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Here is a headline that you might see in an ad from a Democratic presidential candidate running against Hillary Clinton:

This comes courtesy of CNBC, which commissioned a poll asking 500 people "with investable assets of $1 million or more" (this is one poll that, safe to say, we'd all like to be a part of) which of nine potential presidential candidates they prefer. And it has been bouncing around social media this week as we all feverishly try to imagine a scenarioin which Clinton might actually not beat the motley crew of Democrats who will run against her.

How could Sen. Elizabeth Warren see thisand notimmediately decide to forma presidential exploratory committee, you might ask.

This poll is also far less than meets the eye.

Here are the choices offered, along with what percentage of the vote each candidate got:

First of all, yes, Clinton is No. 1. This is also not how people are going to vote for the new president. The only place where this kind of election takes place is Louisiana, and even then, there's a two-candidate runoff if nobody gets to 50 percent.

Clinton especially benefits from this format because:

1) She's more well-known than the other candidates, save Vice President Biden. The rest of the field, quite simply, aren't household names.

2) While the Democrat/Republican split is pretty even overall, Clinton is far more of a favorite on the Democratic side. Hence, she takes 72 percent of Democrats -- aboutlike she does in primary polling -- whilethe Republicans all split up the vote pretty evenly -- Jeb Bush at 36 percent, Chris Christie at 19 percent, Scott Walker at 18 percent. Clinton's share of the overall total is thus inflated.

3) There are more Republicans than Democrats. Yes, it probably only makes a small difference, but there are threeDemocrats, one Democratic-caucusing independent/socialist senator, and five Republicans. Again, that's more people splitting up one party's vote.

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Hillary Clinton is the preferred candidate of millionaires? Thats doubtful.

She is giving speeches at a dizzying clip. Popping up at the White House to chat with President Barack Obama. Schmoozing with Prince William and his wife, Kate, during the royal couples recent trip to New York.

It all suggests a Hillary Clinton presidential bid is under way.

Only theres no candidate.

Mrs. Clinton hasnt announced she is running. And its now looking as if she could wait until spring before she officially jumps into the 2016 presidential race. The last time she ran, she declared in January of 2007. Were she to stick to the same timetable, shed tell us of her plans next month.

Why wait? After all, most people already seem convinced shes running, and Mrs. Clinton has done little to discourage the idea.

Lets look at both sides of the argument.

Three reasons it might be in her interest to delay an announcement:

Self-interest. Once she declares, shes on the hook to release a personal financial disclosure form. That will provide fresh fodder for critics who believe former President Bill Clinton and Mrs. Clinton have entered the ranks of the super-rich, propelled by six-figure speaking fees. Theres a palpable strain of populism in the Democratic Party, personified by Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D., Mass.). A spotlight on the Clintons personal wealth could stir up the left, stoking calls for a primary challenge from Ms. Warren.

Money. Some Democrats have complained that donors wont commit to candidates not namedHillary Clinton while shes a potential candidate.Shes effectively frozen the Democratic field. By keeping people guessing, Mrs. Clinton starves potential primary opponents of the campaign money they need to begin a credible presidential bid.

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Hillary Clinton: Why Wait to Announce 2016 Bid?

The Senate Intelligence Committee's report on the CIA detention and interrogation program has quickly stirred up a white-hot debate on the use of torture to extract information from our enemies.

And though there is great passion on both sides, this is not a new topic to be argued.

In the late 16th century, some 200 years before the formation of our republic, the French nobleman Michel de Montaigne shifted the centuries-old debate about the use of torture from the question of its effectiveness to the question of its inhumanity. That is, while earlier writers had worried above all about the reliability of testimony extracted from tortured suspects, Montaigne was horrified that a civilized society would make use of such a barbaric practice.

Montaigne's new perspective would come to exercise considerable influence over the ways in which intellectuals and political elites viewed torture down to our own time.

But it was above all a thin volume titled Of Crimes and Punishments, first published anonymously in 1764, that served as the clarion call for the abolition of torture. The secret of the author's identity was not held for long. The Milanese philosopher Cesare Beccaria had completed this revolutionary work at the age of 26.

Beccaria's text would have a cascading influence. Its translation into many languages paralleled an era that saw regime after regime dismantle the use of torture: Prussia in 1754, Denmark in 1770, Poland in 1776, France in 1789, the Netherlands in 1798 and Portugal in 1826.

Beccaria was influential in the United States as well. Thomas Jefferson read him with appreciation, as did James Madison and John Adams. When the Founders crafted the Bill of Rights, Beccaria's ideas made themselves palpable. We see this in the Eight Amendment, which prohibited the use of "cruel and unusual punishments" one of the enduring bases to the principle that neither the courts nor the federal government may use torture.

But the Fifth Amendment, with its stipulation that no person "shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself," was perhaps an even clearer constitutional obstacle to the use of torture. If a person suspected of a crime could not testify against himself, then torture could really play no role, since one of the key aims of torturers is to extricate self-incriminating evidence from a suspect, whether of a common criminal or a terrorist.

Historians are right therefore to stress that the period running from the Renaissance (the age of Montaigne) to the Enlightenment (the age of Beccaria) witnessed the emergence of new ideas about the person. These ideas would shape many contemporary values, as reformers drew on them not only to end torture but also slavery and religious repression.

These same ideas were, not incidentally, fundamental to shaping democratic and open institutions. This doesn't mean the ideas were always successful or without contradictions, but they unquestionably enabled a new notion of the human person and the political community to emerge. It is within this cluster of new ideas that men and women came to see torture not merely as ineffective but as fundamentally wrong. Torture degrades both the victim and its perpetuator. It strips both of their dignity and their humanity. The ends cannot justify the means.

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History foreshadows against the use of torture

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