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Wyoming Marijuana Legalization Bill Sponsored By Top Republicans Expected To Get Hearing This Week – Marijuana Moment

The cannabis legalization measure is sponsored by the House speaker, Judiciary Committee chairman and other GOP lawmakers.

By Angus M. Thuermer Jr., WyoFile.com

Supporters of a sweeping bill to legalize and regulate marijuana anticipate a hearing before the House Judiciary Committee on Friday, where they hope to dispel myths and stereotypes held by resistant lawmakers.

Twelve representatives and two senators co-sponsored House Bill 209Regulation of marijuana, which would license the cultivation and sale of marijuana and tax cannabis products, including edibles and infused drinks. Chief sponsor Rep. Jared Olsen (R-Cheyenne), chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, brought the bill only months after a majority of state residents said they support allowing adults to use marijuana without penalty.

The bill would impose a 30 percent levy on marijuana sales and generate about $47 million a year in taxes, a state analysis of the measure says. Two thirds of the tax revenue generated annually$30.7 millionwould go to the school foundation fund. The other third$15.35 million a yearwould go to the local government of the jurisdiction in which the sales took place.

The bill would license marijuana establishments that grow, test, manufacture, transport or sell marijuana. A microbusiness license would allow its holder to both grow and sell marijuana but have no more than 150 pot plants.

Wyoming lawmakers have long resisted legalization of marijuana, but the people they represent last year showed a change of heart. Since 2014, when only 37 percent of residents supported allowing adults to possess marijuana for personal use, attitudes have shifted. By December last year more than half the state54 percentwere behind legal adult use.

Its time, Sen. Cale Case (R-Lander) said.

Im pretty conservative, but also a strong libertarian, Case said. Ive decided Rep. Olsen has really done his homework and Im going to support him. I want it to get serious attention.

Tax and fee revenue projections are based on Department of Agriculture estimates of 100 cultivation facilities, 50 for manufacturing, 25 for transport, five for testing plus 200 retail stores and 50 microbusinesses.

The bill would allow any adult resident to grow limited amounts of pot and consume it, but not in public.

The Department of Agriculture would oversee much of marijuana administration, according to the proposed legislation. It would adopt rules for licenses allowing use of retail marijuana at special events in limited areas for a limited time.

Cities, towns and counties could issue licenses for establishments and limit their number. Local governments also could prohibit marijuana establishments if 10 percent of registered voters petition for a ban.

Towns and counties could not prohibit the transport of marijuana through their jurisdictions. Numerous other provisions would prohibit establishments near schools and such.

Sponsors hope the hearing will set parameters for debate, amendments and adoption.

Im not under a lot of illusions its going to pass, Case said of the pretty comprehensive regulatory package. Olsens bill, however, may be the most serious framework anybody has done in Wyoming regarding marijuana legalization and regulation.

Rep. Landon Brown (R-Cheyenne), another co-sponsor, was similarly tempered in his expectations. Unfortunately, I have no higher belief that this bill will become law than [in] any other year, he said.

We have far too many in our Legislature that choose to continue to do business the old-fashioned way, he said. Our body refuses to acknowledge the changing world and admit that change is coming whether we like it or not.

The hearing could open the door for deep consideration of the measure, education and advocacy, plus the dismissal of stereotypes and long-held misinformation, supporters said.

The bill has no chance of getting through the entire process in the next four weeks, Rep. Dan Zwonitzer (R-Cheyenne) wrote in an email. I believe it will be used as a starting place for a year-long conversation on understanding the issue, the funding structures, and how Wyoming could regulate [marijuana] within our borders.

Rep. Mark Baker (R-Green River), another co-sponsor, is not willing to count the legislation out this year. After a fair hearing in Olsens committee, well have to see what happens after that, he said.

The Legislative Service Office based its revenue estimates on the FY 2020 marijuana sales in Colorado, adjusted for the population of Wyoming. Rep. Landon Brown (R-Cheyenne) thinks theyre overblown.

It is a concern to me that the development and growth of government needed to implement this law would likely barely break even in my books, he wrote. The increase in local permitting and oversight of a substance similar to alcohol and tobacco is new and foreign to us as a state.

[B]ut I also believe the people of Wyoming have spoken for long enough about this issue and I believe its time to hear them and act.

People shouldnt solely focus on the revenue side of the legislation, co-sponsor Baker said. The taxes are just a small portion of it, he said.

Not criminalizing citizens, saving court expenses, allowing residents local access to something theyre going to get anyway would be very attractiveabove and beyond any revenue, he said. We need to take [marijuana] out of the unregulated market and into the regulated market.

There has been a stigma associated with the cannabis conversationpeople are apprehensive about contacting their legislator, Baker said. Its important to let their legislators know theyre not Cheech and Chong.

Baker has personal testimony. He suffered digestive disorders that required three surgeries and nine transfusions, but found a way to endure in medical marijuana. My life is much more comfortable with cannabis than without it, he said.

In addition to Brown, Baker, Olsen, Zwonitzer and Case, co-sponsors are Speaker of the House Eric Barlow (R-Gillette), Sen. Chris Rothfuss (D-Laramie) and Reps. Michael Yin, (D-Jackson), Cyrus Western (R-Big Horn), Pat Sweeney (R-Casper), John Romero-Martinez (R-Cheyenne), Karlee Provenza (D-Laramie), Cathy Connolly (D-Laramie) and Marshall Burt (L-Green River).

Pro-legalization lobbyist Christine Stenquist acknowledges that Olsens measure takes a stride beyond the usual decriminalization approach, which is to start with a baby-step of medical authorization.

It definitely has an adult-use feel, she said of the measure. Its a retail bill.

Conservative types are upset, to say the least, she said. They dont want Colorado, she said, referring to legalization and its impacts there. Criticism will envision all sorts of woes, including invasion of the Equality State by homeless potheads and other undesirables, she predicted.

I understand their fears, she said of lawmakers. Im hoping to address those in committee.

WyoFileis an independent nonprofit news organization focused on Wyoming people, places and policy.

2021 Sees Republican Lawmakers Take Lead On Marijuana Legalization In More U.S. States

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Wyoming Marijuana Legalization Bill Sponsored By Top Republicans Expected To Get Hearing This Week - Marijuana Moment

Ocean Republicans certify Holman-backed Republican club in Toms River – New Jersey Globe | New Jersey Politics

Ocean County Republicans voted by a margin of 124-91 to certify a new Republican club in Toms River made up of those loyal to GOP Chairman Frank B. Holman III, handing the sitting party leader a win over former longtime chair George Gilmore.

Theres been too much division there for too long, so Im very pleased with the result, and well take it from there, Holman said. Well try to get everybody back together. I think well encourage people in the old club to come over to the new club and see if we can get that done.

The intra-party fight over the future of the Toms River GOP was the latest in a series of bouts between Holman and the former chair since the incumbent party leader defeated Gilmores hand-picked successor, Frank Sadeghi, in 2018.

Republicans for Toms River, the new club whose members are loyal to Holman sought to wrest control from the Toms River Regular Republican Club, a group controlled by Gilmore that has been the recognized club for at least 35 years.

With the vote done, Holman is looking to move on, but the battle may yet continue. Gilmore said he did not believe the margins for Wednesday evenings vote were sufficient to replace the existing Republican organization.

Its liars poker, he said. I said the interpretation of the bylaws would require a two-thirds vote. The parliamentarian ruled it only required 50% plus one vote. I disagree with the ruling.

Some Ocean County GOP insiders expect hell pursue legal avenues to block the move, though Gilmore himself said it was too early to make a decision on next steps.

But Holman believes his side is in the clear.

You cant swing a dead cat without hitting a lawyer around here. Its all been studied by our credentials committee and our parliamentarian, he said. If George wants to invoke something, he has every right to do that. I think weve been very thorough.

The committee handed Holman other victories Wednesday night.

His chosen candidate won the party line in the race to fill a rare vacancy on the countys board of commissioners created by the retirement of six-term County Commissioner Gerry Little.

Bobbi Jo Crea, a Little Egg Harbor township committeewoman and former mayor, defeated Berkeley Township Councilman John Bacchione, Gilmores pick for the seat, in a 127-73 vote.

A third candidate, longtime Surf City Republican Chairwoman Lisa Hodgson Henson, won 15 votes.

Geri Ambrosio, a Gilmore ally and president of the existing Toms River GOP club, lost the contest for the party line in the 10th legislative district to incumbent Assemblymen Greg McGuckin (R-Toms River) and John Catalano (R-Brick).

McGuckin, who sided with Holman in the battle over the Republican clubs, ran first there with 63 votes. Catalano won 55, and Ambrosio got 21.

County Commissioner Jack Kelly won the vote to fill a GOP State Committee seat left vacant by the death of former Toms River Mayor Thomas Kelaher, who died last month. He was 88.

Kelly defeated former Point Pleasant Council President Michael Thulen Jr. by a margin of 114-78.

Gilmore chair has remained active in Ocean County politics since resigning amid a federal criminal probe, often to Holmans chagrin. He resigned after he was convicted of federal tax charges in 2019, but President Donald Trump pardoned him in a wave of clemencies on his last day in office.

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Ocean Republicans certify Holman-backed Republican club in Toms River - New Jersey Globe | New Jersey Politics

What Drives Latino Men to Republicans? – The New York Times

Sergio Arellano of Phoenix, Ariz., said he had a story he liked to tell about the moment he registered as a Republican. When he was an 18-year-old Army infantryman on home leave, he went to a July 4 event and spotted the voter registration table. He asked the woman sitting there: Whats the difference between Republicans and Democrats?

Democrats, he recalled her saying, are for the poor. Republicans are for the rich.

Well that made it easy I didnt want to be poor, I wanted to be rich, so I chose Republican, Mr. Arellano said. Obviously she figured I would identify with the poor. Theres an assumption that youre starting out in this country, you dont have any money, you will identify with the poor. But what I wanted was to make my own money.

Last fall, Mr. Arellano campaigned for Mr. Trump in Arizona, and this year, he narrowly lost his bid for chairman of the state Republican Party. Still, he does not fit the Trumpian conservative mold, often urging politicians to soften their political rhetoric against immigrants.

Trump is not the party, the party is what we make it a pro-business, pro-family values, he said. People who understand we want to make it as something here.

All of this sounds familiar to Mike Madrid, a Republican strategist who is deeply critical of the party under Mr. Trump, and who has worked for decades to push the party to do more to attract Hispanic voters.

Paying rent is more important than fighting social injustice in their minds, Mr. Madrid said. The Democratic Party has always been proud to be a working-class party, but they do not have a working-class message. The central question is going to be, Who can convince these voters their concerns are being heard?

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What Drives Latino Men to Republicans? - The New York Times

Jordan Peterson says he was suicidal, addicted to benzos

Jordan Peterson in a new interview described his spiral into drug addiction and suicidal thoughts and then undergoing a controversial Russian treatment that placed him into an induced coma for eight days.

The controversial Canadian psychology professor, who has spent much of his career railing against political correctness, spoke to the Sunday Times, along with his podcast host daughter, Mikhaila Peterson, about his downward spiral.

I dont remember anything. From Dec. 16 of 2019 to Feb. 5, 2020, the self-help author said of period he was sent Russia for treatment. I dont remember anything at all, Peterson told the British newspaper.

Peterson gained international fame for blasting academic safe spaces and feminism, as well as his refusal to use transgender peoples preferred pronouns.

He penned the international bestseller, 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos, in 2018, but was struggling with an addiction to benzodiazepines prescribed to him after a violent reaction to a strict meat and greens diet.

Mikhaila, 28, her Russian husband and Peterson began the diet in 2016, but all three had a violent sodium metabisulphite response, she said. It was really awful but it hit him hardest, Mikhaila told the Times. He couldnt stand up without blacking out. He had this impending sense of doom. He wasnt sleeping.

Peterson has previously claimed that he didnt sleep for 25 days during this time, but the longest period of human sleep deprivation ever recorded is only 11 days, the paper notes.

He was prescribed a low dose of antidepressants, which helped him recover, but the dosage was increased after Peterson sunk into depression following his wife Tammys cancer diagnosis.

And things just fell apart insanely with Tammy. Every day was life and death and crisis for five months, Peterson told the paper. The doctors said, Well, shes contracted this cancer thats so rare theres virtually no literature on it, and the one-year fatality rate is 100 per cent. So endless nights sleeping on the floor in emergency, and continual surgical complications So I took the benzodiazepines.

Tammy Roberts recovered from complications with a kidney surgery, but Petersons drug dependency worsened.

Dad started to get super-weird. It manifested as extreme anxiety, and suicidality, Mikhaila, who the Times reports seems to have assumed full charge of his affairs, said.

The anti-political-correctness crusader went to a Toronto clinic, where he was reportedly taken off benzodiazepine and prescribed ketamine, before checking himself into a New York rehab in 2019.

TheTimes reported that he wasdiagnosed with schizophrenia around this time.But Peterson subsequently released full audio of the interview to show thatMikhaila said he wasmisdiagnosedwith several conditions, including schizophrenia.

Well, I went to the best treatment clinic in North America. And all they did was make it worse. So we were out of options, Peterson said to the Times regarding the decision to undergo a controversial treatment in Moscow.

I had put myself in the hands of the medical profession. And the consequence of that was that I was going to die. So it wasnt that [the evidence from Moscow] was compelling. It was that we were out of other options.

In Russia, Peterson was intubated for undiagnosed pneumonia and administered propofol so that he could be induced into a coma for more than a week while medics cleared his system of drugs.

When he emerged from the treatment, Peterson had lost the ability to walk, along with large parts of his memory, according to the report.

He was catatonic. Really, really bad. And then he was delirious, his daughter told the paper.

After making some progress, Peterson was flown to Florida in February, where his pain and suicidal thoughts returned.

Mikhaila then flew her father to a private hospital in Belgrade, Serbia, where he was diagnosed with akathisia a restlessness condition linked with withdrawals of benzos.

Peterson, who also contracted the coronavirus during his time overseas, returned home to Canada to recover from akathisia. He told the Sunday Times that being labeled an icon of white supremacy and hate speech, by employees at his books publisher affected his mental health.

I was at the epicenter of this incredible controversy, and there were journalists around me constantly, and students demonstrating. Its really emotionally hard to be attacked publicly like that. And that happened to me continually for, like, three years, Peterson told the paper.

I was concerned for my family. I was concerned for my reputation. I was concerned for my occupation. And other things were happening. The Canadian equivalent of the Inland Revenue service was after me, making my life miserable, for something they admitted was a mistake three months later, but they were just torturing me to death.

When asked about the apparent of irony of turning to drugs after telling his followers that life is about battling through pain and suffering, the author deflected.

No, Ive never said that. Look, if youre a viable clinician you encourage people to take psychiatric medication when its appropriate. What I really encourage in people is to understand that it isnt useful to allow your suffering to make you resentful. And, believe me, Ive had plenty of temptation to become resentful about whats happened to me in the last two years, Peterson told the paper.

During the ordeal, Peterson wrote a sequel to his best-selling book dubbed Beyond Order: 12 More Rules for Life. Its expected to be published in the spring.

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Jordan Peterson says he was suicidal, addicted to benzos

The Return of Jordan Peterson – Book and Film Globe

The book they couldnt cancel has arrived. Jordan Peterson may be a prolific writer and vlogger with followers around the world eager to read his work, but the completion and publication of his new book, Beyond Order: 12 More Rules for Life, looked uncertain only a matter of months ago, and not just for the obvious, Covid-related reasons affecting us all.

The staff revolt at Penguin Random House Canada against publication of this work drew a lot of attention. Less widely covered are the private struggles Peterson has undergone over the past year against addiction to a drug in the benzodiazepine class, the agonies of withdrawal, and the torments of akathisia, an ailment that can make sufferers uncontrollably nervous and restless. You can beat akathisia. Fortunately for his followers, its a bit harder to quell a restless intellect.

Peterson was mostly out of the public eye in 2020. In the new year, he has taken tiny steps toward resuming his role as a figure offering advice to millions, grappling with some of the most divisive issues of our time, and spurring fierce loyalty, often among young men put off by identity politics and a culture of grievance, and equally spirited attacks from those who accuse Peterson of everything from misogyny to transphobia to apathy in the face of looming eco-disaster.

One might think that the last thing the world needs is another self-help book, but Beyond Order is a hybrid of genres. It offers a series of essays on how to live responsibly and productively, but Peterson goes way beyond self-help bromides, drawing on cases from his clinical practice to illuminate errors that people are prone to make and the outcomes they can expect from choosing one course of action over another. References to Nietzsche, Dostoyevsky, and Jung woven into the narrative suggest that Peterson has situated his practice within a theoretical framework that itself rests on decades of study and reflection. His mind has roved far and wide.

The point is not to gush about Petersons erudition, but rather to give a sense of the idiosyncratic nature of his practice. After all, the authors named here might not seem to offer templates for easy self-improvement. They led troubled lives and wrote dark tomes from which one could extract themes of nihilism and despair.

To take one example, look at Dostoyevskys 1864 work, Notes from Underground, which Peterson has praised in his lectures. It famously begins, I am a sick man. I am an unattractive man. I believe there is something wrong with my liver. Consider the fate of the protagonist. In A Story of the Falling Sleet, the story comprising the latter part of Notes, the bitter and alienated narrator finagles his way into attending a dinner with a handful of more socially acceptable acquaintances who make no secret of their disdain for him. Then, as the others sit engaged in chatter about salaries and social status, ignoring the narrator, the latter begins to act more and more strangely until an unbearably awkward and ugly scene develops and he must leave. He could have tried harder to fit in.

The narrators revolt against the falsity and superficiality of the company of Russians who have warily let him into their social circle does not lead to happiness and fulfillment. Rather, his atrocious conduct climaxes in humiliation and a flight through the dark and frigid streets of St. Petersburg, leading finally to an encounter with a stranger, a call girl, to whom he vents about the brevity and futility of existence. With his fixation in this and other works on despair, mental illness, and murder, Dostoyevsky might seem an odd choice for Jordan Peterson to hold up when advising people on how to turn their lives around and find fulfillment.

But in truth Dostoyevsky is not so far afield at all. His characters live in changing times, with new doctrines coming to supplant more traditional ideas, much as in our world today, where relativism and postmodernism fuel identity politics, and radical ideology comes to hold sway not just in academia but in the corporate world, entertainment, sports, and other spheres.

Dostoyevskys Underground Man rejects what is fashionable and socially acceptable. In other works, like The Possessed, which Peterson discusses at some length in Beyond Order, the conflict is more explicitly ideological. Dostoyevsky warns about the dangers of new doctrines that have come to hold sway in some social circles. He could see that the adoption of a rigid, comprehensive utopian ideology, predicated on a few apparently self-evident axioms, presented a political and spiritual danger with the potential to far exceed in brutality all that had occurred in the religious, monarchical, or even pagan past, Peterson writes.

Peterson seeks to drive home that rejection of and rebellion against false idols, newfangled doctrines, and the misuse and corruption of language for ideological ends is a personal choice that can lead to changes in how we live and see the world around us and fight for our goals. The impetus finds support in the writings of Dostoyevsky and Nietzsche, but the results, while potentially dramatic and disconcerting, are not necessarily tragic at all. We in 2021 can emulate the decisiveness and independence of certain troubled personages in literature, can be as boldly defiant as the Underground Man, but potentially reach a much better outcome in our careers and lives.

One of the many ambitious and driven people to whom Peterson has offered counseling in the course of his career is a woman who worked at a corporation where the HR department had a hair-trigger response to any complaints about allegedly insensitive language.

Surely we can all agree on the need to treat co-workers with respect and avoid using derogatory or offensive terms, but some of the examples in the case Peterson relates here are hard to believe. An edict came down in the womans office against use of the term flip-chart, on the grounds that the former part of the phrase is a slur sometimes used to demean to Filipinos. (You learn something every day. Bet you had no idea, the last time you told someone to stop being flip, that you were using a racial slur.)

No worker of Filipino extraction had actually complained about the use of the term. It appears that the firms administrators just had way too much time on their hands. On the heels of this edict, they went on to rule out a number of other terms that people had thought to be innocuous, including master key, which they took to be a reference to slavery. The employee wrote to Peterson, expressing her concern about the slippery slope on which the internal culture of her firm now found itself, not to mention the self-righteousness of those who decided it was their right and prerogative to dictate how others could express themselves.

When and where do we stop? If a tiny minority of people even hypothetically finds some words offensive, then what? Do we continue to ban words endlessly? she asked. She conveyed to Peterson signs that she had picked up on that the mandates handed down from the firms directors were having a harmful effect not only on her own conscience, but on the mental health and productivity of some of her colleagues, who did not want to speak out.

The reader senses that concerns of this nature, about outlawed or prescribed language, not to mention mandatory bias training, are fairly widespread in the corporate realms of Canada and the U.S., but that many employees are too anxious about their careers to voice such concerns publicly. Hence they turn up in missives between employees and their shrinks. Reflecting on his experience with this patient, Peterson writes, Those events seemed to form a coherent pattern, associated with an ideology that was directional in its intent, explicitly and implicitly. Furthermore, the effect of that directionality had been manifesting itself, by all appearances, for a reasonable amount of time, not only in the corporate world my client inhabited, but in the broader world of social and political institutions surrounding the corporation for which she worked.

Petersons patient in this case was a refugee from a former Eastern Bloc country where ideology had squelched personal freedoms as a matter of course for many years. It was all the more psychologically harmful to be in the position of objecting to the curtailments of freedom going on around her at work while lacking any idea of what to do or how to make her concerns known. But, in the end, she did take a stand. She began to apply more broadly the skills and talents she had cultivated as a developer of in-house educational projects for her firm.

Taking on speaking roles at corporate conferences, she maneuvered herself into a position from which to challenge at many venues the rampant manias and ideologically driven excesses of our day, though she let the flip-chart issue fall by the wayside. This was not an easy step to take. The fear of reprisal was real, and she had to work hard to develop her public speaking skills and make herself widely available as a speaker. These moves challenged her deeplybut the consequence was an expansion of personality and competence, as well as the knowledge that she was making a genuine social contribution, Peterson relates. The Will to Power, properly understood.

Imagine the effects on our corporate culture if more people followed the courageous example of this woman. Moral courage can of course take many forms, but the bottom line comes across in Petersons simple adage: do not do what you hate. Much of the wisdom imparted in Beyond Order is one or another variation, applied to many social and cultural contexts, of this theme.

Another of the anecdotes in Beyond Order has to do with a young gay man who was in an abusive relationship that made him depressed and anxious, but, for complex psychological reasons, was unable to see the situation for what it was. This patient clung to a view of people as essentially good and incapable of violence, even after a fight in which the boyfriend shoved him so hard he fell down. Peterson took time really to get to know this client and understand what was going on in his head. He offered advice that boiled down to an exhortation to grow up, to part forever with the rosy view of human nature that led him to imagine that a genuinely abusive or wicked person could not exist.

To this end, Peterson asked the patient to read a couple of books about atrocities carried out by ordinary Germans and Japanese in World War Two, and pursued a number of specialized treatments, including hypnosis. The outcome, in the end, was positive. The patient shed his naivete about the world and came to see that the boyfriend truly wished to harm him, to inflict pain and rage for the sake of it. This blunt realism about the human propensity for evil was not easy to impart, but the patient undoubtedly came out better. This is the kind of wisdom you need to get on in the world.

The third chapter of Beyond Order is entitled Rule III: Do not hide unwanted things in the fog. It is a long elaboration of a blunt message: pretending that people, ideas, memories, and social conditions are not real, or imagining through a kind of cognitive dissonance that they are not valid issues and could not or have no right to exist, is no way of dealing with them. This wisdom applies on many levels, the personal as well as the political, but it is lost on many of Petersons enemies, who have gone to extreme lengths not only to try to silence his voice, but to dress up their efforts in respectable garb. If a rose by any other name would smell as sweet, then the suppression of viewpoints by any other name is just as odious.

One of the shabbiest exercises in journalistic chicanery in recent memory is a December piece by Nathan Robinson in The Guardian. Robinson says that publishers are well within their legal rights to refuse to give Peterson book deals, which of course is true. He goes on to argue against publishing Peterson at all and suggests that the world needs more, not fewer, internal revolts at publishing houses that have the audacity to propose releasing a book by Peterson or other politically incorrect figures. This is where the argument gets truly weird.

Petersons book is unworthy of publication, you see, because it is wrongheaded, contains bad arguments, and, when you come down to it, lacks social value. Robinson tries to lend support to this assessment with a series of straw-man caricatures of Petersons views that bear little relationship to what Peterson has actually said or written.

Identifying himself as the editor of a small magazine that proudly follows an editorial policy favoring some submissions over others, Robinson goes on: If Jordan Peterson or Henry Kissinger submitted an essay, it would be rejected. And yes, it would be because we disagreed with the opinionwe dont publish arguments we find morally debased and poorly reasoned, by people whose views we do not wish to promote as sensible and worth listening to.

So here Robinson admits that if it were up to him, publishers would release only work that he finds politically congenial, but he denies that this amounts to suppression of speech. His argument is an exercise in tautology. It seems incredible to have to point this out, but anytime we disagree with someones views, it is because we find them, at bottom, to be morally flawed and/or insufficiently well reasoned. Whether we say I beg to differ or your views are debased or youre full of shit! or something even less civil may depend on how polite we are, and on the circumstances, but in the end, these reactions come down to the same thing.

We may never see a feebler excuse for the banning of a viewpoint than Robinson presents here. If Robinson had his way, no major publishers would ever release the work of conservatives, and he doesnt seem at all concerned about the precedent he establishes. If people of a different political mindset applied the same reasoning, progressive authors would never get their work into print either. The outlawers of incorrect opinions would simply have the excuse of saying, Hey, Im not engaging in censorship, just declining to publish work that is without social value.

One of the chapters in Beyond Order is entitled Rule VIII: Try to make one room in your home as beautiful as possible. This chapter, in which Peterson waxes eloquently about the salutary effects of sparing no effort to make your personal environment just right, expands on a theme he has expressed in the past. Not everyone buys it.

Some of Petersons opponents are eloquent, and none perhaps more so than philosopher Slavoj iek, whose debate with Peterson in Toronto on April 19, 2019, has racked up more than 3.1 million YouTube views. A highlight of the debate was a question that iek put to Peterson, in response to the latters precept that one should put ones own house in order before attempting to change the world. What if your house is in disorder precisely because of larger, external conditions, iek asks. For example, he points out, you might live in a repressive state like North Korea where, to extend the analogy, rules and laws and the abuse of power make it impossible to straighten out your house.

iek also points out that there could be cases where the imperative to perform discrete and simple tasks (put your house in order) leads people to believe that theyve done their duty and can leave so much else undone. It gives people an excuse to get by with doing very minimal, rote duties like organizing recyclables and ignoring more urgent issues. These are solid points, well put by iek. Petersons rebuttal here has to do with the value of exposure therapy and the proven utility of facing ones demons, and he argues that if done properly, such an approach can contribute both to setting ones own house in order and to a broader societal stability.

Peterson quotes Jung about how taking a personal problem seriously can better equip someone to deal with a social problem. Sometimes the problems in a relationship are microcosms of larger issues, and dealing with them has implications far beyond the context of the relationship. I believe that you do solve what you can about yourself first before you can set your family straight, and before you should dare to try to set the world straight, Peterson argues.

Basically, Peterson expands on his original point without really addressing the kinds of hypothetical scenarios iek has raised. Imagine that a couple enjoy an ideal relationship, that they are totally adept at keeping the romance going when left to their own devices, but they happen to live in a totalitarian state where military assignments or the arbitrary quartering of troops in homes or the jailing, torture, or murder of imagined dissidents by paranoid authorities makes the relationship unsustainable.

Its possible to imagine circumstances where no amount of setting ones own house in order will be of much use, where the implementation of measures on a national levelthe adoption of something akin to our Bill of Rightsis really in order. It is a critical point. Unfortunately, Peterson gives iek only a tiny mention in Beyond Order and leaves the Toronto debate, and ieks objections, unresolved.

Of course, putting your whole house in order before trying to change the world is not exactly the same as making one room in it as beautiful as possible. Maybe Peterson did learn from the iek debate, and refined his argument into something a bit more logically defensible.

Peterson is fond of citing the longer Dostoyevsky novels in his lectures, or what we might call the Big Five (Crime and Punishment, The Brothers Karamazov, The Idiot, The Possessed and The Adolescent), and occasionally shares his views on shorter works like Notes from Underground. Reading Beyond Order, one might think of a work that is relatively unknown even among those who appreciate the importance of Dostoyevsky. The 1846 novella The Double is about Golyadkin, a citizen of St. Petersburg, who finds out that he has a Doppelgnger, a man also named Golyadkin who has a wildly different personality but is physically impossible to tell apart from himself.

The real Golyadkin, or Golyadkin senior, as he is known, faces increasing social ostracization and alienation as Golyadkin junior steals the show, attending parties and winning prestige while making Golyadkin senior accountable for his misdeeds. In the unforgettable final scene, a horse and carriage carry Golyadkin senior off to a remote point in the woods as the double and a huge throng of revelers stand outside a house cheering and jeering.

In his bouts with near-fatal illness and would-be censors, Peterson has lost none of his rhetorical bite, his piercing eloquence, or his intellectual honesty. The politically correct junior Golyadkina hypothetical persona more acceptable to the guardians of correct opinionhas failed utterly to usurp the place of the senior Golyadkin, or of any honest citizens who adopt the precepts that Peterson has set forth. Golyadkin senior is not going off silently into the dark.

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The Return of Jordan Peterson - Book and Film Globe