh Namdari, who is also a presenter and actress, has actively endorsed wearing the hijab. Hard-line conservative Iranian newspaper Vatan-e Emruz published a photo of her in a full hijab in 2014 under the headline: Thank God, I wear the veil.

The TV presenter has also been a keen proponent of the black chador which is a large piece of cloth that covers women from head to toe and leaves only the face exposed. It has been extolled by conservatives for offering women the best protection.

Ms Namdari said she was proud to be a chadori in the front-page interview with the paper a saying used to refer to women who choose to wear the chador.

"You have to believe to be a chadori. [Otherwise] you'll be exposed ..." she said. "Thank God that I went on air, I was a chadori. I felt safe and I felt respected. All of these are blessings that the chador has brought me.

She added: "I apologise for saying that, but I'm more beautiful with this chador.

Ms Namdari has now been fiercely criticised and branded a hypocrite for being photographed holidaying without wearing a hijab and appearing to drink what looks like a beer. Critics on social media accused her of "hypocrisy" and "dual-behaviour.

Her name has been used as the Persian hashtag #Azadeh_Namdari, with the hashtag having been used over 11,000 times since the video emerged.

The backlash has prompted a torrent of memes of Ms Namdari, including an image of her with a bottle of Grey Goose vodka Photoshopped into her handbag. Another person has juxtaposed an image of the presenter in full hijab alongside two further photos of Namdari without a hijab and while drinking beer: "What she feeds us with versus what she feeds herself with!"

"The problem is not #Azadeh_Namdari or people like her. The problem is the ideology, culture and the system that forces individuals in society to have dual-behaviour for some reasons," read atweet from an account attributed to the pro-government cleric Abolfazl Najafi-Tehrani.

The presenter has now sought to explain herself in a two-minute video posted on the Young Journalists Club (YJC) news agency site under the headline: "Azadeh Namdari's reaction to the publication of scandalous photos in cyberspace".

Ms Namdari said she had been sitting alongside members of her family and "maharem" - close relatives who a woman is not required to wear a hijab among in a park. She claimed her scarf had fallen abruptly and the clip was immediately recorded by a random person. She did not mention the bottles of beer in the video or seek to explain them.

But her explanation has prompted yet further criticism and people have branded her a liar and accused her of attempting to pull the wool over Iranian's eyes.

In Iran, women who do not wear a hijab or are seen to be wearing a 'bad hijab' by allowing some of their hair to show face punishments spanning from fines to imprisonment.

Nevertheless, there has been resistance to the enforced hijab over recent years, withsome women shaving their hair and dressingas men. What's more, in a bid to show solidarity with their female counterparts last year men in the country appeared in photos wearing hijabs with their wife or female relative next to them withtheir hair uncovered.

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Iranian TV host who promotes Islamic dress code sparks backlash for drinking beer without hijab - The Independent

ISLAMIC STATE VS. ISLAMIC REPUBLIC

At first glance, it looks like an ordinary video produced by the so-called Islamic State with all the usual trappings. Its sleek yet macabre. A young boyin all probability, not even a teenagerspeaks to the camera as he stands on a battlefield. Dressed in military uniform and brandishing a knife, he goes on to behead a spy.

But what makes the video almost unique is its language. The boy speaks in fluent Persian and is explicitly addressing the inhabitants of Iran, especially its majority Shia population. While Persian propaganda used to be somewhat of a rarity for ISIS, it has recently become more common.

In this case the young protagonist, Al-Qatada the Persian, addresses all those who take part in and cooperate with the war against the Islamic State and issues an explicit threat: We will destroy your land and your home, we will disrupt your security and we will shed your blood.

At one level, this certainly is an act of desperation. Iranian-backed and in some cases Iranian commanded militias have played a key role fighting ISIS in Iraq and supporting the Assad regime in Syria. The ayatollahs and their acolytes no longer even try to be discreet about their military role in the region, as IranWire has reported.

But ISIS has proved flexible, imaginative, and resilient many times, to the chagrin of its enemies, and its current unconventional offensive against Iran should be taken seriously.

ISISs propaganda has long been multilingual. From glossy magazines in English and French to videos in Hebrew and songs in Chinese, it has sought to globalize its outreach. But it is only recently that it has seriously turned to Persian, one of the main languages of the Muslim world and the official tongue in three Muslim-majority countries (Afghanistan and Tajikistan in addition to Iran). Apparently its trying to increase recruitment in Iran and target Iranian territory.

Less than two months ago, on June 7, a group of Iranian recruits (mostly Sunni Kurds) staged attacks on the Iranian parliament and the shrine of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini. Twenty-three people died, including the five attackers themselves.

While Iranians and commentators were caught by surprise, ISIS-watchers would have known that the attack came after months of extensive publishing of Persian-language propaganda. In fact, less than 24 hours before the attack, Radio Free Europe had published a report entitled IS Propaganda Increasingly Targeting Iran And Its Sunnis.

In the few months leading up to the attack, four issues of ISISs magazine, Al-Rumiyah, had been published in Persian for the first time. These seem to have been a direct translation of the previously-published English output. Articles detailed the supposedly religious justification for the killing of unbelievers. One issues front cover featured a blood-soaked blade and gave tips on using to kill using a knife.

More significantly, ISIS produced and posted a sophisticated 37-minute video in March, perhaps timed to coincide with the Iranian new year celebrations, that gave a detailed history of Iran and explained why the country, its rulers and its majority Shia inhabitants should be targeted.

The video recounts the time of pre-Islamic Iran when the Persian Sassanian empire had installed the religion of Magi [a pejorative term for Zoroastrianism] as its official creed and people worshipped fire. The ancient Persian empire is depicted with elaborately-staged reenactments that could be straight from a Hollywood production. The video falsely claims that the Sassanian capital was in the cities of Persia, in what is today Iran (the Sassanian capital Ctesiphon was, in fact, near what is today Baghdad, the Iraqi capital).

The historical narrative continues, with the championing of Salman the Persian, a companion of the Prophet Muhammad who, the video explains, helped the Muslims win a crucial battle by advising the prophet to build a moat around their trenches a common Iranian military tactic at the time. Iranians then remained Muslims for nine centuries, the video says, until the rise of Shah Ismail in the 16th century and his founding of the Safavid empire, which made Shia the official religion of Iran. In the video, talking heads remind viewers of the massacres in Tabriz, Shiraz, Yazd and Mazandaran by the Safavids.

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A Portuguese envoy is quoted as having allegedly documented the destruction of Sunni mosques and killing of the Sunni scholars under the Safavids. It is further alleged that the Safavids turned Abo Lo Lo, the Iranian-descended assassin of Omar, the second Islamic caliph, into a brave national hero.

Historical reenactments and documentary-style talking heads might not seem like effective propaganda tools, but the video tries to build a powerful narrative aimed at the Sunni minority, which forms up to nine percent of the Iranian population.

The narrative is updated to the present time with attacks on the Islamic Republic, whose founder Ayatollah Khomeini, it says, came from Paris with an airplane of French crusaders.

Along with the other crimes committed by the republic, the video points to its alleged attempts to disseminate Shiism around the world, its support for militias in the Arab world and its tolerance of Jewish synagogues and Christian churches in Iran.

The video features a film of Iranian Jews worshiping in peace in Tehran and Isfahan as signs of the Islamic Republics un-Islamicness. It also attacks Iranian Sunni imams like Mowlana Abdolhamid, the Friday prayer leader in Sunni-majority Zahedan, who has been a popular stalwart of the Iranian Sunnis due to his efforts to better their conditions and fight discrimination while also countering the influence of Takfiri groups like al Qaeda and ISIS, which regard those who do not share their rigid orthodoxy and heretics deserving death.

In addition to using Persian, the video also features a protagonist speaking in Balochi, a language spoken by about two percent of Iranians, most of them living in the southeast. Another speaks in fluent Arabic and is introduced as Al-Ahwazi, meaning he is allegedly from the Arab-populated southwest of Iran that has long harbored separatist and Pan-Arabist factions but has been mostly immune to Sunni radicalism (the majority of Iranian Arabs are Shia). The video also calls on Kurds and Persians to join ISIS and fight Iran.

It is perhaps surprising that it took ISIS so long to target Iran seriously. There have been many reports of the groups recruitment efforts in Iran since its foundation in June 2014. Analysts believe some Iranians have long been among the groups forces and may have even been killed fighting for ISIS. But the pace of the groups propaganda and recruitment efforts has accelerated in the last year.

In June 2016, Iranian media reported that 18 people had been arrested after using the popular Telegram app to join ISIS. Two months later, a military leader reported the killing of two ISIS members in the Western province of Kermanshah in clashes with security forces. Then, Intelligence Minister Mahmoud Alavi said his forces had prevented 1,500 Iranians from joining ISIS.

Just days before the deadly June 2017 attack, authorities in the eastern province of Nangarhar in Afghanistan released a video in which a man, introduced as Yasser from the Iranian province of West Azerbaijan, claimed to have joined ISIS via the app Telegram. The recent release of the Al-Qatada video might signal an ISIS effort to further target Iran with terrorist attacks just as it stands on the edge of losing its last territorial holdings in Iraq and Syria.

The group will continue to have major difficulties for recruitment in Iran. Many Iranian Sunnis are under the influence of their official imams and religious leaders who, as the example of Mowlana Abdulhamid shows, often work hard to fight against Takfiri influences. The anti-government and regionalist efforts in Kurdistan and Arab-populated Khuzestan have historically been secular and nationalist.

Baluchistan seems to be the only region in Iran where Sunni radicalism has a foothold (and its capital, Zahedan, was the scene of a major terrorist attack in 2010). But even there, local, regionalist groups will be a serious rival for any outside group.

As ISIS furthers its Sunni-aimed propaganda, however, the Iranian authorities and society will need to remain vigilant. Despite existing discrimination toward Sunnis, senior Islamic Republic figures do not publicly malign or attack them. (This is in contrast to the pressure put on Shias in many Sunni-majority countries, especially Saudi Arabia. There, the Grand Mufti openly accuses millions of Saudi Shias of being unbelievers.)

Ayatollah Khamenei, Irans supreme leader, issued a fatwa back in 2010 banning any insult against Aisha, a favorite wife of the Prophet Mohammad who, after his death, fought against the forces of Ali, the first Shia Imam. The same fatwa extended the ban to insults against symbols of our Sunni brothers.

This is important, as occasional Shia sermons do include rants against Aisha, who Sunnis hold dear as the Mother of Muslims. Sectarianism has undoubtedly been used to bolster Shia militias as they fight in the territories of Iraq and Syria, filled with the holiest of shrines for Shias.

YouTube abounds with anti-Sunni rants by charismatic Persian-speaking preachers. Some Shia mosques in Iran organize festivities on the anniversary of the killing of the caliph Omar, sacred to the Sunnis, and celebrate his assassin, who is said to have been of Iranian descent.

But Iranians must understand that any fanning of the flames of sectarianism can have grave consequences that they will come to regret.

This article is adapted from one by Arash Azizi that appeared originally on IranWire.

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ISIS Turns its Gunsand Propaganda Machineon Iran - Daily Beast