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Obama Is Too Cool for Crisis Management

By the time President Obama gave in and appointed an Ebola czar on Oct. 17, the White House response to this latest national crisis had already run a familiar course: the initial assurance that everything was under control; the subsequent realization that it wasnt; the delay as administration officials appeared conflicted about what to do; and the growing frustration with a president who seemed a step or two behind each new development. Meanwhile, public anxiety mounted as cable news hysteria filled the vacuum and shaped the perception of the unfolding crisis.

Obama calmly insisted there was nothing to worry about when the news first broke of Thomas Eric Duncans infection. Its important for Americans to know the facts, he said on Oct. 6. Because of the measures weve put in place, as well as our world-class health system and the nature of the Ebola virus itself, which is difficult to transmit, the chance of an Ebola outbreak in the United States is extremely low. It soon became clear the health system wasnt prepared; the virus spread, infecting two nurses who had treated Duncan. One of them had called the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to report having a fever, yet was still allowed to board a commercial airliner on Oct. 13. The CDCs guidelines were declared absolutely irresponsible and dead wrong by Sean Kaufman, director for safety training at Emory University Hospital, where two American missionaries from West Africa were treated for Ebola in August. But Obama clung to his position for two more weeks, even after it began to look ridiculous.

Only with public confidence slipping and dozens of congressmen calling for a ban on travel from West Africa did Obama submit to the kind of grand theatrical gesture he abhors: He canceled a campaign trip to hold an emergency cabinet meeting and appointed Ron Klain, a veteran political operative, to coordinate the governments Ebola response. Then the pageantry of White House crisis response reached its familiar end point, with anonymous aides telling the New York Times that Obama was seething at the botched response and the criticism that hed mishandled the crisis. Photograph by Hugh Gentry/Reuters; Animation by Steph DavidsonBehind this weeks coverIf all this feels frustratingly familiar, many former White House officials agree. The difficulty in formulating a response echoes the fitful efforts to address the Deepwater Horizon oil disaster, the chemical weapons attacks in Syria, the advance of Islamic State, the rollout of healthcare.gov, and even the shooting of Michael Brown by police in Ferguson, Mo.

Administration veterans describe Obamas crisis-management process as akin to a high-level graduate seminar. He responds in a very rational way, trying to gather facts, rely on the best expert advice, and mobilize the necessary resources, says David Axelrod, a former White House senior adviser. On Ebola, Obamas inner circle has included Dr. Tom Frieden, director of the CDC, and Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, along with White House Chief of Staff Denis McDonough, Health and Human Services Secretary Sylvia Mathews Burwell, and Homeland Security Advisor Lisa Monaco. By all accounts, Obama treats a crisis as an intellectual inquiry and develops his response through an intensely rational process. As former CIA Director Leon Panetta said recently in a TV interview, He approaches things like a law professor in presenting the logic of his position.

Six years in, its clear that Obamas presidency is largely about adhering to intellectual rigorregardless of the publics emotional needs. The virtues of this approach are often obscured in a crisis, because Obama disdains the performative aspects of his job. Theres no doubt that theres a theatrical nature to the presidency that he resists, Axelrod says. Sometimes he can be negligent in the symbolism. Lately, this failing has been especially pronounced. Few things strike terror in people quite like the specter of Ebola. An Oct. 14 Washington Post-ABC News poll found that nearly two-thirds of Americans (65 percent) say they fear a widespread outbreak in the U.S. Cooler heads have noted that more Americans have been married to a Kardashian than have died from Ebola. But that fun fact misses the point: People fear what they cant control, and when the government cant control it either, the fear ratchets up to panic.

Obamas presidency is largely about adhering to intellectual rigorregardless of the publics emotional needs

Americans views of deadly viruses such as Ebola are shaped by Hollywood movies such as Outbreak and Contagion, and when the prospect of a global pandemic arises, we expect a Hollywood president to take charge. Obamas Spock-like demeanor and hollow assurances about what experts are telling him feel incongruous.

A bigger problem is that the Ebola experts in whom Obama has invested so much faith have often turned out to be wrong. Frieden and the CDC misjudged the ability of health officials to contain the virus and were caught flat-footed when it spread. We wanted so badly to assure the public not to be frightened that we have frightened the public by having the credibility of public health questioned, says Michael Osterholm, director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota.

The whole notion that something as slippery and capricious as Ebola was as easy to contain as Obama confidently predicted was almost certainly misguided to begin with. Medicine can be a very humbling profession, Dr. Steven Beutler, an infectious-disease specialist at Redlands Community Hospital in Redlands, Calif., recently wrote in the New Republic, and after more than 30 years of practicing infectious-disease medicine, I have learned that the unanticipated happens all too often, especially where microbes are involved.

Its true that Obamas task is made considerably more difficult by the antipathy that has marked the Republicans response to Ebola. Most seem more intent on stopping Democrats than on stopping the contagion. Their ads politicizing the virus have only added to the climate of fear. And their filibuster of Obamas surgeon general nominee, Dr. Vivek Murthy, has also silenced an authoritative voice on public health, for reasons as small-minded as those dictating the partys line on Ebola: Theyre carrying water for the National Rifle Association, which objects to classifying gun violence as a public-health issue.

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Obama Is Too Cool for Crisis Management

Ebola "Incredibly Contagious" – Dr. Rand Paul – Video


Ebola "Incredibly Contagious" - Dr. Rand Paul
Dr. Rand Paul says that Ebola must be incredibly contagious if it is being contracted by people who are taking every precaution to avoid it. God #39;s Simple Pla...

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Rand Paul on cover of TIME: ‘The Most Interesting Man in American Politics’ – Video


Rand Paul on cover of TIME: #39;The Most Interesting Man in American Politics #39;
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Eric Schmidt, Rand Paul, John Doerr, and Bob Woodward on Technology and Politics – Video


Eric Schmidt, Rand Paul, John Doerr, and Bob Woodward on Technology and Politics
Tech giants, a senator, and a journalist discuss potential advancements in public life at Vanity Fair #39;s New Establishment Summit. Watch Vanity Fair on The Scene: http://thescene.com Subscribe...

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Eric Schmidt, Rand Paul, John Doerr, and Bob Woodward on Technology and Politics - Video

Rand Paul Sketches an Alternative to Hawks Like Bush and Clinton

In a speech touting "conservative realism," the Kentucky Republican probed the failures of post-9/11 foreign policy, including too much war.

Jonathan Ernst/Reuters

"Americans yearn for leadership and for strength," Senator Rand Paul planned to declare in a foreign policy speech Thursday evening, "but they don't yearn for war."

His remarks (quoted as prepared for delivery at New York City gathering of the Center for the National Interest), were seemingly pitched to Republican voters: the Kentucky Republican dubbed his approach "conservative realism," criticized President Obama and Hillary Clinton, and invoked Presidents Reagan and Eisenhower. But the substance of his speech seems likely to appeal to anyone who believes that U.S. foreign policy has gone astray since 9/11, due largely to imprudent interventions urged by George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Hillary Clinton. Big parts of his message should appeal to constituencies as diverse as Code Pink and my Orange County-conservative grandparents. "After the tragedies of Iraq and Libya, Americans are right to expect more from their country when we go to war," Paul stated. "America shouldn't fight wars where the best outcome is stalemate. America shouldn't fight wars when there is no plan for victory."

He condemned wars waged without the consent of Congress or the people. adding: "Until we develop the ability to distinguish, as George Kennan put it, between vital interests and more peripheral interests, we will continue to drift from crisis to crisis." But he also took care to preempt the charge that he's an "isolationist."

In passages that may alienate some of his father's supporters, Paul expressed his support for the invasion of Afghanistan (if not the decade-plus occupation that followed), declared that "the war on terror is not over, and America cannot disengage from the world," and reiterated his support for airstrikes to weaken ISIS. He opposes funneling arms to rebels in Syria, arguing that they often end up in enemy hands. But even his support for airstrikes is arguably at odds with the principles he laid out elsewhere. "Although I support the call for defeating and destroying ISIS," the speech said, "I doubt that a decisive victory is possible in the short term, even with the participation of the Kurds, the Iraqi government, and other moderate Arab states." What happened to, "America shouldn't fight wars where the best outcome is stalemate. America shouldn't fight wars when there is no plan for victory"?

The uncharitable interpretation of this tension is that, slowly but surely, Paul is going the way of Obama and succumbing to Beltway interventionism, whether as a response to D.C. culture or a gambit to win a GOP primary. The more charitable interpretation: He isn't ideologically committed to either interventionism or noninterventionism, but is simply less hawkish than Bush, Obama, or Clinton.

Either way, his rhetoric laid out an approach to foreign policy that is less bad than anything on offer from any other plausible party leader in Washington, D.C. It retains some of the idealism that candidate Barack Obama won with in 2012. "To contain and ultimately defeat radical Islam," Paul argued, "America must have confidence in our constitutional republic, our leadership, and our values."

In another passage, Paul tried to make a point sensitive and complicated enough that few American politicians even attempt it: that Americans should be wary of a foreign policy that produces blowback; that it cannot always be avoided; that anger at actions like needlessly killing innocents in drone strikes creates anti-American terrorists; and that there are other, more complicated causes of terrorism too:

We must understand that a hatred of our values exists, and acknowledge that interventions in foreign countries may well exacerbate this hatred," he says, "but that ultimately, we must be willing and able to defend our country and our interests. As Reagan said: When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. Will they hate us less if we are less present? Perhaps . but hatred for those outside the circle of "accepted" Islam, be it the Shia or Sunni or other religions, such as Christianity, exists above and beyond our history of intervention overseas.

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Rand Paul Sketches an Alternative to Hawks Like Bush and Clinton