Archive for July, 2017

Venezuela votes in election that opposition says will end democracy – Deutsche Welle

The vote was boycotted by the opposition, which says the election is fraudulent and designed to secure a dictatorship by socialist President Nicolas Maduro.

The president said the new Constituent Assembly wouldend the country's debilitating political and economic crises.

But the vote has been overshadowed by deadly protests and the shooting deaths of a leading candidate and of a youth opposition leader.

Prosecutors believe multiple assailants broke into the house of Jose Felix Pineda, a 39-year-old lawyer, overnight and fired several shots at the candidate, killing him.

Read: What are Venezuela's proposed constitutional changes?

A regional secretary for the youth opposition party Democratic Action, Ricardo Campos, was also shot dead during a protest against the election in the northeastern town of Cumana, prosecutors said on Sunday.

In a statement released Sunday night, the US State Department said the new assembly appeared to have beendesigned to "undermine the Venezuelan people's right to self-determination."

"We will continue to take strong and swift actions against the architects of authoritarianism in Venezuela, including those who participate in the National Constituent Assembly as a result of todays flawed election," the US State Departmentsaid.

Gunmen on motorbikes

Protesterswearing hoods andmasks erected street barricades, whichsecurity forces quickly removed. Authorities said seven people diedin the various protests and the opposition said the true death toll was around a dozen people. That would make Sunday the deadliest day of protests since they broke out in April.

Prosecutors said a Venezuelan soldier was shot dead at a protest in the western state of Tachira, andtwo teenagers were killed at different protests in the same region.

In Caracas abomb exploded and injured seven police officers.

Losing legitimacy?

In what could be a sign of increasingly violent tactics, a makeshift bomb injured nine police officers.

The opposition estimated participation in the vote was just 7 percent by mid-afternoon, but warned that the government would likely announce that 8.5 million people had voted.

There are widespread reports Maduro and his loyalists had coerced the country's 2.8 million state workers into voting. Some two dozen sources told Reuters they were being threatened with dismissal andwere being blasted with text messages and phone calls asking them to vote and report back after doing so.

Only 23 percent of Venezuelans favor the new assembly plans, according to a June survey by polling firm Datanalisis.

State television showed Maduro casting the first vote in a west Caracas polling station."I'm the first voter in the country. I ask God for his blessings so the people can freely exercise their democratic right to vote," Maduro said alongside his wife, who is a candidate for the constituent assembly.

The power to dissolve Congress

The 545-member citizens' assembly will be tasked with rewriting the constitution and be empowered to dissolve the opposition-controlled Congress.

Congress has already been severely weakened by the Maduro-loyalist electoral commission and supreme court. The turnout result will be a key factor in giving the vote a facade of legitimacy.

The US, the EU, the Organization of American States, as well as Argentina, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico opposed the election, warning it could decapitate Venezuela's democracy and lead to further unrest.

aw/jm(AFP, AP, dpa, Reuters)

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Venezuela votes in election that opposition says will end democracy - Deutsche Welle

Seattle’s democracy vouchers haven’t kept big money out of primary election – The Seattle Times

Proponents of taxpayer-funded democracy vouchers and Initiative 122 declared they would get big money out of politics in Seattle. It doesnt quite look that way as we approach the Aug. 1 primary election.

After Seattle voters approved first-in-the-nation taxpayer-funded democracy vouchers for city candidates, Honest Elections Seattle declared that the program launched this year would get big money out of politics.

No question, Initiative 122 did create a pool of vouchers for candidates who agreed to certain limits, lowered the maximum contribution to candidates to $500, and barred contractors from writing checks to city candidates.

But get the big money out?

Four Seattle candidates qualified for democracy vouchers as of July 28: City Attorney Pete Holmes and City Council Position 8 candidates Hisam Goueli, Jon Grant and Teresa Mosqueda.

Goueli: 591 vouchers worth $14,775

Grant: 6,000 vouchers worth $150,000

Mosqueda: 4,193 vouchers worth $104,825

Holmes: 1,842 vouchers worth $46,050

Source: Seattle Ethics and Elections Commission

Amazon dumped $250,000 into the political action committee (PAC) of the Seattle Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce this month, part of the $667,728 the PAC has amassed in advance of Tuesdays primary election.

Unlike candidates, PACs can collect unlimited amounts. And 50 corporations, business groups and individuals account for the vast majority of the chambers political arsenal.

The PAC has already started spending on newspaper and social-media ads through so-called independent expenditure (IE) campaigns in City Council and mayoral races. Those IE campaigns cant coordinate with candidates and they dont face spending caps like candidates who take democracy vouchers.

Alan Durning, who helped author I-122, said hes pleased with how its working so far on its shakedown cruise in City Council races, which for the primary means Positions 8 and 9. It has helped a couple of candidates compete with well-funded rivals, said Durning, executive director of the nonprofit Sightline Institute.

As for the chambers bulging kitty, Durning said he doesnt think it has much to do with the four $25 vouchers sent to every registered voter in Seattle. He sees it as part of a national trend in elections flowing from a 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision barring restrictions on independent political expenditures by corporations, unions and other groups.

Bob Mahon, a former chairman of the watchdog Seattle Ethics and Elections Commission, disagrees. Mahon said its not likely money will be squeezed out of politics by I-122, but will be driven to less transparent forms of expenditures including IEs.

There isnt enough evidence to show democracy vouchers are causing this, Mahon said. But there is a correlation developing, he said, that increased IEs are occurring after limits were lowered on contributions to candidates. The chamber PAC already has raised more than it did for the 2013 and 2015 city elections combined.

Theres another issue: Just three of 15 City Council candidates have qualified for vouchers at this point all in Position 8 and not all are happy about the hurdles theyve faced.

As of Friday, less than 1 percent of the 2.1 million vouchers mailed to voters have been available for use by candidates. To qualify, they had to collect contributions from 400 Seattle residents whose signatures have been verified by elections officials.

Vouchers arent being used in this years mayoral election. Proponents wanted to allow time for voucher funds, infused with $3 million a year in property taxes, to stockpile and give them a trial run before applying the experiment to the citys highest office, Durning said.

Vouchers and IEs have been most prominent in the primary for City Council Position 8.

Moneywise, three candidates stand out in a deep field (the top two vote-getters on Tuesday, as in all primary races, advance to the Nov. 7 general election).

Jon Grant, an affordable-housing activist, set out in the winter to start gathering vouchers. Grant accumulated the maximum amount in voucher-contributions, $150,000, allowed in the primary under the agreed-upon spending cap.

Teresa Mosqueda, a labor-movement leader, was the second council candidate to qualify. As of Friday, Mosqueda had $104,825 in vouchers.

Sara Nelson, a business owner and former City Council aide, chose not to use vouchers, so she is not tied to a spending cap or lower maximum contributions ($250 as opposed to $500).

Nelson has received $130,335 in contributions, with nearly half coming from $500-maximum contributions.

An IE campaign supporting her, People for Sara Nelson, has reported $120,696 in contributions and spending obligations. The chief donors are the chambers PAC whose biggest contributors are Amazon, Vulcan and developer Richard Hedreen and a hotel and restaurant group, Seattle Hospitality for Progress.

Under I-122 rules, when the IE backing Nelson and her own campaign contributions exceeded the primary spending cap that Grant and Mosqueda had agreed to, it triggered a sort of fairness doctrine: Those two were then free to collect and spend contributions above the cap.

During the 2015 campaign for democracy vouchers, critics including Mahon predicted I-122 would lead to such a double-dip with candidates raising the full amount of vouchers, then opting out of spending caps and raising unlimited additional campaign cash.

Two labor-funded IEs popped up to support Mosqueda. One has $108,519 in contributions and spending obligations. The other has spent $9,882 for Mosqueda.

Grant is backed by an IE called Affordable Seattle that has reported spending $1,627. Its top contribution has come as in-kind labor from the Socialist Alternative organization.

Although outnumbered on the IE front, Grant remains one of the best-funded candidates, said his campaign manager John Wyble. That wouldnt have happened before vouchers, Wyble said. When Grant ran for council in 2015, losing to incumbent Tim Burgess, he raised less than $75,000 through the November election.

Democracy vouchers aim to give candidates a path to a competitive campaign for city office without spending half their time dialing for dollars, Durning said. It doesnt try to create a level playing field where theyll have the exact same support as everyone else. And on that criterion Id say it has succeeded.

Its worth questioning, though, Durning said, whether the bar to qualify for vouchers is too high.

Hisam Goueli seems to be the kind of candidate democracy-voucher proponents were thinking about when they said in the 2015 Voters Pamphlet that I-122 would encourage more women, people of color and young people to run for office.

Goueli, 39, says he would be the first openly gay Muslim elected to office in the U.S. if he won his bid for council Position 8. He was the candidate closest, but still short of qualifying for democracy vouchers on Friday morning when he said he stood two short of the 400 qualifying contributions and signatures.

As time to use vouchers in the primary was running out, Goueli was waiting for city officials to verify more signatures with King County Elections, a process that takes about two weeks, according to the Seattle Ethics and Elections Commission.

His experience with democracy vouchers has been tragic and heartbreaking, he said.

Goueli, a doctor, said he couldve financed his campaign with contributions from medical-profession friends outside Seattle and Washington. But he opted for democracy vouchers instead.

He said collecting signatures for his Seattle contributors took an exorbitant amount of time. Its the opposite of how democracy vouchers are supposed to work, he said. Instead of getting my message out, Im trying to get democracy vouchers.

Late Friday afternoon Goueli received an email from the city elections commission saying, You are in! He would get $14,775 in vouchers he had collected.

The news was bittersweet. He would have almost no time to use his vouchers to reach voters, many of whom had already marked their mail-in ballots by that time.

He said he thinks qualifying signatures should not have to come from contributors. Rather, the two processes should be separate, with signature gathering not requiring a financial commitment.

If you dont have a machine backing you its very difficult to do, he said of qualifying.

But the voucher rules require signatures from contributors as a safeguard against fraud, which occurred in Portlands public-financing system when a volunteer forged qualifying signatures for a City Council candidate.

The city elections commission is empowered to change elements of the voucher program between election cycles, Durning said.

Durning said his biggest fear about democracy vouchers is that IEs would try to push vouchers to favored candidates. If the American Plastic Manufacturers Association wanted to come in and set up a door-to-door canvass to overturn our plastic-bag fee, legally they could do that, and urge people to give vouchers to candidates they want, he said.

I regard this year as something of a relief because we havent had anyone try to subvert the system, he said.

At least not yet.

Its too early to tell, said Wayne Barnett, executive director of the city elections commission, about the overall impact of vouchers and I-122. We havent had a single vote counted in an election where democracy vouchers have been used.

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Seattle's democracy vouchers haven't kept big money out of primary election - The Seattle Times

Israel Democracy Institute VP leaves post – The Jerusalem Post

Round table discussion at the Israel Democracy Institute.. (photo credit:JONKLINGER/ WIKIMIEDA COMMONS)

Hebrew University law professor emeritus Mordechai Kremnitzer is stepping down as vice president of research at the Israel Democracy Institute. He will be replaced in January by the dean of the Faculty of Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Prof. Yuval Shany, IDI announced Sunday morning.

Kremnitzer served as IDIs vice president for a decade and has been part of the institute for 24 years. He is a former dean of the Hebrew University Faculty of Law and once served as director of the Israeli Press Council.

Since 2011, Kremnitzer has been part of the Public Council of BTselem - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories. A source at IDI said Kremnitzer taking a lesser role had nothing to do with his views or those of the organizations with which he is involved. The groups executive director, Hagai El-Ad, appeared before the UN Security Council to call for the UN to take action against Israels settlements in October. Kremnitzer said he was leaving the IDI post during a challenging time for Israeli democracy.

I believe the struggle to defend Israeli democracy requires changing the guard and new consideration of how to approach this struggle, said Kremnitzer. There is no one more fit than Professor Yuval Shany to full this role.

Shany is a fellow at IDIs Center for Security and Democracy. He holds the Hersch Lauterpacht Chair in International Law at Hebrew University and has been a member of the United Nations Human Rights Committee since 2013.

Mordechai Kremnitzer is a man of principles, IDI president Yohanan Plesner said. His practical wisdom, integrity, and intellectual courage created a wonderful combination of professional abilities while serving as a guiding light of values for many.

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Israel Democracy Institute VP leaves post - The Jerusalem Post

Letter to the Editor: Socialism, communism, and the young liberal left – New Haven Register

Political theory lessons have been ignored by the current beliefs of the young liberal left as witnessed by Bernie Sanders popularity and support of the leftist ideas of the Democrats. Their tactics of shouting down any opposing viewpoints and labeling anyone who opposes them discourages debate.

The New Haven Register has assisted in enabling the counter-argument to the misguided thought that socialism is a preferred system to American capitalism. In the July 22 edition, a letter which listed the evils of the Trump extremist agenda contained all the catchphrases that young liberals have spouted since President Trumps campaign and election. In a July 8 confrontation on the Green, a group gathered to resist socialism was labeled a white supremacist, nationalistic, misogynistic, hate group. The writers reiterated the rhetoric of the liberal left verbatim while encouraging resistance to any Trump agenda. The letter was signed: Jahmal Henderson and Joelle Fishman, members of the Winchester-Newhall Club of the Communist Party, USA.

Young liberal left thought prefers socialism. The fact that socialism is a direct step toward communism is ignored. The letter is textbook propaganda that self-proclaimed communists extol. Hopefully, the similarities with the liberal left rhetoric are apparent. Liberals should realize that ultra-left Democrats policies are what Americans historically have fought against. Communism is a failed social and political system. These writers choice of words and phrases correspond to those used by the liberal left youth at rallies and demonstrations. Any policies encouraging a movement toward socialism can only endanger the future.

Sal Squeglia

New Haven

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Letter to the Editor: Socialism, communism, and the young liberal left - New Haven Register

EXPLAINER: A Five Minute Guide To Understanding Socialism Vs Capitalism – New Matilda

Isms by their very nature can be confusing. Michael Brull breaks down twoof the really important ones.

A spectre is haunting the West once again. In the United States of America, the most popular politician by a mile is Bernie Sanders. In the United Kingdom, the socialist leader of the Labour Party Jeremy Corbyn came close to overthrowing the Tory government in one election campaign.

In Greece, the major parties were tossed out one by one and replaced by Syriza. Spain saw Podemos become one of its largest parties. In France, Jean-Luc Melenchon ran an insurgent campaign from the left, threatening to possibly become a presidential candidate one day.

Since the end of the Cold War, many in the West felt that capitalism had finally triumphed. It seems that socialism is reviving in the West. I thought it might be helpful to some readers to explain: what is socialism?

Perhaps we should first ask: what is capitalism?

As we take it for granted, some readers may not be able to think of an answer. Whatever we have now is capitalism, right?

Well, not really. Like basically every country in the world, we have a mixed economy. To understand that we dont really have socialism or capitalism, let us first try to broadly understand what comprises an economy.

Firstly, there is the workplace. A workplace can be privately owned, it can be socially owned, or it can have a combination of the two. So for example, if you work in a shop, that shop may be owned by a rich person, or by a company which is owned by its shareholders. In that case, it is privately owned. That is one of the primary features of capitalism.

Another model may be one where the shop is owned by the government. In that case, the workers work for the government. A final model is one where the shop is owned by the workers.

In the three models, the conditions under which the workers operate may vary. In the third model, the workers may have the most freedom and autonomy to determine their own working conditions. In this sense, it may be considered a relatively democratic workplace.

If one worker mistreats another in the shop, they can sort out their disagreements equitably. This model, of workers control, is considered socialist.

Compare this to the privately owned shop. The boss has a lot of power over her employees, and may abuse that power. That power may be regulated by the government, which can impose limitations on how employers can treat their staff. These regulations can improve the conditions of workers. These are also considered contrary to the capitalist model.

In the case of the government owning the workplace, this can be consistent with socialist, capitalist, or even fascist economies. If the state has control over its workers, that does not necessarily entail anything about their working conditions. The state can exploit workers just the same as rich people can.

Regulating workplaces to increase the control of workers and limit the power of employers to oppress and ill-treat their workers can be regarded as a socialist reform. But it is only one part of the economy.

The point to make here is that we do not have a purely capitalist or socialist economy. We have a mixed economy, which combines private ownership, public ownership, and government regulations of workplaces.

The other major component of an economy is the distribution of goods.

The capitalist model is that how goods are to be distributed is to be determined by free markets. That is, if Bill wants to buy bread, and Sam wants to sell bread, they sort it out among themselves.

Millions or billions of these tiny transactions each day theoretically take place in the market. People buy and sell things, and that communicates what they want, and creates the right balance between production and consumption.

An alternative model for distributing goods is through some form of planning the economy. For example, suppose Bill doesnt have enough money to buy bread. In a free market, sucks to be Bill. He starves to death.

People with enough money buy bread. If the price of bread is too high for everyone, no one can buy it, so the bread-sellers lower their prices to a more reasonable price. If Bill is the only person down on his luck, too bad.

Thus, one element of economic planning is redistributing goods, so that the worse off get some money from the richest. This takes the form of things like welfare and progressive taxation.

Markets have other issues. For example, if Bill wants to buy bread, and Sam wants to sell bread, they are in a competitive and anti-social dynamic. Bill wants to get the bread as cheaply as he can, and Sam wants to sell it for as much as he can, even if Bill isnt that hungry. Thus, Sam might launch an advertising extravaganza, to convince people that his bread is extremely cool, and anyone who wants to be trendy will eat his bread.

This kind of distortion is one way misleading signals can be created about how goods should be distributed. Theoretically this isnt supposed to happen in a free market, but it is what happens in practice.

Another issue is called externalities. Suppose Sam can make bread in an expensive way, which will be good for the environment, or a cheap way, which will poison a nearby lake and ruin a nearby park.

Under the market, Sam would be dumb to choose the expensive way. The cheaper way may be bad for the environment, but that is not his problem.

In making bread, he has to compete with other bread-makers. If he is foolish enough to be scrupulous, his competitors will get an advantage, and may use their extra revenue on creating more product, misleading advertising and so on.

The market encourages Sam and all other bread-makers to ignore the external costs, and simply focus on trying to gain personal economic advantages where possible.

This also raises the issue of market discipline. If everyone is trying to make a profit, and competing with each other to do so, this affects the nature of work and the end product.

Suppose you own Sams bakery. To make a living, you need the bakery to be as profitable as possible. How do you wring out a profit?

One way is through what is called efficiency. If you can streamline the work process, so that workers do the simplest, most monotonous job, with the least personal initiative, there will be less training and supervision required, which will cut down on costs.

If you make your employers work for less money, have shorter lunch breaks, monitor how long they go to the bathroom, limit workplace conversations and so on, you can further increase the efficiency of the workplace. The work itself will become terrible, but this may help squeeze out profit.

Then there are the merits of producing the cheapest, most generic crowd-pleasing food. McDonalds makes food which is unhealthy, but it tastes the same everywhere. The market encourages McDonalds type food, in the same way it encourages trashy generic spectacles in the cinemas.

If things are produced for profit, that is not the same as if things are produced to be valuable, or beautiful. A bakery that produces food for a loyal clientele does not produce the same type of food as a franchise bakery. This is not to say that everything produced under market pressures is bad. It is to suggest that it creates a pressure that often lends itself to a familiar type of result: Starbucks, Bakers Delight and so on.

When an economy is planned, the work dynamics are different. Government employees can be inefficient their budget is fixed, so they dont need to constantly search for new ways to cut corners and save costs.

Planning can take many forms. The government can decide it wants to see renewable energy take off, and pour funds into renewable energy research and businesses, to the point that it challenges competitors. The government could impose regulations on businesses, so that they dont open on Sundays, or so that people cannot work more than a 5-hour day.

The benefits of planning an economy are obvious. Under a free market, whatever happens, happens. If someone becomes rich and someone starves, that is what the market orders. If a few people corner a market, gain a monopoly and start jacking up their prices, that too is simply something that can happen under a free market.

The idea of economic planning is changing parts of the economy in pursuit of other goods, such as environmental sustainability, or equality.

It is the view of capitalists that such planning introduces distortions that lead to disaster for everyone.

Socialists tend to agree on the value of workers control, but have mixed views on markets. Some wish to abolish markets completely. Others regard markets as unavoidable, but simply hope to regulate them. That is, they wish to balance markets with aspects of a planned economy, so that the goods sought under market interventions can be balanced with people buying and selling goods, under certain regulations.

In theory, right-wingers are pro-capitalism, and favour free markets. Yet a free market can produce bad outcomes, even for those with many advantages. Thus, once a person has gained enough wealth under the free market, they may then use their wealth to try to pressure the government to give their wealth proper security.

In theory, everyones vote is equal in a democracy. In practice, a country with a handful of billionaires will find that some people have more influence than others.

It should also be noted: businesses dont exist in a free market. They are legal constructs, which have evolved over time. For example, corporations offer limited liability and tax concessions. These regulations wouldnt exist in a free market. However, as they are regarded as useful by the rich, they are regarded as a natural part of capitalism, rather than a business construct with strengths and weaknesses.

Australia has a mixed economy. Medicare, welfare, progressive taxation and so on are all forms of market intervention. Unions are far weaker today than they were 40 years ago. Workers rarely control their working situation. However, in some industries, workers have more power than they do in others, as they operate under the protection of relatively strong unions. We also have legislation that protects some rights of workers.

It should be noted that whilst market interventions are typically favoured by socialists, they are also supported by the right and big business. For example, Guy Pearse, Bob Burton and David McKnight estimated fossil fuel subsidies in Australia at somewhere between $9 and $12 billion.

To help the Adani megamine in Queensland get on its feet, the Queensland government is giving it a tax concession worth some $320 million. The Federal and NSW Governments have spent some $16 billion on Westconnex, a toll road whose profits will go to a private company when it is finished. In a free market, the company would have to raise its own money to build a road. Instead, the public paid for it, and when it is completed, a private business will reap the profits.

The pros and cons of who owns a workplace, or planning an economy, are relatively abstract. A case can be made about the downsides of markets, or the benefits of letting workers have control over their own lives at work. Yet in practice, the revival of socialism isnt about abstract arguments. It is about leftist politicians connecting their ideological preferences to policies that would offer material improvements to the lives of millions of constituents.

In the US, that means Bernie Sanders talking about reducing the power and influence of Wall Street on American politics. It means talking about giving healthcare to the millions of Americans who cannot afford medical costs.

In the UK, that means Jeremy Corbyn talking about things like government investment in public housing, and free university education. It means increasing taxes on the top five per cent of income earners, and reinvesting that money on large-scale infrastructure investments. It means renationalising public utilities.

In Australia, socialism is not presently on the political agenda. On the left wing of the ALP, MP Anthony Albanese spent the last federal campaign red-baiting his Greens opponent for opposing capitalism.

Of course, neoliberal centre-left parties were also ascendant in many other Western countries. Until they werent. If socialism is to revive in Australia, it will be when the right type of policies are connected to the right constituencies. People who cant afford public housing, who live in areas with lousy infrastructure and public transport, people who cant find reliable jobs with security and so on.

Rather than letting the market sort it all out, leftists can develop the kind of polices that can make meaningful differences in peoples lives.

Socialism isnt on the public agenda yet. But theres no reason we cant put it there.

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EXPLAINER: A Five Minute Guide To Understanding Socialism Vs Capitalism - New Matilda