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President Trump famously asked, Wheres my Roy Cohn? Demanding a stand-in for his old personal lawyer and fixer, Mr. Trump has actually gotten something better with Bill Barr: a lawyer who like Cohn stops seemingly at nothing in his service to Mr. Trump and conveniently sits atop the nations Justice Department.

Mr. Barr has acted more like a henchman than the leader of an agency charged with exercising independent judgment. The disturbing message that sends does not end at our borders it extends to countries, like those in the former East Bloc, struggling to overcome an illiberal turn in the direction of autocracy.

When Mr. Trump sought to have President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine announce an investigation of his political opponent, he likely expected a positive response. After all, politicized prosecutions had been part of Ukraines corrupt political culture for years.

On Monday, when Michael Horowitz, inspector general for the Justice Department, released a report that affirmed the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election was justified, Mr. Barr immediately turned on his own agency in defense of the president.

The F.B.I. launched an intrusive investigation of a U.S. presidential campaign on the thinnest of suspicions that, in my view, were insufficient to justify the steps taken, he said.

Similarly, Mr. Barrs response to the report from Robert Mueller on Russian interference and Mr. Trumps purported presidential misconduct was to cast doubt on his own staff, questioning their work product as well as their ethics and legal reasoning. Even before he became attorney general, Mr. Barr questioned Mr. Muellers investigation of the president for obstruction of justice in a 19-page legal memo he volunteered to the administration.

And where he could have neutrally passed Mr. Muellers findings to Congress, he instead took the widely criticized and unusual step of making and announcing his own legal conclusions about Mr. Muellers obstruction inquiry. He followed up this Cohn-like behavior with testimony in the Senate, where he insinuated that the United States government spied on the Trump campaign. Mr. Barr apparently has decided that, like Cohn, he serves Donald Trump and not the Constitution or the United States, flouting his oath of office and corrupting the mission of the Justice Department.

In the past, the United States has, however imperfectly, advanced the rule of law and supported governments committed to an anti-corruption agenda. According to George Kent, a State Department official who testified in the House impeachment inquiry, Russia sees corruption as a tool to advance its interests. So when the United States fights a kleptocratic culture, it serves not only lofty humanitarian goals but also our national security. Mr. Zelensky ran a campaign and was elected on a platform that put fighting corruption at the forefront. He should have received extensive and unmitigated support in that effort.

In the former East Bloc countries, despite the hopes of many for a post-Soviet era where democracy would thrive, the parties and politicians in power have consolidated their control in a manner reminiscent of the Communist era.

Autocrats understand that supposedly independent institutions such as the courts and prosecutors are vital to locking in their power. In Romania, a crusading anti-corruption prosecutor who was investigating top government officials was fired at the same time as the government advanced legislation to cabin the ability of other prosecutors to pursue cases against political officials. Polands right-wing populist Law and Justice Party has attacked the independent judiciary and has sought to remove judges who do not follow the party line. Hungary has followed suit. Bulgarian politicians have persecuted civil society groups that have criticized their abandonment of the rule of law.

While several United States ambassadors have attempted to support anti-corruption efforts in the region, they have been continuously undercut by the White House. In addition to firing Marie Yovanovitch, who served as ambassador to Ukraine, in part because of her anti-corruption focus, Mr. Trump hosted Viktor Orban of Hungary in Washington over the objections of national security officials who did not want to elevate a corrupt leader with close ties to the Kremlin; furthermore, the president has tried to cut funding for anti-corruption programs.

Mr. Trumps focus on cultivating foreign leaders who can help his re-election has overwhelmed our national interests in the region. That is certainly a shame for the anti-corruption activists in former Communist countries who have depended on our help and leadership since the end of the Soviet era and who have seen their justice system turned to serve political ends.

But for Americans, we must worry that we face a similar domestic situation: a prosecutor who bends to the political needs of the president. Mr. Trump may no longer be able to call on Roy Cohn, but he now has a stronger ally in the United States top law-enforcement official, who thinks that if the president does it, it cant be wrong.

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Donald Trump Wanted Another Roy Cohn. He Got Bill Barr. - The New York Times

On this trade deal, their interests are aligned

Editors note (December 11th): This article has been updated.

UNION LEADERS and Democratic lawmakers were cool at first towards the USMCA, a replacement for the 25-year-old North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which was signed by American, Canadian and Mexican trade negotiators over a year ago. But on December 10th, after months of further talks, they swung behind a reworked version. Richard Trumka, the head of the AFL-CIO, Americas largest trade-union group, proclaimed a new standard for future trade negotiations. Nancy Pelosi, the Democratic Speaker of the House of Representatives, called it a victory for Americas workers.

The reversal may seem surprising. The AFL-CIO has not endorsed an American trade deal in nearly two decades, and Ms Pelosi is trying to get President Donald Trump, whose deal this is, impeached. According to polling data provided to The Economist by YouGov and published on December 11th, though 79% of Americans say that trade and globalisation are important to them, only 37% say the same of replacing NAFTA with the USMCA.

But both the politics and the content of the deal have led to unexpected alliances. Supporting the USMCA lets Democrats claim that they are not obstructing Mr Trumps agenda for the sake of it. And on trade, Mr Trump has more in common with the left wing of the Democratic Party than with his own Republicans. Many Democrats agree that previous deals made trade too free, with too few of the benefits going to American workers. And several of the changes secured by the Democrats are meaningful. Some are sure to be to Mr Trumps taste, too.

Among the revisions are an end to intellectual-property protections for biologics, a specific class of drug, and weaker patents for pharmaceuticals in general. Democrats say such protections stifle competition from generics and raise drug prices. Unsurprisingly, those changes went down badly with the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, an industry lobby. Its president said they amounted to an abandonment of protections for American companies.

Enforcement has been beefed up. Improvements to NAFTAs dispute-settlement system are probably the most important thing in the whole treaty, says Jess Seade, Mexicos chief negotiator. Under NAFTA, countries could block the appointment of arbiters to hear awkward disputes. This should no longer be possible.

The shared vision of the Trump administration and Democratic lawmakers is clearest when it comes to labour standards. The aim was to make it less attractive to move jobs from America to Mexico than had been the case under NAFTA by supporting Mexican workers employment rights. But in the first version of the USMCA, the AFL-CIO complained, the bar for proving a breach of the rules was too high and enforcement mechanisms were too onerous. Critics pointed to the only labour complaint ever to make it as far as a formal dispute as part of an American trade deal: a case against Guatemala in which arbiters agreed that the rules had been broken, but not that any harm to trade or investment had been demonstrated.

The new deal shifts the burden of proof regarding such harm. To avoid penalties, defendants will have to show that it did not happen. Moreover, accusations that manufacturers are breaking Mexican laws covering freedom of association and collective bargaining will be sent for speedy consideration to panels of independent labour experts. Rule-breaking will lead to penalties on exports. Overall, the revised labour provisions are good for Mexico, Mr Seade says, and will reinforce its governments own labour reforms.

The revised USMCA will restrict trade a bit more than NAFTA did. It will probably not live up to the hype. Even if greater use of collective bargaining raises Mexican wages, the USMCAs official impact assessment suggests that American wages would rise by just 0.27% in response. But for Mr Trump, his Democratic foes and their neighbours in Mexico, it counts as a win.

Read more:
Why the revised USMCA pleases both Democrats and Donald Trump - The Economist

Recent protestsin Iraq have demanded an end to rampant state corruption, the removal of foreign influences from Iraqi politics and the proper provision of public services.

State-Society Relations in Iraq

The causes of these demands are partially shaped by the myriad militia groups that began to emerge at the end of the Baathist era in 2003. They took on greater prominence in response to the threatof ISIS to Iraqs Shia. The most significant of these groups, operating under the Shia dominated umbrella of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF, or Hashd al-Shaabi), utilize patronage links with Baghdad to support illicit economic activity that deprives the majority of Iraqis wealth. Iraqs state-society relations, therefore, entails that political elites in Baghdad maintainrelationships with state-sanctioned armed groups to buttress the power of the central state and resist inclusive government or wide-spread economic prosperity.

Extortive economic practices

One way in which PMF have spread their influence across the country is by managing and taxing smuggling networks.These networks formed in the late 1990s as Saddam Husseins Baathist regime sought tocircumvent the comprehensive sanctionsregime imposed by the United Nations Security Council and generate revenue from crude oil. In the decade after the 2003 invasion, many of the Baathist officials that had smuggled oil for Saddam joined ISIS and operated along the same routes, reportedly generating$1 million per dayat its peak. As early as2007, Shia militias were also reported to have taken over some of the old Baathist routes and they now maintain significant smuggling routes to and fromIran,Syria, and Turkey. Basra, Iraqs leading oil-producing province, which has been central to the protest movement that began in 2018 is reportedly run by mafiaswho operate arentier economythat fails to translate the density of resources in the area, into widespread economic gains.

Related: These Secretive Oil Companies Control $3 Trillion In Wealth

Checkpoints also generate income along the traditional smuggling routes run by a mixture of PMF brigades (such as the powerful Kataib Hezbollah, the Badr Organization, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Saraya al-Salam). It is further supported by federal police, Iraqi Security Forces, and Sunni tribal militias. Taxing the route from oil-rich Basra to the Jordanian borderis a vital source of income that operates with the implicit support of the state.

Asaib Ahl al-Haq, for example, reportedlygenerates $300,000 per daythrough checkpoint fees across Diyala Province.The political economy of Iraq is therefore structured such that state officials in Baghdad benefit from the extractive economic practices carried out by armed, non-state groups who in return gain via patronage links to the central state. For example, the influential PMF, the Badr Organisation, is the military wing of the Fatah party which holds48 seats in the Iraqi Parliament.

As a result, the PMF candraw $2.17 billionfrom the federal budget (reportedlytwice the amountavailable to Kurdish Peshmerga forces), to employ 128,000 personnel. Consequentlysimilarities between Lebanese Hezbollahand the Iraqi militias are be constructed. Despite former Prime Minister Adil Abdul Mahdiissuing a decree in July, which ordered the PMF to vacate their headquarters and formally integrate into the states security forces, they have continued to entrench their influence over the state and the rest of the country.

The nexus between these non-state actors, the central government and activities such as smuggling and extortion is therefore central to the political economy of contemporary Iraq. Irans alignment compounds the problem with the powerful militia groups.

Irans role

Despite the decentralized and diverse nature of the PMF, the most significant groups profess an ideology of Islamic Revolutionism. This is in line with Irans Qud forces which is the foreign arm of the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The head of the Popular Mobilization Committee and Kataib Hezbollah,Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, previously served with the IRGC against Baathist Iraq. The Badr organization, which was created as a formation of theIRGC during the Iran-Iraq Warhas a long history of allegiance to Tehran. Furthermore, newer, emerging groups are thought to have evencloser links to the IRGCthan Badr, suggesting a significant Iranian role in the activities of the PMF.

Related: Israel's Plan To Bypass The World's Most Critical Oil Chokepoint

In April, the IRGC and the Quds Force were designated as aterrorist entity by President Trump. Kataib Hezbollah, which was a prominent anti-US militia, has held the status since 2009. The designation, which forms part of President Trumps maximum pressure campaign against Iran, may have paradoxically harmed US strategic interests in Iraq. Broadly stated these are to leaveIraq internally stable and free of foreign(read, Iranian) interference. However, with the economic sanctions that come with being designated a terrorist organization by the US, the PMFs commercial interests have become more closely aligned with Tehran and the IRGCs. Unable to access global markets, there is more incentive to maintain the so-called rentier economy.

Conclusion

The system based on patronage links between the state and militias with external connections, which incentives an extortive economy of embedded violence has generated many of the grievances that are driving the current protest movement. This also partially explains why thePMF has been instrumentalin repressing these brutal protests over300 people have diedand 15,000 have been injured. Consequently, the structure of Iraqi governance which generates the incentives for militias to maintain extortive economic practices needs to be addressedbeforethe demands of the protestors can be met.

However, the extent to which these networked links have embedded themselves into Iraqi society implies that the problem of corruption and foreign interference will not be solved by simply replacing the current political elites but will require a bottom-up reconfiguration of much of the economy.

By Jonathan Burden via Global Risk Insights

More Top Reads From Oilprice.com:

Read the original here:
The Uncomfortable Truth Behind Iraq's Violent Protests - OilPrice.com

The Iraqi police and military forces field one of the widest variety of handguns in the world. From modern staples like the Glock 19, HS Produkt HS2000, and S&W M&P to relics like Saddams infamous Browning High Power, many pistols could lay claim to being the Iraqi national handgun. But in fact, the honor belongs to the Tariq, a clone of the Beretta M1951 manufactured in Iraq. While Tariq can refer to both clones of the M1951 and the Beretta 70 series, clones of the M1951 are generally more common, and the Tariq name generally applies to them when said without other context.

But why does the Tariq have lasting popularity with Iraqis?

A lot is probably down to availability and customizability. In an excellent video describing the history and characteristics of the Tariq, Miles Vining of Silah Report and TFB TV calls the Tariq the Hi-Point of Iraq, a reference to the cheap and available Hi-Point pistols in the US.

This is due to the Tariq being license produced in Iraq. In the 1980s, Saddam Hussein wanted to start producing firearms in Iraq, setting up an arms plant in Al-Qadisiyah. The plant primarily produced a version of the Yugoslavian Zastava M70 AK known as the Tabuk, but also produced the Tariq. Presumably, Saddam was able to buy a license for the Beretta M1951 for cheap, as Beretta had already moved on to producing the more advanced Beretta 92.

The Tariq does not make any significant changes in operation from the Beretta M1951. Mechanically, its a single-stack 9x19mm Parabellum pistol that relies on a rising and falling locking block to lock the slide onto the barrel. The most distinct visual change are the metal medallions inset on the grips of Tariq pistols, which depict Tariq ibn Ziyad, a commander who lead Muslim armies across the Strait of Gibraltar into Spain. Gibraltar itself is a Spanish derivation of Tariqs name.

The arms plant in Al-Qadisiyah was a success, and Tabuk rifles and Tariq pistols were mass produced and standard-issue for most of the Iran-Iraq War and the following Gulf Wars. As a result, thousands of Tariqs flooded onto the black market following the collapse of the Baathist Iraqi government and looting of government armories in 2003.

As the Tariq is rather large for its capacity and only has an 8 round magazine, it is thoroughly outclassed by most modern double-stack handguns. However, this ensures that the price is kept low. As it uses common 9x19mm ammunition, it can be seen as an everymans pistol in Iraq. Tariq production was even restarted in 2009 and continues to this day as demand remains high.

The non-tilting barrel of the Tariq also allows it to be easily suppressed. Most pistols with tilting barrels like the Glock, High Power, and HS2000 require an additional component in the suppressor called a booster to suppress, as the additional mass of the suppressor makes the tilt to unlock the barrel require more energy. Conversely, the Tariqs fixed barrel imposes no such limitation, allowing for simple suppressors just made of baffles to be fitted to the muzzle. This has made the Tariq a favorite of assassins and special troops in the employ of insurgents or various militias across Iraq.

Despite its seemingly obsolescent nature, the Tariq, Iraqs national handgun will likely continue to be seen for a long time in the region. Continued production ensures that there will be spare parts to keep even old Tariqs running for a long time.

Charlie Gao studied political and computer science at Grinnell College and is a frequent commentator on defense and national-security issues.

Image: Bob Adams NM via Wikimedia Commons.

Go here to see the original:
Meet the Tariq: The Old Gun (Beretta Clone) That Iraq Can't Get Rid Of - The National Interest Online

Issued on: 12/12/2019 - 16:49Modified: 12/12/2019 - 16:53

Since deadly anti-government demonstrations broke out in Iraq in October, over 400 people -mostly young, unarmed protesters -have been killed by Iraqi forces. But officials say that only 111 people have died.Meanwhile, the families of protesters killed in the unrest are accusing the government of falsifying their death certificates. They say that officials changed the cause of death of their loved onesand are contesting the documents.Our correspondent in Baghdad, Ibrahim Saleh, went to meet with some of these families.

Meanwhile,Lebanon'spolitical and economic quagmire continues. But the situation is at least fuelling the creativity of the country's artists.Showing that a picture is indeed worth a thousand words, young illustrators are making their opinions known through political cartoons. We take a closer look.

And this year, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees marks its 70th anniversary.But UNRWA has little to celebrate.Since the US stopped its contributions in 2018, the UN agency is facing its worst financial crisis to date.As Adel Gastel illustrates, the move has put at risk vital aid for hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees.

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Protests in Iraq: Families angered by altered death certificates - Middle East matters - FRANCE 24