MAGA is obsessed with Viktor Orban; liberals should be, too –
Brussels and Western college campuses overreach enough to give Orban and his ilk the ammunition to paint liberal democracy as woke authoritarianism being thrust upon them, which they use to conceal their dismantling of independent institutions
By Marc Champion / Bloomberg Opinion
Why are former US president Donald Trump and the Make America Great Again (MAGA) Republicans so fascinated by Viktor Orban, the prime minister of a small, landlocked central European nation that many of them likely could not find on a map? Because, as he said in 2022 when he addressed a US Conservative Political Action Conference in Texas, Hungarys leader just keeps winning and winning and winning.
Orban has created a model MAGA country. In a speech to the conferences only European franchise in Budapest on Thursday, he offered himself up as living proof that conservatives can survive in an ocean of liberal pretense, to make Europe great again.
Others due to speak included US Republicans such as Oklahoma Senator Markwayne Mullin, and US representatives Andy Harris of Maryland and Keith Self of Texas, as well as former presidential hopefuls Vivek Ramaswamy and Rick Santorum.
Illustration: Mountain People
After a recent visit to Hungarys capital, still elegant and redolent of the days when it ran a small empire, I think liberals have even more to learn.
Orban wants to change the world in his image. That is not a metaphor or hyperbole. You do not have to like him or his goals, but do not discount the 60-year-olds voracious ambition, political talent and sheer chutzpah.
Hungarys experience under Orban offers at least two takeaways for liberals: First, build a united opposition and do not wait to fight back. Second, focus that fight tightly around the rule of law and democratic institutions. Mix it up with the culture wars and you will play into populists hands.
Orbans a lot smarter than his clownish British counterparts. He does not want to leave the EU, which would only make his country poorer and him less influential, but to occupy it. He wants to stoke a revolution of like-minded populists across the bloc that would capture EU institutions, including the European Parliament, which opinion polls suggest would have an expanded far-right contingent after elections this summer.
He is also openly rooting for a Trump victory in November and makes no secret of his preference for the political systems of countries such as Singapore, Turkey, India or Russia, over so-called liberal democracies.
At the beginning of the year we were alone. By the end of the year, we will be the majority in the Western world, Orban told supporters in a March address to mark Hungarys heroic, but ultimately failed, 1848 revolt against the Habsburg Empire.
Everyone would be welcome in his new world of nationalisms, Orban said except for traitors who worked with the EU institutions in Brussels (in his eyes, a new incarnation of the Habsburgs), and those who want to open the floodgates to migrants, or hand our children over to unhinged gender activists.
You know you are in Orbans new order from the moment you get off a plane. Ads promoting Hungary as family friendly line the walls of the jet bridges. The borders are proudly resistant to (non-European) refugees and migrants.
The government has forced out academically free universities, or simply starved them of funding. Meanwhile, the prime ministers chief ideologue, Balazs Orban (no relation), took charge of a private academy called the Mathias Corvinus Collegium and supersized it, endowing it with US$1 billion and an overtly Orbanist agenda.
He can do that, because Viktor Orbans friends and loyalists control much of the economy, including advertising and media, where they bought up 500 outlets and bundled them into a single government-friendly entity. In the deepest of ironies, the whole project has been funded with the help of EU aid that at times accounted for close to 5 percent of GDP.
Driving into the city, billboards show Viktor Orbans main political opponents daubed with dollar signs as if it were graffiti, to portray them as the unpatriotic, paid lackeys of the US. Previously, the same billboards had attacked European Commission President Ursula Van der Leyen. Before her it was George Soros, the Hungarian-born billionaire and philanthropist whom Viktor Orban has sold to his voters as a Bond villain. Keeping voters mobilized against enemies, real and imagined, has been critical to Viktor Orbans success.
US Ambassador to Hungary David Pressman, who is gay, is also on the hit list. In a remarkable speech last month, Pressman warned against Viktor Orbans backsliding on democracy under cover of rhetorical shell games that tell you to look anywhere other than where the actual ball is hidden. That was typical of Soviet bloc countries during the Cold War, and in Russia still, he said. But this is not something we expect from allies.
Other populists cannot copy Viktor Orbans playbook wholesale, because it has depended on a unique weakness in Hungarys electoral system that easily grants a supermajority of parliamentary seats. That gave Viktor Orban a free hand to legislate and change the constitution from the day he took office. He used the power to create a de facto one-party state he has called it illiberal democracy without having to jail opponents, as in Turkey, or kill them, as in Russia.
What matters is whether Hungary is still a democracy, 10 years into this illiberal project, said Agoston Samuel Mraz, chief executive of the government-friendly Nezopont Intezet think tank and polling agency. Clearly it is, because the most important question is whether the opposition has a possibility to win the election.
It does, Mraz said. It is just that Viktor Orbans opposition is divided and not very good.
Maybe. Technically, Mraz is right. Most Hungarians can watch TV commentators criticizing the government if they try. They could also vote for opposition parties if they wanted to. It is just that the field is so sharply tilted in favor of Viktor Orban in terms of money, media coverage and gerrymandered electoral districting that it would take a minor miracle to unseat him. (The next elections are scheduled for 2026).
There are signs of fatigue with Viktor Orbans Fidesz party, which for the first time since 2010 is overseeing a declining economy that is not easily explained away, with growth negative and inflation at 17 percent last year. The open question is whether it is too late to unravel Orbanism, because a lot of damage has been done.
Take the rule of law, a sine qua non for any genuine democracy. Viktor Orban brought the prosecutors office, constitutional court and ombudsman under his control early, before moving on to the Supreme Court and making a new position, filled by the wife of a Fidesz lawmaker, to take charge of all judicial appointments and training budgets for the lower courts.
Tamas Matusik was among those elected in 2018 to the judiciarys existing governing body, the Hungarian National Council of Judges, who first took a stand for its independence.
We were hunted down, he said.
Some members resigned under pressure. Others were subjected to public smear campaigns. Matusik personally was the object of more than 400 negative TV and press items in a single month, as he went to seek European support.
I told colleagues there, this can happen to you, he said. Some laughed at the idea, said Matusik, who eventually became president of the council and whose term has since ended. They arent laughing anymore.
In the end, it worked and Viktor Orban backed down. His appointee resigned and, under intense pressure from the EU, which withheld more than 10 billion euros (US$10.71 billion) of funding to press for the reversal, powers were restored to the council to run the lower court system. That secured release of the EU funds, but Hungarys highest courts remain captured.
The original sin of our judiciary was that no one stood up and protested when it all began, Matusik said.
That is one key Viktor Orban lesson for liberals: To push back early where it really counts. Another is to define much more tightly where that is, focusing exclusively on what is required for membership in the club of Western democracies, including the EU and NATO, and is therefore open to legitimate international pressure.
It is vital to resist the overreach that has helped Viktor Orban sell his shell game to voters by eliding issues of democracy with identity politics. After all, if illiberalism just means having a democracy stripped of woke diktat, what is not to like for a conservative?
The EU, for example, is still withholding 20 billion euros of funding for Hungary, with the bulk of criteria for the moneys release focused on measures to prevent fraud and corruption. When he attacks these conditions, the prime minister invariably talks about demands to repeal a law banning the exposure of minors to material that refers to homosexuality, and a requirement for asylum seekers only to apply from outside the country.
His complaint resonates. I disagree with these laws, as does the European Commission, but many Hungarians do not.
The EUs attempt to police the area has proved a political gift to Viktor Orban, diverting attention from his erosion of the rule of law, and from the losses to Hungary including tens of billions of euros in EU aid that are being caused by corruption among his business allies. It also raises reasonable questions about whether policies on LGBTQ+ rights and immigration should be decided in Brussels or national parliaments.
Viktor Orban and his like succeed in part because there is enough overreach in Brussels, Western college campuses and elsewhere that he can use it to paint liberal democracy as a woke authoritarianism that is being thrust down Hungarian throats, concealing his destruction of independent institutions. So let us stop talking about liberal and illiberal democracy altogether. It is just democracy, it is under severe threat in Hungary and that is nothing to admire or emulate.
Marc Champion is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Europe, Russia and the Middle East. He was previously Istanbul bureau chief for the Wall Street Journal. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
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