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By Lisa Mascaro

Tribune Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON, D.C. The relationship between President Donald Trump and GOP leaders in Congress started as a marriage of convenience, thrown together by necessity and sustained on the promise of pushing a Republican agenda into law.

Until recently, House Speaker Paul D. Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell tolerated Trumps turbulent debut because they agreed with the direction the White House was heading or were confident they could nudge it in the desired one.

Many Republicans backed the travel ban, despite the rocky rollout. They support upending Obama-era regulations and raved about Trumps Supreme Court nominee.

For most of us, there has been such a yearning to get something done, even if they dont agree with the tactic, they applaud the result, said Rep. Mark Meadows, R-N.C., chairman of the conservative House Freedom Caucus.

But the newfound partnership is showing signs of serious strain. Growing discomfort about the Trump teams ties to Russia, daily dramas at the White House and the increasing unrest at town hall meetings with constituents back home have prompted many in Congress to express second thoughts about the alliance.

As the first 100 days tick away, and rank-and-file Republicans head home for a weeklong recess, there is a growing worry that Congress will face a drip-drip-drip of new revelations about the Trump White House that will overshadow the rest of the Republican agenda, such as repealing Obamacare, enacting tax reform and cutting government spending.

Thats what the fear is, said one Republican senator, granted anonymity to frankly discuss the outlook. Its not a good situation. You cant let this go and not look at it.

Its growing pains, said another, Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D.

In their first significant rebuke of the White House, Republican senators this week tanked Trumps pick for Labor secretary, fast-food executive Andy Puzder, rather than vote for someone who was accused decades ago of spousal abuse and who hired an immigrant housekeeper who was in the country illegally.

The Senate revolt came as Trumps ousting of national security adviser Michael Flynn exposed lawmakers to a web of unanswered questions about possible Russian influence on the administration.

For a while, Republican leaders tried to swat back media inquiries about Trumps latest unconventional moves or statements by refusing to engage in what they dismissed as mere distractions from the work of governing.

They often acted as self-appointed Trump translators, explaining the substance of the presidents policies in language more befitting of Washington norms than the presidents often-jarring presentations.

The travel ban, for example, became a travel pause.

Look, the president has a responsibility to the security of this country, Ryan said after a weekend of airport chaos over the order that temporarily blocked refugees worldwide as well as arrivals from seven mostly Muslim nations. Now, I think its regrettable that there was some confusion on the rollout of this . We are going to make sure that we get this program up and running with the kind of vetting standards that we all want to see.

But hardly a day goes by that Ryan or McConnell arent asked to defend Trumps latest provocations on Twitter or the next executive order rumored to be coming from the White House.

Republican leadership is gambling that their best bet is to look past Trumps Andrew Jackson-like coarseness and unconventional style in hopes of accomplishing their broader goals.

Im not a great fan of daily tweets, McConnell told reporters Friday. What I am a fan of is what hes been actually doing.

When McConnell considers what could have been with a President Mitt Romney or Marco Rubio or Jeb Bush, he said, I cant see much difference between what President Trump is doing and what they would have done.

One former GOP leadership aide said theres not a single Republican anywhere whos not stunned by some of Trumps comments. But they focus instead on the GOP priorities they see taking shape, he said.

In the end, were still talking about tax reform, Supreme Court all the stuff is getting done, the aide said. Most of the stuff is sort of within the lines of what Republicans want anyway. People by and large think progress has been made.

Trump has already started signing into law bills sent by Congress to roll back President Barack Obamas regulatory clampdown on coal pollution and overseas corporate bribes. More are on the way to his desk.

Republicans have put their trust in Vice President Mike Pence, the Cabinet secretaries and a legislative team culled from the halls of Congress even though it is unclear how much sway those voices ultimately have with the occupant of the Oval Office.

And areas of significant disagreement with Trump lie ahead, such as his $1-trillion infrastructure plan, having Congress pony up funds for the border wall with Mexico, and a massive military buildup.

But the questions about Russia are threatening to overshadow Republican goals. Emboldened Democrats are calling for independent inquiries into alleged contacts between Trumps campaign team and Russian intelligence officials, and demanding the release of a transcript of a wiretapped conversation between Flynn and a Russian diplomat.

The Republican leadership has tried to contain the congressional investigations to the House and Senate intelligence committees, where hearings are often conducted in secret because of the classified nature.

Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., suggested that former Obama administration officials were behind intelligence leaks about Flynn and others. I have never seen such a concerted effort to try and make an administration fail so early on, said Johnson, chairman of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.

Trump is also pushing back hard, saying that Russia is a ruse.

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In Congress, Republicans are starting to fret - The Daily World