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By Andrew Cuff| Erie Times-News

Drive 30 minutes east from Pittsburgh, and youll enter Westmoreland County one of Pennsylvanias most conservative areas. Over the course of two decades, Westmoreland has become ground zero for the Rust Belts GOP shift. For perspective, in 1998 the countys 136,700 registered Democratic voters dwarfed the 70,600 registered Republicans, propelling their candidates to wins in nearly every local, state, and national election. But in 2020, Donald Trump took 64% of the vote.

In Mays state primary, the Republican trend continued when Westmorelandvoted by similar marginsin support of a constitutional amendment curtailing Democratic Gov. Tom Wolfs emergency powers a clear rebuke of his excessive pandemic restrictions. Then, in a special election, county voters favoredLeslie Rossi, aGOP state House candidatewho had painted her home like an American flag and erected a 14-foot Trump cutout.

Since the Obama era, Westmorelands former Democrats have switched parties over issues related to economic populism and social conservatism. But last years social unrest and urban violence, including in Pittsburgh, led even more county Democrats to change their affiliation. In a paraphrase of Ronald Reagans classic remark, Westmoreland Sheriff James Albertput itthis way when joining the GOP: As a lifelong public servant and member of law enforcement, I have not left the Democratic Party, the Democratic Party has left me.

Though Trumps presidency fueled intraparty tensions, including in Pennsylvania, Westmorelanders feel their own political compass has remained fixed amid the GOPs evolving platforms. As one resident in Greensburg, the county seat, told me, Time has pretty much stood still around here for the last 30 years. And thats how we like it.

But while Westmorelands silent majority stands still, its progressive activists have increasingly mobilized. Last year, for example, along that half-hour drive from Pittsburgh, incendiary anti-Trump billboards displayedmisrepresentedquotesfrom the former president. Today, billboards feature left-leaning messages such as Ban Assault Weapons and Teach your children about systemic racism. Meanwhile, art displays that promote the central tenets of critical race theory find their way to local museums and outdoor areas.

Who is behind this progressive resistance in Pennsylvanias heartland? According to theNew York Times, Westmorelands radical campaigners operate like a secret society, complete with hand signals, invite-only gatherings, and leftist Facebook groups. Overall, theyre united in purpose and strategic in approach but this hardly suggests a grassroots effort.

As is so often the case, Westmorelands left is less a coalition of local dissenters than a team of professional activists funded by out-of-town millions and occasionally, even public tax dollars. Anti-gun billboards, for example, are paid for by aPACinvolving prominent liberals, such as former Missouri Sen. Claire McCaskill. Meanwhile, critical race theorydisplaysandmessagingare funded by groups such as PA Start and the Westmoreland Diversity Coalition.

The progressive campaign, though, isnt limited to leftist messaging on major thoroughfares. In fact, Westmorelands liberal wing has clear-eyed electoral ambitions. In 2019, for example, the county commissioner elections turned into a bitter struggle between Democratic incumbents and their Republican challengers.

The local fight concerned the lobbying power of public-sector unions, whom Democrats had empowered to influence county spending. The unions left-leaning positions on social issues, such as acounty diversity plan, became part of Democratic candidates platforms, too. This, in turn, unified Republican opposition. Since then, the most prominent Westmoreland Squad member has signaled her support for replacing Westmorelands Flag Day observance with Juneteenth but only after discussing it withthe unions.

Westmorelands progressives are also keen on dominating local school boards. The county chapter ofPA United, a subsidiary of the George Soros-fundedDemocracy Alliance, has put forward several candidates seeking to make local school districts curriculum and practices more progressive.Westmorelanders, though, likely wish to avoid theparent-led battlesoverideological school boards and identity-driven curriculumcurrently afflicting Loudoun County, Va., and suburban Philadelphia. This November, such issues are at stake in Westmorelands elections.

On guns, law and order, family values, and education, the county isnt a great fit for progressive activists or the elite millionaires who fund them. But post-Trump, such a conservative area remains a target for culture war assaults waged by resistance activists with deep pockets. For some reason, western Pennsylvanias towns, with their thriving small business economies, neighborhood safety, solidarity, and educational opportunity, have become a bugbear for the left.

But most Westmorelanders still consider these community features to be proud of and defend.

Andrew Cuff writes on conservative issues and policy reform from Latrobe in Westmoreland County. This piece first appeared on RealClearPolitics.com.

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Op-Ed: Delusions of progressive 'resistance' in PA's heartland - GoErie.com