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Volokh Conspiracy: Review of Damon Roots Overruled: The Long War for Control of the Supreme Court

Damon Roots new book Overruled: The Long War for Control of the U.S. Supreme Court is an impressive account of the conflict over judicial review between conservatives and libertarians. Most books about the recent history of judicial review and constitutional theory focus on the opposition between conservatives and liberals, Democrats and Republicans. By contrast, Root focuses primarily on the increasingly important faultline between libertarians and conservatives.

Libertarians and conservatives have cooperated on issues related to federalism, gun rights, and property rights. But they have also sharply disagreed on the role of judicial review in protecting the rights of gays and lesbians, limiting wartime executive power, and constraining police and prosecutors. As the leading writer on legal issues for Reason, the prominent libertarian publication, Root has covered many of these issues for years.

Root effectively traces libertarian-conservative disagreements over judicial review to their origins in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when Progressives attacked nineteenth century natural rights-based jurisprudence for what they regarded as unjustified judicial activism in protecting both economic liberties and noneconomic ones. As he notes, many early Progressives opposed not only the Courts enforcement of economic freedoms in cases like Lochner v. New York, but also judicial efforts to protect free speech and enforce other noneconomic freedoms. For example, leading Progressive Justice Louis Brandeis praised the Courts notorious decision to uphold mandatory sterilization of the mentally ill in Buck v. Bell as an example of cases where judges should give state governments free reign to meet..modern conditions by regulations (though he gradually came to support judicial protection of some other civil liberties).

Beginning in the 1920s and 1930s, political liberals gradually shifted towards supporting strong judicial intervention to protect noneconomic rights, even as they repudiated similar protection for economic freedoms and property rights. But, ironically, the original Progressive defense of judicial nonintervention was taken up by post-New Deal conservatives, including such notable legal theorists as Judge Robert H. Bork.

Root explains how the persistence of this tradition of judicial restraint on the conservative right has led to clashes between conservatives and libertarians in recent years. Even in some cases where the two groups agree on the outcome, there are important divergences over preferred rationales. For example, libertarians and conservatives worked together to expand judicial protection for Second Amendment rights in District of Columbia v> Heller (2008) and McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010). But, in the latter case, many conservatives opposed the libertarians efforts to revive judicial enforcement of the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, fearing that this step would open the door to a new wave of judicial activism.

Roots book is probably the most thorough account of the libertarian-conservative debate over judicial review so far. The clash between the two may rise in importance, as libertarianism becomes a more important part of the political landscape. Younger Republicans are, on average, significantly more libertarian than their elders. The same is likely true of younger right of center elite lawyers and legal scholars. At the same time, it is unlikely that social conservatives will give up without a fight. Even as they fight over their differences, the two groups will also have to find some way to continue cooperating on the issues that unite them, especially since the legal left remains powerful and influential.

I do have two reservations about his otherwise excellent analysis. First, for some reason Root largely ignores the issue of same-sex marriage, which is one of the most important constitutional questions where libertarians and conservatives have differed in recent years. Though there are some exceptions in both camps, libertarian lawyers and legal scholars (including many here at the Volokh Conspiracy) have generally supported striking down laws banning same-sex marriage, while conservatives have forcefully opposed it. The issue is both important in and of itself, and an important indicator of the differences between the two camps.

Second, I think Root is too quick to characterize modern judicial conservatism as focused on judicial restraint. It is true that, since the 1960s and 70s, conservatives have devoted a great deal of time and effort to denouncing liberal judicial activism. But conservative judges such as William Rehnquist and Sandra Day OConnor have also long advocated stronger judicial enforcement of property rights and constitutional limits on federal power.

Root describes famed conservative legal theorist Robert Bork as a principled advocate of judicial minimalism. This was indeed an important element of Borks philosophy. But Bork was also a strong advocate of constitutional originalism, which sometimes requires aggressive judicial invalidation of legislation that goes against the original meaning of the Constitution. In his 1989 book The Tempting of America, Bork advocated judicial restraint, but also described New Deal-era decisions expanding congressional authority over the economy as judicial activism because they gave the federal government more power than it was entitled to under the original meaning.

Bork never seriously confronted the tension between his advocacy of originalism on the one hand, and his support for judicial deference to the democratic process on the other. For a long time, the same was true of many other judicial conservatives. Like Bork, they simultaneously advocated both originalism and judicial deference without giving much thought to possible contradictions between these commitments. The rise of libertarianism is one of several factors that have forced conservatives to devote greater thought to the issue in recent years.

Continued here:
Volokh Conspiracy: Review of Damon Roots Overruled: The Long War for Control of the Supreme Court

Why progressives suck: The case of Ben Edelman – Video


Why progressives suck: The case of Ben Edelman
Yet another glaring example of why liberals suck.

By: My2Cents

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Why progressives suck: The case of Ben Edelman - Video

Progressives gird for Capitol Hill battle – CNN.com

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

Washington (CNN) -- Washington is entering a new era of kamikaze governance, this time with Democrats at the helm.

Thursday night's spending showdown saw progressive Democrats unexpectedly emerge as the agitators ready to drive the nation off a cliff to win concessions and progressives say it will happen again.

"The fight last night was a shot across the bow that progressives are ready to stand and fight, and there are millions of Americans ready to jump into the fray," Ben Wikler, Washington director for MoveOn.org, a progressive group, said on Sunday.

Progressive members of the Democratic Party are gearing up for what they expect to be many battles needed to defend their values as Republicans seek to chip away at a variety of Democratic priorities when they take control of Congress next year.

A prime example of such skirmishes came last week. Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren objected to a GOP provision -- attached to a broad spending bill -- that rolled back a key portion of the Wall Street reform law. Her opposition prompted dozens of Democrats to defect and triggered a last-minute scramble for support; President Barack Obama himself made calls to win lawmakers back and stave off a potential government shutdown.

The spending bill eventually passed the Senate on Saturday night and on Sunday, Democratic leaders downplayed a possible rift within the party.

READ: Top Dems deny there's a party rift

But the nearly 2,000 progressive activists and operatives who descended on Washington over the weekend for the annual Rootscamp gathering felt otherwise.

Panels addressed things like #HillaryProblems and the lack of understanding between the grassroots and establishment wings of the Democratic Party. And panelists and attendees alike endorsed the newly antagonistic moves from their elected officials this week.

Read this article:
Progressives gird for Capitol Hill battle - CNN.com

Get ready for kamikaze governance

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

Washington (CNN) -- Washington is entering a new era of kamikaze governance, this time with Democrats at the helm.

Thursday night's spending showdown saw progressive Democrats unexpectedly emerge as the agitators ready to drive the nation off a cliff to win concessions and progressives say it will happen again.

"The fight last night was a shot across the bow that progressives are ready to stand and fight, and there are millions of Americans ready to jump into the fray," Ben Wikler, Washington director for MoveOn.org, a progressive group, said on Sunday.

Progressive members of the Democratic Party are gearing up for what they expect to be many battles needed to defend their values as Republicans seek to chip away at a variety of Democratic priorities when they take control of Congress next year.

A prime example of such skirmishes came last week. Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren objected to a GOP provision -- attached to a broad spending bill -- that rolled back a key portion of the Wall Street reform law. Her opposition prompted dozens of Democrats to defect and triggered a last-minute scramble for support; President Barack Obama himself made calls to win lawmakers back and stave off a potential government shutdown.

The spending bill eventually passed the Senate on Saturday night and on Sunday, Democratic leaders downplayed a possible rift within the party.

READ: Top Dems deny there's a party rift

But the nearly 2,000 progressive activists and operatives who descended on Washington over the weekend for the annual Rootscamp gathering felt otherwise.

Panels addressed things like #HillaryProblems and the lack of understanding between the grassroots and establishment wings of the Democratic Party. And panelists and attendees alike endorsed the newly antagonistic moves from their elected officials this week.

See the article here:
Get ready for kamikaze governance

Ekiti budget: APC slams presentation, puts EFCC on notice

EFCC Chairman, Ibrahim Lamorde

The All Progressives Congress in Ekiti State said in a statement on Monday that Governor Ayodele Fayose breached the Constitution by presenting his 2015 budget to only seven of the 26-member state House of Assembly.

The opposition party also put both the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission on notice, asking the anti-graft agencies to monitor the alleged illegal financial transactions going on in Ekiti.

The APC, in the statement by its Publicity Secretary, Taiwo Olatunbosun, counselled Fayose to always follow legal steps in the governance and financial management of the state.

It recalled that the seven members of the Peoples Democratic Party in the state Assembly had earlier sat to illegally confirm commissioner-nominees and also approved the dissolution and reconstitution of the local governments, among others.

Olatunbosun said, The Monday illegal sitting with a full house of thugs was a new dimension to the constitutional breaches and lawlessness by the Executive.

We never knew that Ekiti people could be brought to this low record in decency and respect for the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by herding thugs to the hallowed chamber of the House of Assembly to join seven members to present state budget.

The standard practice is for the governor to present the state budget to members in full session while the public sit at the gallery to watch proceedings. But in this instance, thugs intermingled with the lawmakers in a plenary in such a way that you cannot differentiate a lawmaker from a thug.

The APC called the attention of Nigerians and lovers of democracy around the world to the reign of impunity in Ekiti State and urged all organs and agencies of government responsible for budget processing not to be involved in any financial transactions based on the illegal budget.

But in a reaction, Fayose also counselled the APC to bring back its 19 runaway lawmakers to the state, saying, no individual, group or political party can hold the state to ransom.

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Ekiti budget: APC slams presentation, puts EFCC on notice