Mediaboss Marketing

May 4th, 2012, by admin

Welcome to Kentucky NSA!

Kentucky NSA tournament brackets and information will be posted below this year. Draws will occur on the Tuesday proceeding the tournament start date and brackets will be posted no later than Wednesday evening.

Additional tournament information such as hotel information, team check in times and procedures and managers meetings will be posted here as well. Please be sure and check this drop down for your tournament before heading to the park!

All tournament results will be posted at http://www.playnsa.com under the Tournaments button.

TOURNAMENT UPDATES:

Good luck to all teams! Thanks for playing!

REMINDER: If you drop out of a tournament after the draw is completed, you are still responsible for full payment of the tournament entry fee. Failure to pay this fee may result in the team being suspended until paid.

BRACKETS AND PACKETS

ADULTS Brackets

GIRLS FAST PITCH Brackets

WORLD SERIES Brackets Packets

Categories: Uncategorized

More:
Tournament Information and Brackets Kentucky NSA Softball

Libertarians secretly worried that ultimately someone will figure out the whole of their political philosophy boils down to 'get off my property.' News flash: This is not really a big secret to the rest of us.

Libertarianism is, at its simplest, the antonym of authoritarianism.[2] The term has been around since the beginning of the 20th century or earlier and was primarily used for self-identification with anarcho-syndicalism and labor movements. In the USA, the term was adopted by the Foundation for Economic Education think tank in the 1950's[3] to describe a political and social philosophy that advocates laissez-faire capitalism as a panacea for virtually everything. Non-libertarians view this as synonymous with oligarchic plutocracy after the fashion of the American Gilded Age, while the reality-based community tends to realize that one cannot just yank economic theories out of the air and magically expect them to work.

This anti-government phenomenon is found primarily in the United States, likely due to Americans' extensive experience with dysfunctional government, coupled with their unawareness of the existence of other countries. Historically, and almost everywhere other than America still today, the term has been associated with libertarian socialism and anarchism. The adoption of the libertarian label by advocates of free market economics is an ironic example of their tendency to take credit for other people's ideas.

The US political party most aligned with libertarianism is the Libertarian Party, "America's Third Largest Party,"[4] whose candidate obtained 1.3 million, or 0.99% of the popular vote in the 2012 Presidential election.[5] This, compared to 0.32% of the popular vote[6] in the 2004 Presidential election, was considered by many libertarians to be "an improvement."

There is also an "Objectivist Party," formed as a spin-off from the Libertarian Party by those who thought that the party's 2008 presidential candidate, Bob Barr, was too left-wing,[7] and a Boston Tea Party (no connection other than ideological to that other tea party) formed as a spin-off by those who thought the Libertarian Party had become too right-wing on foreign policy and civil liberties after the LP deleted much of its platform in 2006.

Basically everyone agrees with libertarians on something, but they tend to get freaked out just as quickly by the ideologys other stances.

The dominant form of libertarianism (as found in the US) is an ideology based largely on Austrian school economics, which relies on axioms, rather than empirical analysis to inform economic and social policy. That said, the branch of libertarianism that has had the most success in influencing public policy is primarily informed by the Chicago school.

Proponents of libertarianism frequently cite the "Non-Aggression Principle" (NAP) as the moral basis of their ideology. The NAP states that everyone is free to do whatever they want with their lives and property, so long as it does not directly interfere with the freedom of others to do the same. Under this rule, you may only use "force" in response to prior inappropriate force against the life and/or property of yourself or others. Compare and contrast with John Stuart Mill's "The Harm Principle." The critical difference between the two is that libertarians completely oppose the preemptive use of force. By contrast, Mill and other classical liberals believe that the preemptive use of force to prevent likely future harm can be justified.

Under any logical scrutiny it becomes evident that the precise definition of aggression is highly subjective and supposes a strict libertarian definition of property.[11] The NAP can therefore be used in almost any way its user intends, by changing the definition of aggression to suit their particular opinion/agenda. For example, throwing someone in prison for massive tax evasion is seen as an act of aggression by the state, whereas selling someone cigarettes knowing they will kill that person is not seen as aggression.

Libertarians believe that government is the greatest, and perhaps the only, threat to the freedom of an individual. For this reason, they are closely associated with opposition to gun control, government surveillance, entitlements, and prohibitory drug policy.

The primary functions of government they allow are:

As one moves down the spectrum towards the extremes, more and more things normally handled by the police and criminal courts are instead handled by civil courts, and eventually even the civil courts are privatized.[12]

Libertarians oppose most forms of taxation (as taxes are "theft of property by force"), and any function of government outside of a small wish list of things they like. Additionally, they are against the use of taxes to deal with externalities, commons, or free rider problems. Their most common remedy for these problems involve the use of civil suits to deal with (negative) externalities, and the privatization of all commons, which allows for civil suits to handle harms to this "private" property. Of course, these answers are woefully inadequate in practice.[13]

Libertarians advocate extensive individual rights - a logical consequence of their core beliefs. Libertarians advocate a society where "anything that's peaceful and voluntary" is allowed so long as it does not infringe on anyone else's life, liberty, or property, or engender force or fraud. However, the exact nature of a right as "positive" or "negative" differs among libertarians. For example, one might say smoking in public is a personal liberty that affects nobody, whereas another would say it forces second-hand smoke upon those around them, interfering with their own right to not inhale smoke (note that most libertarians who are fed their talking points from think tanks fall into the former category thanks to second-hand smoke denialism).

The libertarian belief against the prior use of force also extends into foreign policy. This is sometimes referred to as a "non-interventionist" foreign policy. Most of them are not pacifists, however; they strongly promote the concept of self-defense, and usually accept national defense as one of the few legitimate functions of government.

Despite (or maybe because of) their extreme reverence for the United States Constitution (particularly an originalist reading of the Bill of Rights), libertarians are rarely elected to office. Cynics have suggested that refusal to provide adequate pork for their district hurts their chances in congressional elections. Other cynics point out that if they don't win an election in the first place, how can their "porcine provision" skills be tested?

The narrow usage of "libertarian" as a label is also a cause, as some who take "moderate libertarian" positions are frequently called a "free-market liberal/Democrat" or a "pro-____ rights conservative/Republican" - or even derisive epithets like "libt kiddies."

Many libertarians found the political philosophy through one of a small number of influential fiction books. The works of novelist Ayn Rand (The Fountainhead, Atlas Shrugged) and Robert Heinlein (The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress) are often cited. For example, many libertarians in the United States might quote Rand's Atlas Shrugged when they speak of government:

The only proper functions of a government are: the police, to protect you from criminals; the army, to protect you from foreign invaders; and the courts, to protect your property and contracts from breach or fraud by others, to settle disputes by rational rules, according to objective law.

Not that confusing, right?

Other libertarians may point to such works of non-fiction as Libertarianism in One Lesson by David Bergland, which posit a clear set of axioms and then delineate how society might follow them and how it would be best for everyone.

Many libertarians claim to be descendants of "classical liberals" (hence their irritating line about "Who are the real liberals?") though many "classical liberals" were decidedly more moderate than the current U.S. libertarian movement in that they were willing to accept more government regulations and taxes.[15] In light of this, modern libertarianism can be better described as a radical offshoot of classical liberalism.

Internet libertarians tend to be annoying teenagers. As an anonymous commenter on Charlie Stross's Bitcoin rant put it, their concerns precisely mirror those of privileged teenagers:[16]

Pretty much every libertarian position can be understood in that frame of restrictive but benevolent authority being the root of all 'real' problems. It's a rare parent who literally tortures their kids, so torture is, at best, not a 'real' issue, not a priority. But many make them do stuff for their health, so mandatory health insurance is a big deal. Pretty much no parents kill their child with drones, many read their diaries. And so on.

So to libertarians, Bitcoin is like wages from a fast food job as opposed to an allowance; lets you buy what you want without someone else having a veto. Only money that doesn't judge you can be considered entirely yours...

While a preference for maximum personal freedom is pretty much universal throughout most of the political spectrum (though less so on the fringes), libertarianism presents several difficulties:

Systems that attempt to boil themselves down to "a few simple rules" are seldom actually simple; for example, ancient Judaism's Deuteronomic reforms started out as just about half of the modern book of Deuteronomy, but eventually grew to encompass the whole Torah, large swaths of the rest of the Jewish Bible,[29] and ultimately to the vast body of commentary known as the Talmud. Esperanto, though defined in only sixteen grammatical rules, is actually quite a complex language, since its rules are defined in direct relation to established rules in Indo-European linguistics. Even some sports particularly golf have a strong element of common law in their rule systems.

There is essentially no guarantee that a society built on a libertarian legal structure would remain that way without redeveloping some sort of common law structure, or even a statutory structure that codifies all precedents. Given that most societies governed by rule of law already have this, it's hard to see what would be accomplished other than a massive reinvention of the wheel.[30]

The United States, for instance, is technically almost a truly libertarian country, even today, since the only laws it has are to "adjudicate between free men." Starting with a base, at least at the federal level (after the collapse of the Articles of Confederation) of a fairly simple Constitution, and some Roman and English common law, the country's government has evolved as a balance between virtually total liberty, and adjudicating the inevitable conflicts that arise between free men (or, in the case of drug laws, sodomy laws, etc., between the government and one somewhat unfree man). This adjudication has taken the form both of legislation to deal with issues that arose, and judicial analysis of the application of such legislation. Of course, 240 years offers a lot of opportunity for "free men" to need adjudication, so now, to self-styled "libertarians," the results look needlessly complicated. Such is life in the real world.

Typically libertarians argue that people should be free to do whatever they like as long as it doesn't hurt others. While this idea may seem very simple at first glance, the problem is that what "hurts" people and what doesn't is very nuanced. For instance, it is common for libertarians to oppose laws which reduce air pollution even though the latter can have a severe impact on the health of others, even if it is assumed that global warming is a gummint conspiracy to justify raising our taxes; more so than many direct acts of violence. It is also common for them to oppose laws mandating car drivers to wear seatbelts, even though seeing a person die as the result of not wearing one can have a major psychological effect on onlookers. Similarly, they may oppose anti-smoking campaigns as an unwarranted intrusion on personal liberty, while ignoring the financial burden imposed by smoking-related illnesses on both private insurance and taxpayer-funded health care. [31]

While libertarians all generally agree on the premise of the Non-Aggression Axiom, there are internal rifts and disagreement over what extent the Non-Aggression Axiom applies to. On the one hand, there are the Libertarian Party types (colloquially called "minarchists") who take a position of advocating minimal government, and on the other there are the market anarchists who believe that all the services the government provides are unjust monopolies, which the free market can handle better if let go of by the state. Market anarchists can be split into two groups, "anarcho-mutualists" who believe in a free market but not in capitalism or class, and anarcho-capitalists who believe in completely unregulated capitalism.

There is usually little room in between these two, but even then, there are still different branches within these umbrella terms. On the Minarchist side of the libertarian ideology, there are paleolibertarians, who advocate a strong return to the Constitution and are somewhat conservative in their arguments to preserve moral law, much like the Old Right paleoconservatives. Ron Paul, who is often viewed as a libertarian, would more fit the paleoconservative/libertarian framework. Additionally, there exist the geo-libertarians (who advocate simply a tax on all land),[32] neo-libertarians (often regarded not in any sense as libertarians, as their political views conflict with the very principles of the Non-Aggression Axiom), and other branches with their own nuances. On the anarchist side of the spectrum, things tend to be more homogeneous, with the major disagreements usually only amounting to how to achieve a libertarian society and solutions to ethical dilemmas.

This ideological division occurs not only externally in political theory, but philosophically as well. On the one side, there are the deontological natural rights theorists (Murray Rothbard being the most prominent advocate), and on the other are the utilitarian libertarians (David D. Friedman is often the most associated with this view). A few minority nihilists and radical subjectivists exist within these circles, but these views are often seen to be in conflict with the general premises laid out by the Non-Aggression Axiom.

The word "libertarianism" was used before the current usage came about to refer to anarchists, who are against hierarchies brought about by stratified classes and a state controlled by the wealthy elites, and thus oppose capitalism. Many call themselves 'libertarian socialists' a philosophy championed by Noam Chomsky. The use of "libertarianism" to describe anarchy dates back to the late 1850s, with Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social being the name of a journal published by anarchist Joseph Dejacque. The term 'libertarian communism' originated in the 1880s, when the French anarchist congress adopted it. As late as 1954, a largely anarcho-syndicalist movement named The Libertarian League was set up in the US.

The current Libertarian Party in the US only came into being in early 1970s, well over 100 years after anarchists had begun using the term to describe themselves. In the US, to quote Murray Bookchin:

As late as the 1990s, the Libertarian Labor Review newspaper promoted anarcho-syndicalism while still using the libertarian label. Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled his underground-economy based "agorism" as left-libertarianism, while claiming influence from right-libertarians like Rothbard. The term may also accurately describe Karl Hess, the former Goldwater Republican and Cold Warrior who aligned himself with Murray Rothbard for a few years, then swung to the hard left during the late 1960s and 1970s and joined the New Left.[33]

There are a number of areas where the more "rational" libertarians and liberals have overlapping concerns, notably, opposition to corporate welfare and the military-industrial complex, and valuing personal liberty and freedom of speech. Too bad so many libertarians are anti-environmentalist gun nuts.

There is a good deal of overlap between these groups, but the hardliners tend to lavish hate on each other:

Deontological anarchists that adhere to the teachings of Murray Rothbard. Most anarcho-capitalists adhere to the Austrian School, though David D. Friedman opts for the utilitarian Chicago School. A few others follow the pure pacifism of Robert LeFevre. Modern examples include Adam Kokesh, who claims the only real anarchists are anarcho-capitalists, and Walter Block of the LvMI.

Samuel Edward Konkin III's philosophy of agorism was described by Konkin himself as a particularly concentrated strain of Rothbardianism, but Konkin and adherents consider(ed) themselves part of the libertarian left. This may be fair, since Konkin coinages like Kochtopus have entered the general leftist lexicon.

The more utilitarian of the bunch and usually associated more with the Chicago school than the Austrian school. The term "Beltway" is used as a pejorative by the hardline anarchists and deontological types to paint them as sell-outs because they've gotten some traction in DC. Prominent Beltway types include Thomas Sowell, Nick Gillespie and the late Milton Friedman.

Usually conspiracy nuts, survivalists, Sovereign citizen types, or gold bugs who think the gummint is out to get them. There are white supremacists and dominionists who want to bring back "states' rights" to resurrect segregation or official state religions, or both. Also includes fans of the seasteading, micronation, and vonu movements, "life extension," Galambosianism, Liberty Dollars, and pretty much anything from the Loompanics book catalog. Finally, there are those who take up the mantle of libertarianism because it opposes some federal law they don't like. This usually includes prostitutes, potheads, polygamists, woo-meisters, and peddlers of some form of illegal quackery. May suffer from an excess of colloidal silver in the bloodstream. Alex Jones is the epitome of the crank magnet libertarian.

A term coined by Lew Rockwell. Their policies are mostly the same as the "Taft Republicans" of the Old Right. They are advocates of the Austrian school, originalism, states' rights, strict Constitutionalism, and generally socially conservative despite opposing the drug war and "bedroom laws." Ron Paul falls into this camp. Many conspiracy nuts are also paleolibertarians, such as the almighty Alex Jones mentioned above, Texe Marrs and Mark Dice.

Largely the venerable predecessors of the modern libertarian movement, who were an influence on Rothbard but rejected anarchism, influenced Rand but rejected orthodox Objectivism, etc.

Usually generic deontological minarchist libertarians, the only difference being that they identify themselves with the tenets of Objectivism. Rand herself hated the Libertarian Party and denounced them as poseurs.[34]Alan Greenspan is probably the most famous Randroid, and we all know what happened there.

Generally Silicon Valley inhabitants who attempt to apply hacker culture to politics. Lots of overlap with techno-utopian movements like transhumanism and Singularitarianism. Also overlaps with the seasteading, life extension, and digital-currency crank magnets. The most likely of any of these groups to oppose intellectual property rights, traditionally supported by other types of libertarians. See also Eric S. Raymond, Bitcoin, and Anonymous. Ironically, technological leaps have made surveillance of citizens easier than ever before in human history.

Their true ideological motivations are unknown, but they use the language of the "free market" to shill for corporations that don't want to deal with regulations or taxes. They can usually be found at some DC think tank cranking out bogus research while being bankrolled by Koch Industries or Exxon. Steve Milloy is a prime example.

People who say they are libertarians, but dutifully pull the lever for most anyone with an "R" after their name (not, however, for Ron Paul) every election. In between elections they shill for military interventionism, and attack liberals, but never conservatives, for being enemies of liberty. And lot of Al Gore bashing. Their idea of a "libertarian Republican" is Rudy Giuliani. Their only real claim to being libertarians is their irreverent attitude, but this really just boils down to being a jerk for the sake of being a jerk. Glenn Reynolds and Matt Drudge have made a lucrative career pushing their buttons.

Those whose main attraction to libertarianism is civil liberties of the ACLU sort, anti-war issues, gay rights, marijuana, privacy, police abuses, womens lib, conscription, and so forth. They may view liberals as unreliable on these issues, or they may hold conservative economic views, and prefer to align with libertarians. The Cato Institute used to emphasize outreach to them in its early years via Inquiry magazine and The Libertarian Review. Today, Radley Balko and Carol Moore might be prominent examples, as was (until his recent death) American Indian Movement activist Russell Means. Arguably the most reasonable out of the bunch.

Those for whom the Libertarian Party and the libertarian movement are one and the same thing. Ideologically suspect to the more hard-core, they differ from Beltway libertarians primarily in that they prefer to throw all their effort into building the Libertarian Party instead of trying to get cred inside the Beltway. They typically want to trim and gut the party platform to attract more people, and/or disseminate an oversimplified version of the libertarian message in the name of "effective communication." Fond of using the World's Smallest Political Quiz and other materials from the Advocates for Self-Government. See Michael Cloud, Carla Howell, former Alaska state representative Dick Randolph, 1980 LP presidential nominee Ed Clark, and 2013 Virginia gubernatorial candidate Robert Sarvis.

Usually refers to fans of Ron Paul, who express their rabid support for him through the Internet. More recently, it has come to refer to irritating "Internet libertarians" in general who find a home for themselves on certain Internet sites, especially YouTube, and proceed to "upvote" everything that agrees with their worldview while "downvoting" anyone who disagrees with it en masse. Any site with an upvote/downvote system (i.e. Urban Dictionary, ABC News... hell, it's easier to list sites they haven't taken over at this point) is up for grabs for these people, and there tends to be heavy overlap with the crank magnets, Austrian schoolers, and, oddly, the online MRA movement. When not shilling for Ron Paul, being conspiracy nuts, or just being unbelievably self-righteous in general their favorite pastimes usually include rambling about Barack Obama, excessive quote mining of Paul Krugman (and it's always Krugman), and using snarl words such as "fascist," "sheeple," "statist," etc.

Refers to conservatives, neocons, Christian rightists, etc., who have no clue what libertarianism is, but simply identify as "libertarian" because it "sounds more hip," or to avoid association with the Republican Party. Many of these fake libertarians think that anti-federalism and libertarianism are the same thing (ex. a Christian fundamentalist "libertarian" who complains about the Nanny state and cries for smaller federal government - so that Alabama can criminalize homosexuality, pornography, and abortion on the state level). Another example would be right-wing talk radio host Neal Boortz who identifies as a libertarian, but supported the federal government spying on anti-Iraq war protesters.

The following institutions and groups are closely or loosely associated with modern libertarianism:

Continued here:
Libertarianism - RationalWiki

Ukraine

While tourists are unlikely to be the intended targets of violence, current protests cause complications to visitors, since services are disrupted.

Ukraine (Ukrainian: ) is a country in Eastern Europe. It lies at the northwest end of the Black Sea, with Russia to the east, Belarus to the north, Poland to the northwest, Slovakia and Hungary to the west, and Romania to the south west and south, with Moldova in between.

Most of the country (the central and eastern portions) was formerly a part of Russian Empire; after the October Revolution and the Civil War, the entire country, known as the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, was a part of the Soviet Union. Ukraine is the second-largest country in Europe, albeit with a slightly declining population.

Ukraine's population is rapidly reducing because of a combination of low birth rate, increased mortality (especially amongst males) and low immigration coupled with high emigration for economic and cultural reasons. In the last three years it has probably lost more than a million of its citizens and in absolute terms has lost more of its population over the last decade than any other nation on earth.

Ukrainian history is long and proud. While this state fell prey to Mongol conquest, the western part of Ukraine became part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the 14th until the 18th century, even modern Ukraine owes it a debt of sorts. A subsequent Ukrainian state was able, in the face of pressure from the ascendant Muscovy, to remain autonomous for more than a century, but the Russian Empire absorbed much of Ukraine in the 18th century to the detriment of their culture and identity.

Despite a brief, but uncertain, flash of independence at the end of the czarist regime, Eastern Ukraine was incorporated into the new USSR after the Russian Civil War in 1922 and subject to two disastrous famines deliberately organized by the Soviet leaders, when millions of Ukrainians died of hunger, (1932-33 and 1946) as well as brutal fighting during World War II. When it comes to Western Ukraine, after 1918, when the old European empires fell after the 1st World War, Ukrainians were in conflict over this territory with Poles, which Poles eventually won. As an aftermath, between 1918 and 1939, Poland tried to forcibly polonize these lands with badly designed politics, which backfired and brought both hatred from ordinary Ukrainians and caused radical Ukrainian nationalists to organize terrorist attacks agains the Polish administration. These pre-2 World War mutual hostilities eventually led to the Volyn Genocide in 1943-44, when approximately 60000-100000 Poles were brutally killed by Ukrainian Uprising Army (UPA, OUN), which to this moment is rarely mentioned in Ukraine and still is the main bone of contention between Poles and Ukrainians standing in the way for reconciliation between these 2 nations.

As a Soviet republic, the Ukrainian language was often 'sidelined' when compared to Russian to varying degrees; Stalinist repressions during the 1930s, attempts at decentralisation during the Khrushchev administration and the tightening of control again during the Brezhnev-Kosygin era of the 1970s and early 1980s. In any case, the traditionally bilingual province had signs in both Russian and Ukrainian in virtually all cities, including Lviv, where Ukrainian is most prevalent. The 1986 Chernobyl accident was a further catastrophe to the republic but also widely considered as an event which, in the long run, galvanized the population in regional sentiment and led to increasing pressure on the central government to promote autonomy.

Ukraine declared its sovereignty within the Soviet Union in July 1990 as a prelude to unfolding events in the year to come. The Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's Parliament) again declared its independence in early December 1991 following the results of referendum in November 1991 which indicated overwhelming popular support (90% in favour of independence). This declaration became a concrete reality as the Soviet Union formally ceased to exist on 25 December 1991. Initially, there were severe economic difficulties, hyperinflation, and oligarch rule prevailed in the early years following independence. The issues of cronyism, corruption and alleged voting irregularities came to a head during the heavily-disputed 2004 Presidential election, where allegations of vote-rigging sparked what became known as the "Orange Revolution". This revolution resulted in the subsequent election of opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko as President. During ongoing five years the "Orange coalition" broke up and Viktor Yushchenko lost support of majority of Ukranians. Ironically, his former adversary Viktor Yanukovich was elected the President. in February of 2014, three months of street protests in Kyiv and all over Ukraine deposed Viktor Yanukovych after he refused to sign a deal with the European Union in November. In a disputed move, the Russian Federation annexed Crimea after the revolution. A pro-Russian insurgency (supported by Moscow) also followed in the Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts. Petro Poroshenko, a pro-Unity Ukrainian oligarch won the 2014 presidential election and is the fifth president of independent Ukraine. In 2015, the Donbass war is still ongoing and threatens to spread across the entire country, if Russia officially invades.

All entry requirements include the de-facto Russian controlled area of Crimea. All citizens of Ukraine(including Crimea) must show their passport in order to enter Donetsk Oblast and Luhansk Oblast while Foreign citizens must explain their purpose to visit the areas due to radical independence movements in the oblasts. Anyone who arrives at a checkpoint at the Russia-Ukraine border that isn't under the authority of Ukraine will not be allowed further entry into Ukraine.

Citizens of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Uzbekistan can visit and stay in Ukraine indefiniely visa free.

Citizens of Andorra, Brazil, Canada, European Union, Israel, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Panama, Paraguay, Russia, San Marino, South Korea, Tajikistan, the United States/American Samoa, and Vatican City can visit visa free for up to 90 days within a 180 day period. However, citizens of Kyrgyzstan, Montenegero, Paraguay, and Tajikistan must also have proof of sufficient funds when arriving in Ukraine. For citizens of Mongolia, the visa free only applies to service, tourist and private trips on conditions that documents certifying the purpose of the trip are provided.

Citizens of Argentina can visit visa free for up to 90 days within a 365 day period. Citizens of Brunei and Serbia can visit visa free for up to 30 days within a 60 day period. Citizens of Hong Kong can visit visa free for up to 14 days and must be sponsored by a Ukranian sponsor as well as holding a invitation letter from the sponsorer. Citizens of Turkey can visit visa free for up to 60 days.

Those holding a diplomatic or official/service passports of Albania, Cambodia, Chile, China, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Iran, Kuwait, Laos, Morocco, North Korea, Peru, Qatar, Singapore, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uruguay, Venezuela and Vietnam and only diplomatic passports of India and Mexico do not require a visa for Ukraine.

Citizens of Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, El Salvador, Mauritius, Seychelles can visit up to 15 days, provided that the citizens of the countries obtain a visa at the Kyiv Boryspil Airport. Citizens of Mauritius and Seychelles must also have proof of suffficient funds when arriving in Ukraine.

For other countries, visas are obtainable within a few hours of visiting a Ukrainian consulate having received a 'letter of invitation' from one's perspective lodging or business provider.

More information is available at Ukraine's Embassy in your country and/or the Foreign service departments of your national governments (or their embassy websites here in Ukraine).

Always know how much currency you have with you. Customs officials might inquire about the amount being brought into the country. It is prohibited to bring large amounts of Ukrainian currency (hryvnia) in to the country unless it was declared upon leaving Ukraine.

It is advisable to check in advance the customs regulations (e.g. the Boryspol Airport website, which has an English version) as rules and regulations have the habit of changing at short and unannounced notice.

When entering the country you will no longer normally be required to complete an immigration form. However, if your passport has no space for stamps, or you don't want it to be stamped, you can still fill out an immigration form at home and have it stamped instead of the passport.

Citizens of Australia, Albania, Guatemala, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand and Singapore do not require a invitation letter to visit Ukraine.

The cheapest way to fly into Ukraine is through the Boryspil (KBP) or Zhuliany (IEV) International Airports, both near Kiev. The main international hubs for these flights are Budapest, Frankfurt, London, Milan, Munich, Oslo, Prague, Rome, Vienna and Warsaw with several flights a day of Austrian AUA, CSA Czech Airlines, LOT, Lufthansa, Alitalia, Air France, British Airways, KLM, Norwegian; also Ukraine International, which code-shares on these routes with the respective carriers, and another Ukrainian carrier, AeroSvit. Special offers on flights come and go, depending on the whim of the carrier. Although rather simple way to reach all Ukrainian cities - flight trough Moscow (Russia) - Aeroflot, UTair, Aerosvit, Transaero, S7, Rossiya these airlines have several flights per day into all major cities, however as of 2015, Ukraine and Russia has suspended all flights between both countries, so you can't reach Ukraine from Russia in anyway via air.

Low-cost airline Wizzair started operations from other countries and within Ukraine as well. There are two other low cost carrier serving Ukraine. One of them is AirBaltic, with flights routing through either Riga, Latvia, or Vilnius, Lithuania. And the second one is Pegasus with flights from Istanbul to Kharkiv, Lviv, Donetsk. Be advised that if you have a lot of baggage, Wizzair offers 30kg against the others 20kg allowances.

There are several airlines which offer direct flights to cities like Dnipropetrovsk (Lufthansa), Donetsk (Lufthansa, Austrian), Odessa (LOT, Austrian, CSA Czech Airlines), Kharkiv (Austrian Airlines, Flydubai, Airarabia, Pegasus) and Lviv (LOT, Austrian Airlines), but they are more expensive.

To fly inside Ukraine, the most common airline is Ukraine International Airlines. It is the unofficial national airline, and its routes cover all of Ukraine's major destinations. Planes used are newer Boeing 737 aircraft. Aerosvit also introduced flights within the country from its hub in Kiev, mainly flying newer Boeing 737 and 767 aircraft. In 2012 one more airline became popular - UTair - it flies from the central Kiev airport (IEV) to Donetsk, Kharkiv, Lugansk, Lviv, Odessa. The fleet of UTair - several new (2012) ATR-72 and several (15-18-years) ATR-42.

There are daily direct overnight trains from Berlin, Vienna, Prague, Warsaw, Belgrade, Bratislava, Budapest, Bucharest and Sofia to Lviv or Kiev. When coming from Western Europe there will be a 2-3 hour wait at the border while the train's bogies are changed in order to adapt to a different rail gauge. It's generally quicker and cheaper to buy a ticket to the border and then change trains, rather than wait getting through train.

Scheduled buses are the fastest way to get through the border, since they do not have to wait in line (like cars have to) and do not have to change bogies (like trains have to).

There are inexpensive direct bus services to Lviv and Ivano-Frankivsk from Poland. They usually offer a budget level of comfort and cost about UAH90-100 (10). (Many buses can be found, for example krakow to Lviv or Warsaw to Lviv. A quick google search will give you many options.)

There is a daily bus from Koice (except Sunday and Monday) and Preov going to Uzhhorod. There are also several daily buses from Michalovce to Uzhhorod and back, no reservation required, standing passengers are also allowed.

Countless buses connect Lviv and Kiev directly with Prague and some other Czech cities, passing through Poland, but mostly not stopping there to take passengers. These can be best viewed using the Czech integrated timetable at jizdnirady.idnes (English version available). Advance reservation is recommended and for most buses also possible online at amsbus.cz. Buses can get you from the West to Lviv far faster than trains. However, they are targeted primarily at Ukrainian emigrant workers earning their living in the Czech Republic. Nonetheless, buses are now in most cases modern coaches or sometimes used western buses, but still with air condition. There are at least 5 connections per day but often much more. If you don't travel around religious bank holidays in Ukraine, with arrival to Prague on Monday morning or departure Friday or Saturday from Prague, buses are generally not full and you'll have often 2 seats per person as tickets aren't cheap and bus lines are very profitable.

There are bus services to Odessa from Chisinau. Both buses which go through Transnistria and those who are taking an indirect way outside Transnistria. Departure approximately every third hour during daytime.

There are some ferries from Istanbul, Georgia, Varna (Bulgaria) to Odessa or to Crimea.

See Ferries in the Mediterranean.

The nearest significant town on the Polish side is Przemyl, and it's easy to find by following route #4 (which passes through Przemyl), also known as the E40 in European terms.

When you arrive, the road is fairly narrow (no motorway/autobahn this) with a queue of trucks and vans parked to the right of the road; a hard-core parking area with cafe/bar to the left. Don't stop behind the goods vehicles, slip up the side of them and then feed into the customs area when the guy flags you forward (for courteous Europeans, you're not jumping the queue - commercial traffic goes through a different process).

If you're in an EU registered car then make for the EU-passports, passport control section. Thence to Ukrainian passport control and then Ukrainian customs and then you're through. It used to be a nightmare, with apocalyptic tales of 5-6+ hours at the border, but the Ukrainians have made great advances in efficiency and it takes about an hour to make the crossing (2012). Don't expect the border police to treat you in a friendly or even respectful manner, in fact, expect anything ranging from neutral to extremely obnoxious behaviour.

Once through, just follow the main road towards Lviv on the E40 - this is the route right across Ukraine to Kiev (and thence on to the east). Stick to this - the main towns on the way are Lviv, Rivne, Zhytomyr.

Watch out about 15-20km inside Ukraine, in Mostyska, as police have gone crazy about traffic calming measures here (speed bumps or sleeping policemen). They are like icebergs across the road, and very badly marked. There are about four or five sets of them through the village.

Other than that, take care on the road, which although the main east/west highway, and the main road route into the EU, still remains in a miserable condition (surface-wise). You will soon realise why Ukraine has such poor statistics in relation to driver and pedestrian fatalities and injuries. Drive defensively is the optimum advice re the roads, other road users and the walking, riding public.

There are two road border crossings between Slovakia and Ukraine: (Malyj Bereznyj-Uba and Uzhhorod-Vyn Nemeck). The former one is for cars (not trucks), pedestrians and cyclists, and the latter one is for motorized traffic only. No pedestrians or cyclists are allowed. Always expect long waiting times at this border crossing.

You can walk across the 200m long bridge from Sighetu Marmaiei, Romania. Once you get to Solotvino, Ukraine, you can continue your travel in a car or a train. Bicycling is also a possibility in summer.

Note that you cannot cross the border at Krocienko (Poland) on foot or by bicycle. You must be in a vehicle. Coming from Poland by bicycle in August 2011 it took about 5 minute of waiting to flag down a driver who was willing (and had space) to take a person, a bicycle, and a full cycle touring kit. The actually crossing then took about an hour or so. There was no charge by the driver or the immigration officials.

There is also a border crossing between the small villages of Mali Selmentsi and Vek Slemence, Slovakia (open only 08:00-20:00), which is for pedestrians and cyclists only and only for citizens of the ''European Economic Area'' and Ukraine. Holders of different passports will be rejected. This border crossing is of no particular importance to tourists; its only advantage is the absence of queues, which are ubiquitous at border crossings for cars, especially at those on major routes. Instead of waiting several hours, you can get to the other side in a matter of minutes through this border crossing.

Be aware that all foreigners are subject to higher scrutiny by police when travelling on public transport, especially intercity forms of it. Be prepared to show your passport and entry papers and keep your embassy/consulate number handy in case you come across a corrupt official. If you are caught outside your base city without your official documents, be prepared for a big fine.

The quickest way to get around big cities is the so-called marshrutka: the minibuses which follow routes much like the regular buses do. You can generally flag them down or ask them to stop at places other than the specified bus stops. The fare is paid as soon as you get in, and is fixed no matter how far you want to go. This is the same for the conventional buses, tram, trolley-buses and the Metro. Tell the driver that you want to get off when you are approaching the destination.

Each city has an intercity bus station from which you can go pretty much anywhere in Ukraine. Fares and quality of service vary widely.

Trains are operated by state-owned Ukrainian Railways [1]. As in all CIS countries, the train classes, cars and ticket system are quite same as in Russia, see Russian trains article.

Ukrainian trains are quite old and slow compared to European standards (except, probably, Intercity+ trains which are available between major cities, such as Kyiv, Kharkiv, Lviv, Odesa, Dnipropetrovsk, etc.). From the other side, they are punctual, reliable and very cheap. For example, a journey from Lviv to Kyiv (about 520 km) will cost you: - About 120-200 UAH (~5-8) on 2nd or 3rd class sleeping car (kupe or platskart), about 9-10 hours of travel; - About 280-530 UAH (~11-21) on 1st or 2nd class Intercity+ train (no sleeping car, just regular seats), about 4.5-5 hours of travel.

Generally, in Ukraine, for long distance the train is preferred over the bus because of their comfort and because often they are even cheaper. The "Lux" sleeping cars have a two-berth cabin. Second class are cabins with four berths. Third class have six berths through which the aisle passes.

Because trains are popular in Ukraine you might have to buy the tickets in advance. This is more often the case for third class. You can check availability and even buy tickets online at [2] or at Ukrainian Railways e-shop [3] (website now in English, Russian and Ukrainian). The e-shop offers both domestic and international (CIS only) tickets starting in Ukraine.

Also train tickets are available on the official Ukrainian Railways website [4]. Search is available in English. You can choose the desired train, the seat(s) and buy the ticket(s) online. Visa/MasterCard are accepted. Please also note that depending on the selected train the tickets may be of different types. Some of them (with QR code) could just be printed or saved to your smartphone, whereas the other ones (with barcode) should be exchanged at the railway station's cash desk before boarding to the train.

It is possible to get around in Ukraine by car, but one must be aware of certain particulars:

The signs are all in Ukrainian (Cyrillic alphabet). Only major highways are equipped with signs written also in the Latin alphabet (including village names), the rest of the roads have only Cyrilic signs with a few signs written in the Latin alphabet indicating main cities. The best option is using GPS navigator. You can also have a good road map (those available are mainly in Ukrainian, but Latin alphabet maps are starting to appear), because place names aren't well posted on road signs.

You are strongly advised to respect the signs, especially speed limits. Be aware that unlike in Western countries, where limits are repeated several times, in Ukraine, an obligation or a prohibition is often indicated on a single sign, which you must not miss. And even these signs are often far off the road, covered by branches, etc. The police are always there to remind you.

Speed in cities is limited to 60km/h (40mph). However people do drive fast anyway in a reckless manner. There is a legislative gap, according to which you won't be fined for speeding below 20km/h (i.e. when you drive up to 80 km/h in cities, you can only receive a warning, so the police usually doesn't bother about such offences). However, this could be changed at any time in the future, so it's advised to keep the speed limits anyway.

Speed in "nationals" (single carriageway countryside roads) is limited to 90km/h (55mph). The poor average quality of the roads already acts as a speed checker.

Speed on highways (motorways) is limited to 110-120km/h (75mph).

Corruption. Update as of december 2014: corruption among police officers tend to be declining rapidly, and may even be all but nonexistent nowadays. Rapid changes in Ukraine appears to address this problem, as has been done in many other former Soviet Republics.

When you are stopped for speeding or other offences, it's unlikely that you'll face bribery, however, this still might be possible. If you're asked about "reductions" if you pay on the spot, demand a written ticket for you to pay later instead. Don't let them intimidate you. It's very useful to have an embassy phone number handy for these cases. If you mention that, they'll let you off the hook quicker than you know it. At any rate, write down the officers' badge numbers, rank, plate number of the police car, and notify the nearest embassy/consulate in detail, to help fight these corrupt practices.

The fines are rather low (comparing to EU countries), starting from 340 UAH (13) in most cases (such as speeding >20 km/h) and up to 6000 UAH (240) for driving being drunk. In some cases the fine could be paid immediately using Visa/MasterCard, but this is rather an exception for now.

Fuel is no longer a problem in Ukraine, especially for those who remember travelling to Ukraine during the early 1990s, when petrol was considered precious. Today, there are plenty service stations. There are varying types of fuel, such as diesel, unleaded 95 octane, and (more rarely) unleaded 98 octane; one finds also 80 and 76 octane. Note that if you choose to fill-up in a rural filling station, you will need to pay first, and in cash. Even there many stations do accept credit cards, however. The prices are slightly cheaper comparing to neighbouring EU countries, but more expensive, comparing to Russia. For example, 1 litre of 95 octane petrol or diesel will cost you about 20-23 UAH (0.8-0.9) (April 2015).

The state of the roads is a huge subject:

The main roads are OK for all cars, as long as you don't go too fast. Numerous running repairs have created a patchwork road surface, and it will seriously test your suspension - even on the major dual carriageways.

Secondary roads are passable, but beware: certain zones can be full of potholes and you must treat them with extra care, or avoid them entirely. Roads between villages are often little more than dirt tracks and not metalled.

Road works have been ongoing, but the quality of the roads is shy of Western Europe (with the exception of Kiev).

The lighting in small towns and rural areas is poor or not-existing, so it's better avoid night driving, especially on secondary roads.

Be careful when driving in towns or villages. Sometimes animals prefer to walk on the road, and they are a hazard for all drivers. You're likely to see plenty of animals hit by cars, so be prepared...

Bicycle traffic is not very common, but you will sometimes see an aged man transporting a sack of grass on an old road-bike or a cycling enthusiast in bright clothes riding a semi-professional racing bike. Those are even more likely to be met on well-maintained roads where the pavement is smooth. Also cyclists will use both lanes of the road in both directions equally ie you are just as likely to meet a cyclist coming towards you, riding on the verge, as you will travelling in your direction. And almost invariably without lights or bright clothing so be extra careful when driving at night and dawn/dusk.

Also, don't be surprised to see plenty of horse drawn carts - even on the dual carriageways.

If in doubt, it's best to not drive at all, as many drivers in Ukraine do not comply with laws and drive often recklessly, often causing fatal accidents for foreigners and locals alike.

You can get almost anywhere in Ukraine by bus. Online booking can be done using state-operated [5].

There are two major bus companies that run buses from all of the major cities to and from Kiev: they are Avtolux, and Gunsel. Prices run about UAH200-220 (USD20-27) for service to Dnipropetrovsk and Kharkiv. The major advantage that the bus service has, is that it leaves from Boryspil [6] and stops in Kiev, so if your destination is not Kiev, its easier then taking a bus to the Main Passenger Railway Station [7] in Kiev. They are standard coach buses, serve cold drinks and tea, show movies, and make a stop about every 3-4 hours. Buses [8] run every few hours.

VIP bus to and from Odessa that has nice leather seats and is more less non-stop. It departs once a day, takes four hours or so both to and from Kiev and costs about 200-260 UAH (2014).

Ukraine International Airlines [9] offers cheap flights and can be a time-saving alternative. For example the flight Odesa-Kiev (One-Way) is $180 US (including tax and fees) and takes 1.5 hours. However, be sure to book early for the cheapest fares. The flights can be booked online comfortably in English.

WizzAir [10], as of early 2009, offers flights between Kiev and Simferopol at competitive prices.

Hitchhiking in Ukraine is average. It's possible to go by hitchhiking - usually cargo trucks will take you for free - but it's still worth to try stop personal cars as well. Good people are everywhere; you may be picked up in a Lada or a Lexus. (More usually the former.)

The usual hitchhiking gesture (also used to hail taxis and marshrutkas) is to face oncoming traffic and point at the road with a straight right arm held away from the body. Sometimes, for visibility, you may add a downward waving motion of the open right hand. It's a good idea to write on a piece of paper your destination's name.

Ukrainian is the official language. Near the neighbouring countries, Russian, Romanian, Polish, and Hungarian are spoken. Russian is a close relative of Ukrainian and is most often the language of choice in the centre, south and east of Ukraine. It is safe to assume that virtually any Ukrainian over 25 will understand Russian; however, note that some people in the western parts may be reluctant to help you if you speak Russian, though to foreigners, Ukrainians in that part will be more forgiving than to Russians and other locals of the CIS.

On the other hand, in the eastern parts and especially Crimea, Russian is the most commonly spoken language. In the central and eastern parts of the country, you may also find people using these two languages simultaneously (so called surzhykmix of languages). It is also common for people to talk to others in their native language, irrespective of the interlocutors one, so a visitor speaking Russian may be responded to in Ukrainian and vice versa due to their extremely high level of mutual intelligiblity. In Crimea there is also a nourished community of speakers of Crimean Turkish; a Turkic language closely related to Turkish, Turkmen and Azeri.

Kiev, the capital, speaks both languages, but Russian is more commonly used. Russian may be predominant in most regions except the Western part of Ukraine, but every region in Ukraine is and always has been de facto bilingual.

Young people are more likely to speak a little English, as it is the most widely taught foreign language in school. Most people in the tourism industry (hostels etc.) however do speak English.

If you are traveling to Ukraine, learn either basic Ukrainian or basic Russian beforehand (know your phrase book well) and/or have some means of access to a bilingual speaker, a mobile/cell/handy number (almost everyone has a mobile phone) can be a godsend. Virtually nobody in any official position (train stations, police, bus drivers, information desks, etc.) will be able to speak any language other than Ukrainian and Russian.Be aware though that some people simply do not wish to communicate with foreigners, even you speak some Russian/Ukrainian.

It is a good idea to familiarize yourself with the Cyrillic alphabet to save you a lot of time and difficulty.

Ukraine is a country worth seeing and visiting over and over.

See UNESCO listed Lviv centre, Residence of Bukovinian and Dalmatian Metropolitans in Chernivtsi, Saint-Sophia Cathedral and Pechersk Lavra in Kiev.

Hike in Carpathian Mountains around Rakhiv. Conquer 2,061m Hoverla, part of the Chornohora mountain range.

Kayak down Dniester and admire Kamianets-Podilskyi and Khotyn castles.

Chill out on Crimea beaches in summer.

To shop you will most certainly need local currency (hryvnia). British pound, Euro, US dollar and other currency exchange points are very common in cities, and the exchange rate is usually very fair (except in Kiev, where the exchange rate is higher compared to other cities). However, sometimes and in some banks there are problems with cash deposits (or that is the official version), so do not exchange too many dollars unless you're traveling to the more provincial areas. When doing person-to-person payments you might be able to pay in Euros or US dollars, as those are widely recognized, and you might in fact get better rates than in official exchange points. However, be careful, because it's not legal to make payments with foreign currency.

If you want to buy any kind of artwork in Kiev, the place to visit is Andriivskij Uzviz ( in Ukrainian, in Russian).

If you don't want to have trouble exchanging money keep one of these currencies: EUR, RUB, USD. In South and East Ukraine, it is almost impossible to exchange other currency. In Western Ukraine (especially in Lviv) PLN (polish zloty) can also be exchanged without any problems.

Ukrainian cuisine is quite tasty, but just as other cuisines in the region uses a lot of fat ingredients, especially in the festive dishes. Traditional local food includes "salo" (salted lard) and soups like "borshch" ( in Ukrainian) made of red beets or "solianka" ( in Ukrainian) which is a delicious meat soup. The first, salo, is perhaps something you might not make yourself try - however is a delicious side dish, as for the soups being a must-have dish.

If you are outside a big city or in doubt about food, exercise caution and common sense about where you buy food. Try to buy groceries only in supermarkets or large grocery stores, always check the expiration date, and never buy meat or dairy products on the street (you can buy them at the market but not near the market).

In most towns in Ukraine there are some very good restaurants. Read the menu boards posted by the entrance of every establishment to help you to choose.

You may also find nice places to eat not by signs, but just by the smoke of traditional wood fires. These are often places where they serve traditional Ukrainian food, including very tasty shashlyky ( in Ukrainian). Restaurateurs are very friendly, and, more often than not, you will be one of their first foreign visitors. Next to the "borshch", you might also ask for "varenyky" ( in Ukrainian, dumplings filled with meat, vegetables or fruits) or "deruny" (, potato pancakes). You have to try varenyky with potatoes and cottage cheese in a sauted onion and sourcream sauce, a fantastic dish. These are just starters, but ones that might fill you up quickly.

The legal drinking and purchasing age of alcoholic beverages is 18.

The Ukrainian speciality is horilka (the local name for vodka) with pepper. Other kinds of vodka are also quite popular - linden (tilia), honey, birch, wheat. Prices range from $2 to $30 (1-20) for 1L. Souvenir bottles are available for higher prices (some bottles reach upwards of $50 (35)/0.5L). There is a great choice of wine, both domestic and imported. The domestic wines mostly originate in the south, in the Crimean region - known for wine making dating back to early Greek settlement over 2,000 years ago, although wines from the Carpathian region of Uzhorod are also quite tasty. Ukraine is also famous for its red sparkling wines. Prices for local wine range between $2 to $50 (2-35) per bottle of 0.75L (avoid the cheapest wines, $1 or less, as these are sometimes bottled as house wines but sold as local vintages), however, one can find genuine Italian, French, Australian wines from $50 per bottle and more in big supermarkets and most restaurants. The price of imported wines dropped significantly over the last number of years and trends indicate further reductions in price.

There are a lot of beverages (both alcoholic and non-alcoholic). Ukrainian beer is of very good quality. Beer from barrels or kegs (more common in cafes) is often watered down. Canned beer is not very common in Ukraine and sometimes not of the same quality as the same variety sold in bottles. The best beers are brewed by Lvivske, Obolon and PPB (Persha Privatna Brovarnia). Imported beers are also widely available but more expensive for instance, a bottle of Austrian Edelweiss can cost upwards of $2 US while average price of Ukrainian beer is $0.50 US. All told, Ukrainian beers are very tasty and gaining popularity elsewhere in Europe.

Of non-alcoholic beverages, one should try kvas a typically slavic drink made of rye or wheat. During the summer one can easily buy it from designated street vendors. Its better to buy it in bottles due of unknown cleanness of the barrel. Milk drinks, of all sorts, are also available, although mostly in supermarkets. Bottles of mineral water are available everywhere, as well as lemonades, beer, and strong drinks. When seeking to buy bottled water make sure to ask for "voda bez hazu" (water without gas) otherwise you are likely to be handed the carbonated drink.

Go here to see the original:
Ukraine travel guide - Wikitravel

Russian military intervention in Ukraine (2014present) Part of the Ukrainian crisis and the War in Donbass Pink in the Donbass area represents areas currently held by the DPR/LPR insurgents (cities in red). Crimea, which is under Russian control, is also shown in pink. Yellow represents areas under the control of Ukrainian government (cities in blue). (Image last updated on: 11 September 2014.) Date 20 February 2014 ongoing (1year, 11months, 2weeks and 2days) Location Status Territorial changes Belligerents

Russia In Crimea: Republic of Crimea In Donbass: Donetsk People's Republic

Russian Armed Forces:[25][26]

GRU[34]

Armed Forces of Ukraine:

Internal Affairs Ministry:

Security Service

In 2014, Russia made several incursions into Ukrainian territory. Beginning with Crimea, Russian soldiers without insignias took control of strategic positions and infrastructure within the Ukrainian territory of Crimea, which Russia annexed after a disputed referendum.[7][61][62][63][64] Subsequently, demonstrations by pro-Russian groups in the Donbass area of Ukraine escalated into an armed conflict between the Ukrainian government and separatist forces of the self-declared Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics. In August, Russian military vehicles crossed the border in several locations of Donetsk Oblast[31][65][66][67][68][69] The incursion by the Russian military was seen as responsible for the defeat of Ukrainian forces in early September.[70][71]

In November 2014, the Ukrainian military reported intensive movement of troops and equipment from Russia into the separatist controlled parts of eastern Ukraine.[72] The Associated Press reported 80 unmarked military vehicles on the move in rebel-controlled areas.[73] An OSCE Special Monitoring Mission observed convoys of heavy weapons and tanks in DPR-controlled territory without insignia.[74] According to a former Pentagon strategy adviser there were as many as 7,000 Russian troops inside Ukraine in early November 2014,[75] and OSCE monitors stated they observed vehicles transporting ammunition and soldiers' dead bodies crossing the Russian-Ukrainian border under the guise of humanitarian aid convoys.[76] As of early August 2015, OSCE observed over 21 such vehicles marked with the Russian military code for soldiers killed in action.[77] According to The Moscow Times Russia has tried to intimidate and silence human rights workers discussing Russian soldiers' deaths in the conflict.[78] OSCE repeatedly reported that its observers were denied access to the areas controlled by "combined Russian-separatist forces".[79]

The majority of members of the international community and organizations such as Amnesty International have condemned Russia for its actions in post-revolutionary Ukraine, accusing it of breaking international law and violating Ukrainian sovereignty. Many countries implemented economic sanctions against Russia, Russian individuals or companies to which Russia responded in kind.

In October 2015, the Washington Post reported that Russia has redeployed some of its elite units from Ukraine to Syria in recent weeks to support Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.[80] In December 2015, Putin admitted that Russian military intelligence officers were operating in Ukraine.[81]

Despite being an independent country since 1991, Ukraine has been seen as a part of the sphere of "interests" by Russia. In regard to Ukraine, Moscow pursues a modernized version of the Brezhnev Doctrine on "limited sovereignty", that dictates that the sovereignty of Ukraine can not be larger than that of the Warsaw Pact prior to the demise of the Soviet sphere of influence.[82]

After the collapse of the Soviet Union both nations retained very close ties however, conflict began almost immediately. There were several sticking points, most importantly Ukraine's significant nuclear arsenal, which Ukraine in the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances agreed to abandon on the condition that Russia (and the other signatories) would issue an assurance against threats or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Ukraine. In 1999 Russia was one of signatories of Charter for European Security, where it "reaffirmed the inherent right of each and every participating State to be free to choose or change its security arrangements, including treaties of alliance, as they evolve"[83] (both would prove worthless in 2014).[84] A second point was the division of the Black Sea Fleet, Ukraine agreed to lease the Sevastopol port so that the Russian Black Sea fleet could continue to occupy it together with Ukraine. Later through the 1990s and 2000s Ukraine and Russia engaged in several gas disputes, which started as early as 1993. In 2001 Ukraine along with Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Moldova formed a group titled GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, which by Moscow was seen as a direct challenge to the CIS, the Russian dominated trade group established after the collapse of the Soviet Union.[85] Moscow was further irritated by the Orange Revolution of 2004 which saw the Ukrainian populist Viktor Yushchenko elected president instead of the pro Russian[86] Viktor Yanukovich. Moreover, Ukraine also continued to increase its cooperation with NATO, deploying the third largest contingent of troops to Iraq in 2004, as well as dedicating peacekeepers to NATO missions such as the ISAF force in Afghanistan and KFOR in Kosovo.

A pro Russian president, Viktor Yanukovich, was elected in 2010 and Moscow felt that many ties with Ukraine could be repaired. Prior to this Ukraine had not renewed the lease of Black Sea Naval base at Sevastopol meaning Russian troops would have to leave Crimea by 2017, however Yanukovich signed a new lease and even expanded allowable troop presence as well as allowing troops to train in the Kerch peninsula.[87] Many in Ukraine viewed the extension as unconstitutional as Ukraine's constitution states that no permanent foreign troops shall be stationed in Ukraine after the Sevastopol treaty expired. Yulia Tymoshenko, the main opposition figure of Yanukovich was jailed on what many considered trumped up charges, leading to further dissatisfaction with the regime. In November 2013 Viktor Yanukovich declined to sign an Association Agreement with the European Union, a treaty that had been in development for several years and one that Yanukovich had earlier approved of.[88] Yanukovich instead favored closer ties with the Russian Federation.

In the autumn of 2013, the Kremlin warned Ukraine that if the country went ahead with a planned agreement on free trade with the EU, it would face financial catastrophe and possibly the collapse of the state. Sergei Glazyev, adviser to President Vladimir Putin, said that, "Ukrainian authorities make a huge mistake if they think that the Russian reaction will become neutral in a few years from now. This will not happen." Russia had already imposed import restrictions on certain Ukrainian products and Glazyev did not rule out further sanctions if the agreement was signed. Glazyev allowed for the possibility of separatist movements springing up in the Russian-speaking east and south of Ukraine. He suggested that, contrary to international law, if Ukraine signed the agreement, Russia would consider the bilateral treaty that delineates the countries' borders to be void. Russia could no longer guarantee Ukraine's status as a state and could possibly intervene if pro-Russian regions of the country appealed directly to Moscow.[89]

Following months of protests as part of the Euromaidan movement, on 22 February 2014, protesters ousted the government of Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych who had been democratically elected in 2010.[90] The protesters took control of government buildings in the capital city of Kyiv, along with the city itself. As Police abandoned their posts across the capital Kyiv and the opposition established control over key intersections and the parliament, President Yanukovych fled Kyiv for the eastern city of Kharkiv where he has traditionally had more support.[91] After this incident, the Ukrainian parliament voted to restore the 2004 Constitution of Ukraine[92] and remove Yanukovych from power.[93][94] A vote on the resolution which stated that Yanukovych "is removing himself [from power] because he is not fulfilling his obligations"[91] emerged 328-0 in support. The vote was 10 short of three-quarters of the Parliament members, the requirement of the Constitution of Ukraine for impeachment. Yanukovych stated that the vote was unconstitutional because of this issue,[a][93][95][96] and refused to resign. Politicians from eastern and southern regions of Ukraine, including Crimea, declared continuing loyalty to Yanukovych.[94]

One of the first issues the parliament approached was that of the language, annulling a bill that provided for Russian to be used as a second official government language in regions with large Russian-speaking populations.[97] The parliament adopted a bill to repeal the 2012 law on minority languages, which protected the status of languages other than Ukrainian. The proposal alienated many in the Russian-speaking regions of Ukraine and[98] a few days later, on 1 March, acting President Oleksandr Turchynov vetoed the bill, effectively stopping its enactment.[99]

In the meantime, on the morning of 27 February, Berkut special police units from Crimea and other regions of Ukraine, which had been dissolved on 25 February, seized checkpoints on the Isthmus of Perekop and Chonhar peninsula.[11][12] According to Ukrainian MP Hennadiy Moskal, former chief of the Crimean police, these Berkut had armored personnel carriers, grenade launchers, assault rifles, machine guns and other weapons.[12] Since then, they have controlled all land traffic between Crimea and continental Ukraine.[12]

Russian permanent representative to the United Nations Vitaly Churkin presented on 4 March a photocopy of a letter signed by Victor Yanukovich on 1 March 2014 asking that Russian president Vladimir Putin use Russian armed forces to "restore the rule of law, peace, order, stability and protection of the population of Ukraine".[100] Both houses of the Russian parliament voted on 1 March to give President Putin the right to use Russian troops in Crimea.[101][102] On 24 June Vladimir Putin asked Russian parliament to cancel resolution on use of Russian forces in Ukraine.[103] The next day Federation Council voted to repeal previous decision making it illegal to use Russian military in Ukraine.[104]

Days after Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich fled the capital of Kiev in late February 2014, armed men opposed to the Euromaidan movement began to take control of the Crimean Peninsula.[105] Checkpoints were established by unmarked Russian[106] soldiers with green military-grade uniforms and equipment in the capital of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Simferopol, and the independently-administered port-city of Sevastopol, home to a Russian naval base under the Kharkiv Pact of 2010.[107][108][109] The local population and the media referred to these men as "little green men".[110] After the occupation of the Crimean parliament by these unmarked troops, believed to be Russian special forces,[111][112][113][114] the Crimean leadership announced it would hold a referendum on secession from Ukraine.[115] This heavily disputed referendum[61] was followed by the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in mid-March. Ukraine and most of the international community refused to recognize the referendum or the annexation.[116] On 15 April, the Ukrainian parliament declared Crimea a territory temporarily occupied by Russia.[117] Since annexing Crimea, the Russian government increased its military presence in region, with Russian president Vladimir Putin saying a Russian military task force would be established there.[118] In December 2014 Ukrainian Border Guard Service announced Russian troops began withdrawing from the areas of Kherson Oblast. Russian troops occupied parts of the Arabat Spit and the islands around the Syvash which are geographically parts of Crimea but are administratively part of Kherson Oblast. One of such villages occupied by Russian troops was Strilkove, Henichesk Raion, located on the Arabat Spit, which housed an important gas distribution centre. Russian forces stated they took over the gas distribution center to prevent terrorist attacks. Russian forces withdrew from southern Kherson and continued to occupy the gas distribution center outside Strilkove. The withdrawal from Kherson ended nearly 10 months of Russian occupation of the region. Ukraine's border guards stated the areas that were under Russian occupation will have to be checked for mines prior to them overtaking these positions.[119][120]

In November, NATO stated that it believed Russia was deploying nuclear-capable weapons to Crimea.[121]

Andrey Illarionov, former advisor of Vladimir Putin, said in a speech on 31 May 2014 that some technologies of Russo-Georgian War, were updated and again being exploited in Ukraine. According to him, since Russian military operation in Crimea began on 20 February 2014, Russian propaganda could not argue that the Russian aggression was the result of Euromaidan. The war in Ukraine did not happen "all of sudden", but was pre-planned and the preparations began as early as 2003.[122] Illarionov later stated that one of the Russian plans envisaged war with Ukraine in 2015 after a presidential election, however Maidan accelerated the confrontation.[123]

The war in Donbass is an armed conflict in the Donbass region of Ukraine. From the beginning of March 2014, demonstrations by pro-Russian and anti-government groups took place in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts of Ukraine, together commonly called the "Donbass", in the aftermath of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution and the Euromaidan movement. These demonstrations, which followed the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation, and which were part of a wider group of concurrent pro-Russian protests across southern and eastern Ukraine, escalated into an armed conflict between the separatist forces of the self-declared Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics (DPR and LPR respectively), and the Ukrainian government.[124][125] Prior to a change of the top leadership in August,[126] the separatists were largely led by Russian citizens.[127] The SBU claimed key commanders of the rebel movement during this time, including Igor Strelkov and Igor Bezler were Russian agents.[128][129] Russian paramilitaries are reported to make up from 15% to 80% of the combatants.[127][130][131][132][133]

At the beginning of the war, the prime ministers of Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk were Russian citizens; they were succeeded by Ukrainian citizens by August.[134] Many of the separatist fighters are Russian citizens, with many claimed to be former military personnel.[135][136] The SBU claims key commanders of the rebel movement during this time, including Igor Strelkov and Igor Bezler, are Russian agents.[128][129] American and Ukrainian officials said they had evidence of Russian interference in Ukraine, including intercepted communications between Russian officials and Donbass insurgents.[137][138]

Separatist leaders such as Aleksey Mozgovoy visited Moscow and were evasive about who was supplying their weapons.[139] There is also evidence that indicates the Buk missile system, widely believed to have been used to shoot down Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 on 17 July, came from Russia.[140][141]

A significant number of Russian citizens, many veterans or ultranationalists, are currently involved in the ongoing armed conflict, a fact acknowledged by separatist leaders. Carol Saivets, Russian specialist for the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, described the role of Russian soldiers as 'almost certainly' proceeding with the blessing and backing of the Russian state, "even if the Russians are indeed volunteers rather than serving military men".[5] Recruitment for the Donbass insurgents was performed openly in Russian cities using private or voyenkomat facilities, as was confirmed by a number of Russian media.[135][142]

In an interview with French television channel TF1 and Radio Europe1, Russian president Vladimir Putin said: "There are no armed forces, no 'Russian instructors' in Ukraineand there never were any."[143]

Ukrainian media have described the well-organised and well-armed pro-Russian militants as similar to those which occupied regions of Crimea during the Crimean crisis.[144][145] The former deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Admiral Ihor Kabanenko, said that the militants are Russian military reconnaissance and sabotage units.[146][need quotation to verify] Arsen Avakov stated that the militants in Krasnyi Lyman used Russian-made AK-100 series assault rifles fitted with grenade launchers, and that such weapons are only issued in the Russian Federation. "The Government of Ukraine is considering the facts of today as a manifestation of external aggression by Russia," said Avakov.[147] Militants in Sloviansk arrived in military lorries without license plates.[148] A reporter from Russia's Novaya Gazeta, having visited separatist artillery positions in Avdeyevka, wrote that in his opinion "it's impossible that the cannons are handled by volunteers" as they require a trained and experienced team, including observers and adjustment experts.[149]

In April 2014, a US State Department spokeswoman, Jen Psaki, said, "there has been broad unity in the international community about the connection between Russia and some of the armed militants in eastern Ukraine".[150] The Ukrainian government released photos of soldiers in eastern Ukraine, which the US State Department said showed that some of the fighters were Russian special forces.[112][151] US Secretary of State John Kerry said the militants "were equipped with specialized Russian weapons and the same uniforms as those worn by the Russian forces that invaded Crimea."[152] The US ambassador to the United Nations said the attacks in Sloviansk were "professional," "coordinated," and that there was 'nothing grass-roots seeming about it'.[153] The British foreign secretary, William Hague, stated, "I don't think denials of Russian involvement have a shred of credibility, [...] The forces involved are well armed, well trained, well equipped, well co-ordinated, behaving in exactly the same way as what turned out to be Russian forces behaved in Crimea."[154] The commander of NATO operations in Europe, Philip M. Breedlove, assessed that soldiers appeared to be highly trained and not a spontaneously formed local militia, and that "what is happening in eastern Ukraine is a military operation that is well planned and organized and we assess that it is being carried out at the direction of Russia."[155]

A Russian opposition politician, Ilya Ponomarev, said "I am absolutely confident that in the eastern regions of Ukraine there are Russian troops in very small amounts. And it's not regular soldiers, but likely representatives of special forces and military intelligence."[156] Later in July, after the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, he said that "Putin now understands that he has passed weapons to the wrong people". He also said that even if Moscow stopped the supply of weapons to the Donbass, there would still be enough supporters of the war in the Russian military to continue such shipments unofficially.[157]

Klaus Zillikens, head of the OSCE mission in Donetsk, said that the mission had detected signs of "foreign agents" operating in Ukraine, but thus far there was no evidence to confirm that.[158] According to Georgij Alafuzoff, the Director of Intelligence at the European Union Military Staff, even if the Russian military had a presence in Ukraine, it was not as large as it was in Crimea. He believed that the militants were mostly local citizens, disappointed by the situation in the country.[159]Nick Paton Walsh, reporting from Donetsk for CNN, stated that the physical appearance of the militants is different from that of the unidentified troops, spotted throughout Crimea while it was in the process of secession.[160]

David Patrikarakos, a correspondent for the New Statesman said the following: "While at the other protests/occupations there were armed men and lots of ordinary people, here it almost universally armed and masked men in full military dress. Automatic weapons are everywhere. Clearly a professional military is here. There's the usual smattering of local militia with bats and sticks but also a military presence. Of that there is no doubt."[161]Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former American National Security Advisor, said that the events in the Donbass were similar to events in Crimea, which led to its annexation by Russia, and noted that Russia acted similarly.[162]

The New York Times journalists interviewed Sloviansk militants and found no clear link of Russian support: "There was no clear Russian link in the 12th Companys arsenal, but it was not possible to confirm the rebels descriptions of the sources of their money and equipment."[163] Commenting on the presence of the Vostok Battalion within insurgent ranks, Denis Pushilin said on 30 May, "It's simply that there were no volunteers [from Russia] before, and now they have begun to arrive and not only from Russia."[164]Stephen Ennis wrote in his BBC news blog that, on the Ukrainian state television talk-show Shuster Live on 13 June 2014, the British journalist Mark Franchetti, who had just spent weeks with the Vostok Battalion, described the Battalion as largely untrained locals from eastern Ukraine, with a smattering of Russian volunteers. He also stated that the fighters in the Battalion who were now in the Donbass were "mainly normal, ordinary citizens who are absolutely convinced they are defending their homes as they put it against fascism". Franchetti stressed that he was not saying that there were no Russian troops operating in Ukraine, but that he did not come across any himself. He stated "I can only speak about what I saw with my own eyes".[165]

At a meeting held on 7 July, in the city of Donetsk, Russian politician Sergey Kurginyan held a press conference with representatives of the Donbass People's Militia, including Pavel Gubarev, and said that Russia did provide significant military support for the separatists. During a discussion among the participants, Gubarev complained that the arms that had been sent were old, and not fully functional. In response, Kurginyan listed specific items, including 12,000 automatic rifles, grenade launchers, 2S9 Nona self-propelled mortars, two BMPs, and three tanks, that he knew had been supplied to the separatists by Russia. He also said he saw new, fully functional weapons unloaded at locations in Donbass which he would not "disclose as we are filmed by cameras". Kurginyan admitted that Russia had initially sent "4th category weapons", but since 3 June had supplied equipment that was fully functional. He also said one of his goals whilst in Donetsk was to ensure that military support from Russia was increased.[166][167][168][169][170]

An An-26 military cargo plane was shot down over the Ukrainian village of Davydo Myilske near the Russian border on 14 July. It had been flying at an altitude of 6,500 metres. The head of Ukraine's Security Service Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, stated on 15 July that the SBU had "indisputable" evidence of Russian involvement in the attack.[171] On 24 July, a week after the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, over an area of Ukraine controlled by pro-Russia separatists,[172] most likely by pro-Russian forces,[173][174] the American government stated that it had evidence that the Russian military was firing on Ukrainian territory from across the border. A spokesman for the US Department of Defence stated that there was "no question" as to Russia's involvement in the attacks on Ukrainian Armed Forces.[175] On 28 July it published satellite photos showing heavy artillery shelling Ukrainian positions from Russian territory.[6]

Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was shot down over the conflict zone on 17 July near Torez in Donetsk Oblast. Evidence from open sources indicated that separatists in Ukraine were in control of a Russian-supplied Buk missile launcher on 17 July and transported it from Donetsk to Snizhne.[176]

In August, Russia sent dozens of white lorries, green army trucks painted white, into eastern Ukraine, without inspection by Ukraine.[177] The trucks were "almost empty" the BBCs Steve Rosenberg reported, and the action was characterized as a diversion, a distraction, so that at other points equipment and personnel came into Ukraine.[62][178]

In early August, according to Igor Strelkov, Russian servicemen, supposedly on "vacation" from the army, began to arrive.[179] In late August 2014, according to NATO officials, Russia moved self-propelled artillery onto the territory of Ukraine.[180] Russian soldiers were captured in Donetsk Oblast; Russia claimed that they had crossed over by accident.[181]

Russia was reported to have shelled Ukrainian territory,[182] and Russian military forces were reported to have entered Ukraine near Novoazovsk,[183][184][185] and Amvrosiivka, which was occupied by Russian paratroopers.[186][187] On 24 August 2014, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko referred to the conflict as Ukraine's "Patriotic War of 2014" and a war against "external aggression".[188][full citation needed] The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine labeled the conflict an invasion on 27 August 2014.

On 27 August, two columns of Russian tanks entered Ukrainian territory in support of the pro-Russian separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk and engaged Ukrainian border forces, but US officials were reluctant to declare that Russia had begun invading Ukraine.[190] NATO officials stated that over 1,000 Russian troops were operating inside Ukraine, but termed the incident an incursion rather than an invasion.[191] The Russian government denied these claims. NATO published satellite photos which it said showed the presence of Russian troops within Ukrainian territory.[192] The pro-Russian separatists admitted that Russian troops were fighting alongside them, stating that this was "no secret", but that the Russian troops were just soldiers who preferred to take their vacations fighting in Ukraine rather than "on the beach". The Prime Minister of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic stated that 3,000 to 4,000 Russian troops had fought in separatist ranks and that most of them had not returned to Russia, having continued to fight in Ukraine.[193]

The 76th Guards Air Assault Division allegedly entered Ukrainian territory in August and engaged in a skirmish, suffering 80 dead. The Ukrainian Defense Ministry said that they had destroyed three of the units tanks and seized two armored vehicles. Since the unit possesses no tanks in its Table of Organisation and Equipment, the Ukrainian claim remains dubious. The Russian government denied the skirmish took place. After the denials, Vladimir Putin awarded the Division one of Russia's highest awards, the Order of Suvorov for the "successful completion of military missions" and "courage and heroism".[194]

For at least one week prior to the invasion, Russia shelled Ukrainian units from across the border,[195] but instances of cross-border shelling from Russia had been reported since mid-July.[196][197] At the time, Russian government spokesman denied these allegations.[198] On 13 August, members of the Russian Human Rights Commission stated that over 100 Russian soldiers had been killed in the fighting in Ukraine and inquired why they were there.[192] On 28 August, members of the commission called the presence of Russian troops on Ukrainian soil "an outright invasion".[199] On 28 August 2014, Ukraine ordered national mandatory conscription.[200]

The two Russian tank columns captured the southeastern city of Novoazovsk on the Azov sea,[201] and Russian soldiers began arresting and deporting to unknown locations all Ukrainians who did not have an address registered within the town.[202] Pro-Ukrainian anti-war protests took place in Mariupol which was threatened by Russian troops.[202][203] The UN Security Council called an emergency meeting to discuss the situation.[204]

Around 2930 August, Russian tanks destroyed "virtually every house" in Novosvitlivka, according to Ukrainian military spokesman Andriy Lysenko.[205] On 2 September, after Ukrainian forces agreed to surrender Ilovaisk, they were bombarded by Russian forces while they evacuated through a "green corridor." The assault on the troops who were marked with white flags was variously described as a "massacre."[31][206][207][208][209][210] At least 100 were killed.[206]

On 3 September, Ukrainian President Poroshenko said he had reached a permanent ceasefire agreement with Russian President Putin.[211] Russia then denied the ceasefire took place, denying being party to the conflict at all.[212] Ukraine then retracted its previous statement concerning the potential ceasefire.[213]

Also on 3 September, the OSCE for the first time reported "light and heavy calibre shootings from the east and south-east areas which are also bordering Ukraine". The report also stated that the OSCE Observer Teams had seen an increase of military-style dressed men crossing the border in both directions, including ones with LPR and Novorossiya symbols and flags, and wounded being transported back to Russia.[214]

In late August, NATO released satellite images which it considered to be evidence of Russian operations inside Ukraine with sophisticated weaponry,[215] and after the setbacks[70] of Ukrainian forces by early September, it was evident Russia had sent soldiers and armour across the border and locals acknowledged the role of Putin and Russian soldiers in effecting a reversal of fortunes.[31][67][68][216][217]

A convoy of military vehicles, including armoured personnel carriers, with official Russian military plates crossed into Ukraine near the militant-controlled Izvaryne border crossing on 14 August.[218][219] The Ukrainian government later announced that they had destroyed most of the armoured column with artillery. Secretary General of NATO Anders Fogh Rasmussen said this incident was a "clear demonstration of continued Russian involvement in the destabilisation of eastern Ukraine".[220] The same day, Russian President Vladimir Putin, speaking to Russian ministers and Crimean parliamentarians on a visit to Crimea, undertook to do everything he could to end the conflict in Ukraine, saying Russia needed to build calmly and with dignity, not by confrontation and war which isolated it from the rest of the world. The comments came as international sanctions against Russia were being stepped up.[221]

On 17 August, Ukraine accused Russia of sending more military equipment, including Grad rocket launchers, across the border and on to Nizhny Nagolchyk.[222]Sergei Lavrov continued to deny that Russia was sending any equipment across the border. He asserted that an OSCE observer mission placed at border crossing points in the region had not identified any unlawful crossings of the border but the OSCE mission that Lavrov mentioned had no mandate to check the long, unguarded sections of the border where crossings of men and equipment occurred frequently.[223]

Ukrainian Defence Minister Valeriy Heletey said on 21 August that the militants were using Russian-made weapons that had never been used or bought by the Armed Forces of Ukraine.[224] Injured pro-Russian fighters were usually treated in Russia, with help from the Russian Ministry of Emergency Situations.[225] They were also questioned and registered by the Federal Security Service (FSB), the Russian domestic security and intelligence agency.[225]

On 18 August, Russian minister of defence Sergey Shoigu awarded the Suvorov medal to a paratroopers division from Pskov. Russian media highlighted that the medal is awarded exclusively for combat operations and reported that a large number of soldiers from this division had died in Ukraine just days before, but their burials were conducted in secret.[227][228][229] In 2015, president Putin awarded the honorary name of "guardian" to two divisions: 11. paratroopers brigade from Ulan-Ude, 83. paratroopers brigade from Ussuriysk and 38. communications regiment from Moscow area. The status was awarded for undisclosed combat operations.[230]

According to NATO reports, Russian military shelled Ukrainian positions across the border from mid-August, and by 22 August, Russian artillery and personnel had crossed the border into Ukraine itself.[180][231] On 25 August, a column of Russian tanks and military vehicles was reported to have crossed into Ukraine in the southeast, near the town of Novoazovsk, and headed towards Ukrainian-held Mariupol.[232][233][234]

Lindsey Hilsum wrote in the Channel 4 news blog that in early September Ukrainian troops at Dmitrivska came under attack from BM-30 Smerch rockets from Russia.[235] On 4 September, she wrote of rumours that Ukrainian troops who had been shelling Luhansk for weeks were retreating west and that Russian soldiers with heavy armour were reported to have come over the border to back up the rebels.[236] Ukrainian troops gave accounts of fighting the Russian army during the Battle of Ilovaisk.[31]

Journalist Tim Judah wrote in the NYR blog about the scale of the devastation suffered by Ukrainian forces in southeastern Ukraine over the last week of August 2014 that it amounted "to a catastrophic defeat and will long be remembered by embittered Ukrainians as among the darkest days of their history." The scale of the destruction achieved in several ambushes revealed "that those attacking the pro-government forces were highly professional and using very powerful weapons." The fighting in Ilovaysk had begun on 7 August when units from three Ukrainian volunteer militias and the police attempted to take it back from rebel control. Then, on 28 August, the rebels were able to launch a major offensive, with help from elsewhere, including Donetskthough "not Russia," according to Commander Givi, the head of rebel forces there. By 1 September it was all over and the Ukrainians had been decisively defeated. Commander Givi said the ambushed forces were militias, not regular soldiers, whose numbers had been boosted, 'by foreigners, including Czechs, Hungarians, and "niggers." '[237]

Mick Krever wrote on the CNN blog that on 5 September Russia's Permanent Representative to the OSCE, Andrey Kelin had said it was natural pro-Russian separatists "are going to liberate" Mariupol. Ukrainian forces stated that Russian intelligence groups had been spotted in the area. Kelin said 'there might be volunteers over there.'[238] NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen meanwhile said there were several thousand regular Russian forces operating in Ukraine.[citation needed]Lindsey Hilsum reported on the Channel 4 news blog about the total destruction of Luhansk International Airport which was being used as a base by the Ukrainian forces to shell Luhansk, probably because the Russians decided to 'turn the tide' - the terminal building and everything around was utterly destroyed. Forces from Azerbaijan, Belarus and Tajikistan who were fighting on the side of the rebels allowed themselves to be filmed.[239]

On 12 September 2014, the Guardian saw a Russian armoured personnel carrier in Lutuhyne.[240] The next day, it was reported that Moscow had sent a convoy of trucks delivering "aid" into Ukraine without Kiev's consent. This convoy was not inspected by Ukraine or accompanied by the ICRC. Top Ukrainian leaders largely remained silent about the convoys after the ceasefire deal was reached. The "aid" was part of the 12-point Minsk agreement.[241][242]

The speaker of Russia's upper house of parliament and Russian state television channels acknowledged that Russian soldiers entered Ukraine, but referred to them as "volunteers".[243] A reporter for Novaya Gazeta, an opposition newspaper in Russia, stated that the Russian military leadership paid soldiers to resign their commissions and fight in Ukraine in the early summer of 2014, and then began ordering soldiers into Ukraine. This reporter mentioned knowledge of at least one case when soldiers who refused were threatened with prosecution.[244] Russian opposition MP Lev Shlosberg made similar statements, although he said combatants from his country are "regular Russian troops", disguised as units of the DPR and LPR.[245] Shlosberg's newspaper also released transcripts of phone conversations between Russian soldiers being treated in a Pskov hospital for wounds received while fighting in Ukraine. The soldiers reveal that they were sent to the war, but told by their officers that they were going on "an exercise". Despite denials that Russian soldiers had been ordered to fight in Ukraine, in August Vladimir Putin awarded the Order of Suvorov, an award given for combat against a foreign enemy, to the 76th Guards Air Assault Division, a Russian military paratrooper unit, for "successful completion of military missions". At the time, Ukrainian officials reported that fighting between the 76th Guards and Ukrainian military had taken place but Kremlin dismissed these reports.[194]

On 26 August 2014, a mixed column composed of at least 3 T-72B1s and a lone T-72BM was identified on a video from Sverdlovsk, Ukraine by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. The sighting undermined Russia's attempts to maintain plausible deniability over the issue of supplying tanks and other arms to the separatists. Russia continuously claimed that any tanks operated by the separatists must have been captured from Ukraine's own army. The T-72BM is in service with the Russian Army in large numbers. This modernized T-72 is not known to have been exported to nor operated by any other country.[246] Reuters found other tanks of this type near Horbatenko in October.[247] In November, the United Kingdom's embassy in Ukraine also published an infographic demonstrating specific features of the T-72 tanks used by separatists not present in tanks held by Ukrainian army, ironically addressing it to "help Russia recognize its own tanks".[248] The equipment included for example Thales Optronics thermal vision instruments exported to Russia between 2007-2012 only.[249]

In December, Ukrainian hackers published a large cache of documents coming allegedly from a hacked server of Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MID). The documents originated from various departments coordinated by MID, such as local police, road police, emergency services etc. The cache included documents describing Russian military casualties arriving on August 25 to hospitals in the Rostov area after a battle "10 km northwest of the small village of Prognoi", which matched a battle in Krasnaya Talovka reported on the same date by Ukrainian side.[250]

In early September 2014, Russian state-owned television channels reported on the funerals of Russian soldiers who died in Ukraine during the war in Donbass, but described them as "volunteers" fighting for the "Russian world". Valentina Matviyenko, a top politician in the ruling United Russia party, also praised "volunteers" fighting in "our fraternal nation", referring to Ukraine.[243]

After a series of military defeats and setbacks for the Donetsk and Lugansk separatists, who united under the banner of "Novorossiya", a term Russian President Vladimir Putin used to describe southeastern Ukraine,[251][252] Russia dispatched what it called a "humanitarian convoy" of trucks across the Russo-Ukrainian border in mid-August 2014. Ukraine reacted to the move by calling it a "direct invasion".[253] Ukraine's National Security and Defense Council published a report on the number and contents of these convoys, claiming they were arriving almost daily in November (up to 9 convoys on 30 November) and their contents were mainly arms and ammunition. In total, in November there were 1,903 trucks crossing the border from Russia to Donbass, 20 buses with soldiers or volunteers, 402 armored personnel carriers, 256 tanks, 138 "Grad" launchers, 42 cannons and howitzers, 35 self-propelled artillery vehicles, 5 "Buk" launchers, 4 "Uragan" launchers, 4 "Buratino" flamethrowers, 6 pontoon bridge trucks, 5 "Taran" radio interception systems, 5 armored recovery vehicles, 3 radiolocation systems, 2 truck cranes, 1 track layer vehicle, 1 radiolocation station, unknown number of "Rtut-BM" electronic warfare systems, 242 fuel tankers and 205 light off-road vehicles and vans.[254]

About the same time, multiple reports indicated separatist militias were receiving reinforcements that allowed them to turn the tables on government forces.[255] Armored columns coming from Russia also pushed into southern Donetsk Oblast and reportedly captured the town of Novoazovsk, clashing with Ukrainian forces and opening a new front in the Donbass conflict.[233][256]

On 25 August, the Security Service of Ukraine announced the capture of a group of Russian soldiers from the paratroopers military unit 71211 from Kostroma, who crossed the Ukrainian border in the night of 23 August.[257] The soldiers were stopped in Dzerkalne, 20 kilometres (12mi) from the border.[181] The SBU also released their photos and names.[258] The next day, the Russian Ministry of Defence said that they had crossed the border "by accident".[259] Some Russian media, such as Pskovskaya Guberniya,[260] reported that Russian paratroopers may have been killed in Ukraine. Journalists traveled to Pskov, the reported burial location of the troops, to investigate. Multiple reporters said they had been attacked or threatened there, and that the attackers erased several camera memory cards.[261] On 31 August, the Russian media reported that ten Russian paratroopers captured inside Ukraine had returned home following a troop exchange. Ukraine said the soldiers were captured 20km from the border with Russia and Russia claimed that the soldiers had crossed in Ukraine "by accident". The 64 Ukrainian troops provided in exchange were captured after entering Russia to escape the upsurge in fighting.[262] Russia claimed that the Russian troops had mistakenly crossed an unmarked area of the border while on patrol.[263] Ukraine released videos of captured Russian soldiers which challenged Russia's claim that it had nothing to do with the conflict.[264]

On 3 September, a Sky News team filmed groups of troops near Novoazovsk wearing modern combat gear typical for Russian units and traveling in new military vehicles with number plates and other markings removed. Specialists consulted by the journalists identified parts of the equipment (uniform, rifles) as currently used by Russian ground forces and paratroopers.[265] Russian state television for the first time showed the funeral of a soldier killed fighting in east Ukraine. State-controlled TV station Channel One showed the burial of paratrooper Anatoly Travkin in the central Russian city of Kostroma. The broadcaster said Travkin had not told his wife or commanders about his decision to fight alongside pro-Russia rebels battling government forces. "Officially he just went on leave," the news reader said. [266]

Russian officials denied[267] reports that Russian military units were operating in Ukraine (see War in Donbass), claiming instead they had been sent on routine drills close to the border with Ukraine[268] and crossed the border by mistake.[269] On 28 August 2014 Dutch Brigadier-General Nico Tak, head of NATO's crisis management center, said that "over 1,000 Russian troops are now operating inside Ukraine".[270]

On 5 September, Sergey Krivenko, a member of Russian President's Council for Civil Society and Human Rights, commented on the growing number of Russian soldiers killed in Ukraine, saying that "the situation now is very strange, something unusual is going on; it could be described as massive dying of soldiers, which is not typical for a time of peace; people from different military units are killed as a result of shots, from loss of blood, all these reasons are documented; and the military command explains that it happened during training or provides no explanation at all".[271][272]

On 7 November, NATO officials confirmed the continued invasion of Ukraine, with 32 Russian tanks, 16 howitzer cannons and 30 trucks of troops entering the country.[273] On 12 November, NATO reiterated the prevalence of Russian troops; US general Philip Breedlove said "Russian tanks, Russian artillery, Russian air defence systems and Russian combat troops" were sighted.[121] The Lithuanian Mission to the United Nations denounced Russia's 'undeclared war' on Ukraine.[274] Journalist Menahem Kahana took a picture showing a 1RL232 "Leopard" battlefield surveillance radar system in Torez, east of Donetsk; and Dutch freelance journalist Stefan Huijboom took pictures which showed the 1RL232 traveling with the 1RL239 "Lynx" radar system.[275]

Burnt-out remains of tanks and vehicles left after battles appeared to provide further evidence of Russian involvement.[276]

The Associated Press reported 80 unmarked military vehicles on the move in rebel-controlled areas. Three separate columns were observed, one near the main separatist stronghold of Donetsk and two outside the town of Snizhne. Several of the trucks were seen to be carrying troops.[73]

OSCE monitors further observed vehicles apparently used to transport soldiers' dead bodies crossing the Russian-Ukrainian border in one case a vehicle marked with Russia's military code for soldiers killed in action crossed from Russia into Ukraine on 11 November 2014 and later returned.[76] On January 23, 2015 the Committee of Soldiers Mothers warned about conscripts being sent to east Ukraine.[277] NATO said it had seen an increase in Russian tanks, artillery pieces and other heavy military equipment in eastern Ukraine and renewed its call for Moscow to withdraw its forces.[278]

The Center for Eurasian Strategic Intelligence estimated, based on "official statements and interrogation records of captured military men from these units, satellite surveillance data" as well as verified announcements from relatives and profiles in social networks, that over 30 Russian military units were taking part in the conflict in Ukraine. In total, over 8,000 soldiers had fought there at different moments.[279] The Chicago Council on Global Affairs stated that the Russian separatists enjoyed technical advantages over the Ukrainian army since the large inflow of advanced military systems in mid-2014: effective anti-aircraft weapons ("Buk", MANPADS) suppressed Ukrainian air strikes, Russian drones provided intelligence, and Russian secure communications system thwarted the Ukrainian side from communications intelligence. The Russian side also frequently employed electronic warfare systems that Ukraine lacked. Similar conclusions about the technical advantage of the Russian separatists were voiced by the Conflict Studies Research Centre.[280]

In November 2014, Igor Girkin gave a long interview to the extreme right-wing[281] nationalist newspaper "Zavtra" ("Tomorrow") where for the first time he released details about the beginning of the conflict in Donbass. According to Girkin, he was the one who "pulled the trigger of war" and it was necessary because acquisition of Crimea alone by Russia "did not make sense" and Crimea as part of the Novorossiya "would make the jewel in the crown of the Russian Empire". Girkin had been directed to Donbass by Sergey Aksyonov and he entered Ukraine with a group of 52 officers in April, initially taking Slavyansk, Kramatorsk and then other cities. Girkin also talked about the situation in August, when separatist forces were close to defeat and only a prompt intervention of Russian "leavers" (ironic term for "soldiers on leave") saved them. Their forces took command in the siege of Mariupol as well.[282][283] In response to internal criticism of the Russian government's policy of not officially recognizing Russian soldiers in Ukraine as fulfilling military service and leaving their families without any source of income if they are killed, president Vladimir Putin signed a new law in October entitling their families to a monthly compensation. Two new entitlement categories were added: "missing in action" and "declared dead" (as of 1 January 2016).[284][285]

Alexandr Negrebetskih, a deputy from the Russian city of Zlatoust who fought as a volunteer on the side of separatists, complained in an interview that "the locals run to Russia, and we have to come here as they are reluctant to defend their land" which resulted in his detachment being composed of 90% Russians and only 10% locals from Donetsk.[286]

In November, Lev Shlosberg published a response from a military attorney's office to questions he asked about the status of Pskov paratroopers killed in Ukraine in August. The office answered that the soldiers died while "fulfilling military service outside of their permanent dislocation units" (Pskov), but any further information on their orders or location of death was withheld as "classified". A political expert Alexey Makarkin compared these answers to those provided by Soviet ministry of defence during the Soviet war in Afghanistan when the USSR attempted to hide the scale of their casualties at any cost.[287]

Numerous reports of Russian troops and warfare on Ukrainian territory were raised in United Nations Security Council meetings. In the 12 November meeting, the representative of the United Kingdom also accused Russia of intentionally constraining OSCE observatory missions' capabilities, pointing out that the observers were allowed to monitor only two kilometers of border between Ukraine and Russia, and drones deployed to extend their capabilities were being jammed or shot down.[288]

In November, Armament Research Services published a detailed report on arms used by both sides of the conflict, documenting a number of "flag items". Among vehicles, they documented the presence of T-72B Model 1989 and T-72B3 tanks, armoured vehicles of models BTR-82AM, MT-LB 6MA, MT-LBVM, and MT-LBVMK, and an Orlan-10 drone and 1RL239 radar vehicle. Among the ammunition, they documented 9K38 Igla (date of manufacture 2014), ASVK rifle (2012), RPG-18 rocket launchers (2011), 95Ya6 rocket boosters (2009) MRO-A (2008), 9M133 Kornet anti-tank weapons (2007), PPZR Grom (2007), MON-50 (2002), RPO-A (2002), PKP (2001), OG-7 (2001), and VSS rifles (1987). These weapons, mostly manufactured in Russia, were used by pro-Russian separatists in the conflict zone, but never "were in the Ukrainian government inventory prior to the outbreak of hostilities". The report also noted the use of PPZR Grom MANPADs, produced in Poland and never exported to Ukraine. They were however exported to Georgia in 2007 and subsequently captured by the Russian army during the Russian-Georgian War 2008.[289] Also in November, Pantsir-S1 units were observed in separatist-controlled areas near Novoazovsk, which were never part of the UAF's inventory.[290]Bellingcat maintains a dedicated database of geolocated images of military vehicles specific to each side of the conflict, mostly focused on Russian military equipment found on Ukrainian territory.[291]

In January 2015, an image of a BPM-97 apparently inside Ukraine, in Luhansk, provided further evidence of Russian military vehicles inside Ukraine.[292][293]

Poroshenko spoke of a dangerous escalation on January 21 amid reports of more than 2,000 additional Russian troops crossing the border, together with 200 tanks and armed personnel carriers. He abbreviated his visit to the World Economic Forum in Davos because of his concerns at the worsening situation.[294]

In January, Donetsk, Lugansk, and Mariupol were the three cities that represented the three fronts on which Ukraine was pressed by forces armed, trained and backed by Russia.[295]

On January 29, the chief of Ukraines General Military Staff Viktor Muzhenko said 'the Ukrainian army is not engaged in combat operations against Russian regular units,' but that he had information about Russian civilian and military individuals fighting alongside 'illegal armed groups in combat activities.'[citation needed][296] Reporting from DPR-controlled areas on 28 January, the OSCE observed on the outskirts of Khartsyzk, east of Donetsk, "a column of five T-72 tanks facing east, and immediately after, another column of four T-72 tanks moving east on the same road which was accompanied by four unmarked military trucks, type URAL. All vehicles and tanks were unmarked." It reported on an intensified movement of unmarked military trucks, covered with canvas.[297] After the shelling of residential areas in Mariupol, NATO's Jens Stoltenberg said: "Russian troops in eastern Ukraine are supporting these offensive operations with command and control systems, air defense systems with advanced surface-to-air missiles, unmanned aerial systems, advanced multiple rocket launcher systems, and electronic warfare systems."'[278][298]

Svetlana Davydova, a mother of seven, was accused of treason for calling the Ukrainian embassy about Russian troop movements and arrested on January 27, 2015. She was held at the high-security Lefortovo jail in Moscow until her release on February 3 with charges against her still pending. The Russian General Staff said details of the case constituted a "state secret."[299][300]

Both Ukrainian and DNR sides have reported unknown sabotage groups firing at both sides of the conflict and also on residential areas, calling them a "third force".[301]SBU published an intercepted call in which DNR commanders reported such a group had been arrested with Russian passports and military documents.[302] DNR confirmed that such groups were indeed stopped and "destroyed" but called them "Ukrainian sabotage groups working to discredit the armed forces of the Russian Federation".[303]

According to a top U.S. general, Russian supplied drones and electronic jamming have ensured Ukrainian troops struggle to counter artillery fire by pro-Russian militants. "The rebels have Russian-provided UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) that are giving the rebels the detection capability and the ability to target Ukrainian forces".[304] Advanced electronic jamming was also reported by OSCE observers on numerous occasions.[305]

US Army commander in Europe Ben Hodges stated in February 2015 that "it's very obvious from the amount of ammunition, type of equipment, there's direct Russian military intervention in the Debaltseve area".[306]

On 9 February 2015, a group of twenty contract soldiers from Murmansk raised an official complaint to the Russian ministry of defence when they were told they would "go to the Rostov area and possibly cross the Ukrainian border to fulfill their patriotic duty". The soldiers notified human rights activists and requested the orders in written form, which they were not given.[307][308] On 13 February, a young soldier, Ilya Kudryavtsev, was found dead after calling home and informing his relatives that he was to be sent on a mission to Rostov-on-Don, which is the usual starting point to Ukraine. Although he was severely beaten, his death was officially classified as a suicide.[309]

According to estimates by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, Russian separatists forces number around 36,000 troops (as compared to 34,000 Ukrainian), of which 8,500-10,000 are purely Russian soldiers. Additionally, around 1,000 GRU troops are operating in the area.[310] According to a military expert, Ilya Kramnik, total Ukrainian forces outnumber the Russian forces by a factor of two (20,000 Russian separatists vs. 40,000 fighting for Ukraine).[311]

In March 2015, Novaya Gazeta published an interview with a Russian soldier, Dorzhi Batomunkuev, who operated a tank in the Battle of Debaltseve and was wounded. He confirmed that the tanks came from his military unit in Ulan-Ude in Russia and that his unit "painted over the serial numbers and unit signs straight away on the rail platforms". In November 2014, Batomunkuev was sent as a conscript to Rostov-on-Don, where he became a contract soldier. Traveling by train with his unit from Ulan-Ude, Batomunkuev said he saw "plenty of such trains" travelling along with them "day after day". After three months at Kosminskiy training facility, their unit of 31 tanks and 300 soldiers in total (mostly Buryats) was given an order to move on 8 February 2015 and crossed the Ukrainian border in the night, arriving in Donetsk in the morning. They took part in the battle on 1214 February.[312][313][314]Joseph Kobzon met Batomunkuev in the same hospital a few days before the NG interview.[315]

A report by Igor Sutyagin published by the Royal United Services Institute in March 2015 stated that a total of 42,000 regular Russian combat troops have been involved in the fighting, with a peak strength of 10,000 in December 2014. The direct involvement of the Russian troops on Ukrainian territory began in August 2014, at a time when Ukrainian military successes created the possibility that the pro-Russian rebels would collapse. According to the report, the Russian troops are the most capable units on the anti-Ukrainian side, with the regular Donetsk and Luhansk rebel formations being used essentially as "cannon fodder".[316][317]

In February 2015, the leading independent Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta reported[318] that it had obtained documents, allegedly written by oligarch Konstantin Malofayev and others, which provided the Russian government with a strategy in the event of Viktor Yanukovych's removal from power and the break-up of Ukraine, which were considered likely. The documents outlined plans for the annexation of Crimea and the eastern portions of the country, closely describing the events that actually followed after Yanukovych's fall. The documents also described plans for a public relations campaign which would seek to justify Russian actions.[319][320][321]

In March 2015, a commander of the DPR special forces unit, Dmitry Sapozhnikov, gave an interview to the BBC[322] in which he spoke openly about the involvement of Russian soldiers in the conflict. He described the arrival of Russian military vehicles and personnel from across the border as critical to the success of large scale operations such as the battle of Debaltseve. Russian high-rank officers planned the operations and regular Russian army units with DPR forces carried them out jointly. In Sapozhnikov's opinion, "everyone knows that" and it's "no secret", but he was surprised to find out that it is not so widely acknowledged in Russia when he returned to Saint Petersburg.[323]

In April 2015, a group of Russian volunteers returning to Ekaterinburg complained in an interview to local media about a lack of support from the local population, who sometimes called them "occupiers", and their highly ambiguous status while in Donbass: Ukraine and "the court in Madrid" considered them to be terrorists; the DPR considered them "illegal armed groups" and offered them contracts, but if they signed they would become mercenaries under Russian law.[324] Another volunteer, a citizen of Latvia nicknamed "Latgalian", told on his return from Donbass that he was disappointed with how the situation there differed from what he had seen in the Russian media: he saw no support and sometimes open hostility to the insurgents from the local civilians, presence of Russian troops and military equipment.[325] Also in early April, a number of Russian spetznaz soldiers took pictures of themselves changing their military uniforms into "miner's battledress" used by the insurgents, and posted them on their VK pages, where they were picked up by Ukrainian media.[326] Another volunteer, Bondo Dorovskih, who left to Donbass to "fight fascism" gave a long interview to Russian media on his return, describing how he found himself "not in an army, but in a gang", involved in large scale looting. He also described the methods used by Russian army to covertly deliver military equipment, people and ammunition to Donbass, as well as hostile attitude of the local civilian population.[327]

On 22 April 2015, the US Department of State accused the "combined Russian-separatist forces" of accumulating air defense systems, UAV along with command and control equipment in eastern Ukraine, and of conducting "complex" military training that "leaves no doubt that Russia is involved in the training". Russia is also reinforcing its military presence on the eastern border with Ukraine as well as near Belgorod which is close to Kharkiv.[328]

In May 2015, Reuters interviewed a number of Russian soldiers, some named and some speaking under condition of anonymity, who were serving in Donbass as truck drivers, crew of a T-72B3 tank and of a "Grad" launcher. Some of their colleagues resigned when asked to go to Donbass by their commanders, which was "not an easy decision" because the salary offered was between 20 and 60,000 rubles per month. The members of the "Grad" launcher crew confirmed they were shelling targets in Ukraine from Russian territory, around 2km from the border.[329]

Allies of Boris Nemtsov released Putin. War, a report on Russian involvement that he had been working on before his death.[330] Other Russian opposition activists announced that they had found fresh graves of members of a GRU special forces brigade that had operated in Ukraine.[331]

In May, two GRU soldiers, Alexander Alexandrov and Yevgeny Yerofeyev, were captured alive in a battle near Schastie and were later interviewed by press, admitting to being on active duty at the time of capture. Russian military command declared they left active service in December 2014, a claim that was repeated on Russian television by the wife of Alexandrov.[331][332] Consequently, Ukraine declared it would try them as terrorists, not prisoners of war, and a controversy developed in the Russian press regarding the status of the soldiers.[333] At the same time, Russian journalists found out that their families were strictly isolated from contacts with press and the captured soldiers.[334] While Alexandrov declared he would seek legal methods to confirm his status in Russia, military analyst Alexander Golts considers this impossible as special forces soldiers routinely sign contract termination declaration to be backdated in such a situation.[335]

Shortly afterward, a Russian military drone, "Forpost", was shot down near Avdeevka and recovered in good condition, with all the serial numbers and nameplates intact.[336][337] On 28 May 2015, the Atlantic Council released Hiding in Plain Sight: Putin's War in Ukraine, a report which they said provided "irrefutable evidence of direct Russian military involvement in eastern Ukraine".[338]

On 17 May 2015 two Russian soldiers of the 3rd Guards Spetsnaz Brigade were captured by Secret Service of Ukraine during a battle near town Shchastya (Lughansk oblast, Ukraine).[339] On 18 May they were transferred to Kiev.[340] On 19 May a spokesman for the Russian Defense Ministry stated that the two named prisoners were not active servicemen when they were captured,[341] thus depriving the two Russians of their status as combatants and their protection under the Geneva Convention. The head of Ukraine's Security Service stated that the two men will be prosecuted for "terrorist acts".[341] On May 20, 2015 members of the OSCE mission to Ukraine spoke with the Russian soldiers in the hospital.[342] The OSCE May 20, 2015 report includes the following:

In June 2015, Vice News reporter Simon Ostrovsky investigated the movements of Bato Dambaev, a Russian contract soldier from Buryatia, through a military camp in Rostov Oblast to Vuhlehirsk in Ukraine during the battle of Debaltseve and back to Buryatia, finding exact locations where Dambaev photographed himself, and came to a conclusion that Dambaev had fought in Ukraine while in active service in the Russian army.[343] With Russia refusing to allow the OSCE to expand its mission, OSCE observer Paul Picard stated that "We often see how Russian media outlets manipulate our statements. They say that we have not seen Russian troops crossing the borders. But that only applies to two border crossings. We have no idea what is going on at the others."[344]

In July 2015, Ukraine arrested a Russian officer, Vladimir Starkov, when his truck loaded with ammunition took a wrong turn and ended up at a Ukrainian checkpoint. On arrest, Starkov declared that he was a Russian military officer in active service and later explained that he was officially assigned to a Russian military unit in Novocherkassk, but immediately on arrival reassigned to join DPR forces.[345][346]

In November 2015, a Russian judge accepted serving in the DNR militia as a mitigating circumstance.[347] On 17 December 2015, Putin admitted that Russian military intelligence officers were operating in Ukraine, stating "We never said there were not people there who carried out certain tasks including in the military sphere."[81]

Follow this link:
201416 Russian military intervention in Ukraine ...

Weve read countlessindustry articles regarding the importance of video content heading into 2016. While it is easy to be a skeptic, its really hard to argue with the statistics! Video Content Stats: By 2019 online []

The list below ranks websites based on the number of people in the United States who visit each site within a month. It includes sites with estimated traffic as well as sites with traffic that []

Online reviews are SUPER important when it comes to how consumers view your business. The fact is that people spend a lot of time searching online and researching your business, products, or services before []

According to a recent Bits Blog article, Facebooks co-founder Mark Zuckerberg announced yesterday that the company plans on integrating a Dislike button into the social media platform in the near future. Not every moment is []

Ive recently been experimenting with a newer form of Google Adwords strategy called Call-Only Ads. In a nutshell they are basically ads that entice people to call your business rather than simply visit your website. []

Website Building Meet our newest client Coldwell Banker Commercial Moore Company Reality We are currently in the process of developing a brand new mobile responsive website for their commercial real estate business. []

View original post here:
Sucessful Marketing Strategies-Social Scene Marketing