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OTTAWA The Trudeau Liberals are asking the public for views on reforming the key federal transparency law, which the government acknowledges is sorely outdated.

OTTAWA The Trudeau Liberals are asking the public for views on reforming the key federal transparency law, which the government acknowledges is sorely outdated.

The government says the ideas for improving the Access to Information Act, which has changed little since 1983, will help officials prepare a report for the Treasury Board president due early next year.

The review, announced last June, was greeted with skepticism by open-government proponents, who noted that numerous reports on reforming the access law have been ignored over the years.

The law allows people who pay $5 to ask for a range of federal documents, but it has been widely criticized as antiquated and poorly managed.

The government wants suggestions on the legislative framework, improving service and reducing delays, and opportunities to make information openly available without an access request.

People can submit views online at https://atiareview.ca/ or by emailing reviewingATIA.revisionLAI@tbs-sct.gc.ca if they do not want the submission to be made public.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published April 1, 2021.

The Canadian Press

Excerpt from:
Trudeau Liberals ask public for advice on updating Access to Information law - Coast Reporter

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The Communist Party of China is not interested in any win-win relationship with Canada or Canadians

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Its been an unshakable maxim in the various truisms put about over the years by the intellectually impoverished and ethically sketchy quarters of Canadas foreign policy establishment: China is our second largest trading partner, we have to engage with China, we cant ignore China, and we have no choice but to hitch Canadas economic wagon to the horse of Chinas booming, growing economy.

Youd never know it, especially if the surfeit of China-trade enthusiasts embedded in Prime Minister Justin Trudeaus circles have captured your attention, but its mostly rubbish. The traffic in these platitudes has secured a dizzying array of sinecures in corporate boardrooms and careers in politics and punditry and tenured posts in Beijing-friendly university faculties, but there is one lesson that any sensible person will draw from recent events. Its rubbish.

The Communist Party of China is not interested in any win-win relationship with Canada or Canadians. Xi Jinping will do things his way, and the Canadian custom of cowering and cringing and kowtowing will not change him, no matter what Foreign Affairs Minister Marc Garneau appears to think when he says that bullies can change, and we just have to somehow pass the message to Xi that bullying people isnt nice.

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This, too, is rubbish, but theres rubbish and reckless, perilous delusion, and thats whats been at the core of the Trudeau governments approach to China ever since Team Trudeau was elected in 2015. Mostly, the premises that have served as the pretext for Trudeaus China policy. Its a policy that has been the basis of Trudeaus entire economic standpoint and worldview, formed and shaped while Canadas ambassador to China, Dominic Barton, was heading up former finance minister Bill Morneaus blue-ribbon economic advisory panel. And its just plain wrong.

For one thing, China is not Canadas second-largest trading partner. Two years ago, at the close of its first full year of implementation, the Canada-Europe Trade Agreement provided the enforceable ground rules of a two-way trade that added up to roughly $118 billion. Canadas trade with China amounted to $100 million last year, and there are no ground rules. One must do as one is told, as Canadas agricultural sector learned at a cost of $2 billion in punitive sanctions two years ago following the detention of Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou on a U.S. extradition warrant.

It is a lesson Trudeau had not learned even by last May, when he foolishly banked on Beijing honouring an arrangement for CanSinos COVID-19 vaccine, which of course Xi blocked, for the simple reason that he could do so and get away with it. The Trudeau government didnt even tell Canadians about Xis duplicity until three months after Beijing had reneged on the deal.

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Canada is a trading nation, as they say. Nearly a third of Canadas gross domestic product derives from this countrys exports, and cross-border commerce with the U.S. dominates Canadas foreign trade accounts. Canada-U.S. trade was worth $525.8 billion in 2020: Canada exported $270.4 billion to the U.S., while the Americans exported $254.5 billion worth of goods and services to Canada.

Canada exported only $25.2 billion worth of stuff to China in 2020, which amounts to roughly four per cent of Canadas $683-billion exports of goods and services around the world. Four per cent, remember. Meanwhile, Canada imported $76.4 billion of stuff from China last year in a trade imbalance that has been growing steadily, to Chinas advantage, for several years. And China has been increasingly turning the trade screws on Canada.

Its all been wonderfully comforting to pretend that the agony endured by Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, held captive in Xis state-security gulag since Dec. 10, 2018, is merely a consequence of Canada getting caught up in the crossfire of a Chinese-American power struggle. And that if we could just find an excuse to let Meng jet off back to Shenzhen so as to evade the 13 charges of fraud the U.S. Justice Department has filed against her, everything would be fine again.

Everything will not be fine again. And standing around with our hands in our pockets will not change that. But for lack of either imagination or spine, or both, that is exactly what Team Trudeau is doing.

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Were not even taking trade action on imports that are already supposed to be banned in Canada. That should be the starting point, Michael Chong, the Conservative Opposition foreign-policy critic, told me the other day. Owing to his penchant for merely noticing out loud that Beijing is carrying out what amounts to a genocide against the Turkic Muslim minority Uyghurs in Xinjiang, Chong was listed in a tranche of sanctions Beijing announced last weekend, aimed at academics, politicians and activists across Europe and North America.

While Chong was the only Canadian individual named by Chinas foreign ministry, Beijings sanctions also aimed at the members of the House of Commons subcommittee on international human rights, which mustered the impudence to use the word genocide to describe Beijings ruthless persecutions in Xinjiang.

Under the terms of the renegotiated North American Free Trade Agreement, the imports that Canada is already supposed to be banning include goods produced by slave labour in Xinjiang. But the Trudeau government isnt even interested to know, and appears to not want Canadians to know, that its measures to block the traffic in goods produced by forced labour arent working. Theyre not even rules, exactly.

Three weeks ago, the Liberals and the Bloc MPs on the Standing Committee on International Trade instead blocked a motion by Conservative MP Tracy Gray to look into the effectiveness of the measures the government claims it has adopted to ensure that goods like Xinjiang cotton, produced by forced labour, are not contaminating the supply chains of products marketed and sold in Canada.

We should be banning these products immediately, banning these products from entering Canada, Chong said. Instead, Ottawa relies on multinational import-export companies to police themselves. But at the end of the day its the federal governments responsibility. The buck stops at the federal government.

But were not barring any trade with China. Not even hoodies made from slave-picked cotton. After all, we have to engage with China, and we cant ignore China. We have no choice but to hitch Canadas economic wagon to the horse of Chinas booming, growing economy.

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Continued here:
Terry Glavin: Reckless delusion is at the core of the Trudeau Liberals' China policy - National Post

Gregor Wilson has a blunt assessment of the lobby effort that ultimately brought about an overhaul of the Liberal government's Biodiversity Act on Monday.

"The fear mongering around, 'You're not going to be able to hunt or fish or use trails,' I think, was just silly nonsense from [Forest Nova Scotia] and their coalition," he told a virtual meeting of the legislature's law amendments committee.

Wilson was one of more than 40 people who appeared to speak about the bill, and changes Premier Iain Rankin announced last week, the text of which was onlyreleasedat the start of the meeting.

Those changes, which remove all enforcement action, emergency orders and prevent any application on private land without the voluntary invitation of a landowner, followed an aggressive lobby campaign funded by Forest Nova Scotia that galvanized enough landowners against the bill to get the premier's attention and weaken support for it within his own caucus.

When Rankin announced last week that he would be making changes, he said it was in response to concerns that constituents were voicing to members of his caucus.

But Wilson, who lives in Colchester County and owns woodlots there and in Cumberland County, where he also manages about 600 hectares of recreational property on land his family owns that is open to the public, said the language of the lobby campaign didn't mesh with what he was hearing from landowners.

They shared none of the fears being pushed about a government overreach that would dictate how people could use their land, he told MLAs.

"In fact, I expect the act would help protect some of the places I cherish and hold close to my heart," he said.

For all the people who spoke Monday, about half shared Wilson's view and wanted the bill passed in its original form.

More than one person addressed concerns about heavy fines and a potential loss of rights by pointing to the fact that several bills already on the books have similar enforcement power to what the Biodiversity Act originally proposed. It was also noted that people's rights have been curbed by public health legislation to try to protect the province from COVID-19.

"When a person shows up with a full-blown COVID-19 infection, his rights do not extend as far as to allow him to continue to engage out in society, willy-nilly, as he pleases," said Elizabeth Glenn-Copeland.

"To do so would infect tens to hundreds to thousands of other people. Thus, his small right to have his way is eclipsed by the rights of the many."

But while many presenters argued the crisis facing biodiversity is every bit as much of a crisis as the pandemic, if not more so, that demanded a corresponding response, many landowners raised concerns about the bill's enforcement measures creating undue liability for them should someone do something on their land that violates it.

"We personally have borne the legal and financial consequences of the behaviour of other individuals because we cannot police [4,000 hectares] of land and we have no recourse," said Martha Brown, whose family owns and oversees woodlands in the Musquodoboit Valley.

"The scenarios are endless where we and other private landowners just like us are considered culpable under legislation, even if we are not the violators."

Like others, Brown said the government should focus first on addressing problems on Crown land. Using that example, it might be able to eventually earn the trust of private landowners, she said.

Lack of trust was a recurring theme among people who spoke in favour of Rankin's changes. And people on both sides of the issue pointed to the unfairness of only getting the text of the changes the day they were to present.

Others, like Patrick Wiggins, said the government did itself no favours by using vague language and leaving much of the bill's detail to regulations that have yet to be drafted.

"With the help of pre-existing legislation as well as regulations accompanied with a bill like this, we could have had a home run and a real step toward good change," said Wiggins, executive director of the Federation of Nova Scotia Woodlot Owners.

Instead, he said the bill has sewn division within his organization and across the province.

In the end, after nearly 12 hours, Liberal MLAs passed Rankin's changes, which took more than 10 pages out of the 19-page bill. It will now go back to the House for further debate sometime this week.

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Liberals amend Biodiversity Act in the face of industry, landowner criticism - CBC.ca

Tony Greaves, Lord Greaves, who has died aged 78, was a stalwart of the Liberal party and then the Liberal Democrats for half a century. Elevated to the peerage in 2000 on Charles Kennedys nomination, he used his position in the Lords to extend his career of community activism and to try to promote a more radical kind of Liberalism in the upper house. While doing so he continued as a member of Pendle borough council in Lancashire, to which he had been elected on its formation in 1973, serving for almost 50 years until his death.

Born in Bradford, Greaves was a Yorkshireman transported to Lancashire by his employment as a teacher of geography and who made his home and his political base in the Pendle district. The son of Geoffrey Greaves, a police driving instructor, and his wife, Moyra (nee Brookes), he went to Queen Elizabeth grammar school in Wakefield as a scholarship boy and traced his interest in politics to the sixth form there, where we debated everything. By the time he arrived at Hertford College, Oxford, he had found himself in tune with Jo Grimonds Liberal party, which he joined in 1961, and went canvassing for the first time in the Liberal victory at the Orpington byelection of 1962.

After gaining a degree in geography at Oxford he took a diploma in economic development at the University of Manchester. From 1969 to 1974 he taught geography at Colne grammar school in Lancashire, but it became clear that his commitment was to politics rather than teaching. In 1971 he was elected both to Lancashire county council and to Colne borough council, which later became Pendle borough council.

Under his local leadership the party and later the Lib Dems controlled Pendle, but his success in local government failed to transfer to parliamentary elections, and he finished third on the three occasions he fought in his home constituency in Nelson & Colne in February and October 1974 and then, after boundary changes, in Pendle in 1983.

Having supported American draft dodgers in the Vietnam war and taken part in the Stop the Seventy Tour campaign against the visit of the apartheid-era South Africa cricket team, Greaves had been elected in 1970 as chair of the national Young Liberal movement. Most of the red guard of radical young Liberals soon moved out of mainstream politics but Greaves stayed.

He had not long been in office when the party leader, Jeremy Thorpe, made the error of trying to force him to withdraw a pro-Palestinian motion from the Young Liberals annual conference agenda. Greaves said no and a standoff between the party hierarchy and the youth section continued for some time, although it was eventually smoothed over at the partys own annual assembly.

From 1974 onwards he made a living from a series of politically oriented jobs, initially surviving on the then meagre attendance allowances as a councillor, plus wages from a number of temporary posts. From 1977 to 1985 he was employed by the Association of Liberal Councillors as its organising secretary, and in that role produced a series of practical handbooks that were well used by the growing numbers of Liberal councillors. He followed this by managing the publishing arm of the party until 1990 and then had stints as a constituency agent while also operating as a secondhand book dealer specialising in Liberal history and theory.

For a five-month period from September 1987 he was a member of the Liberal party team negotiating a merger with the Social Democratic party (SDP), an undertaking that proved to be mentally and physically exhausting. He was unable to accept the final package and resigned from the negotiating team, speaking in vain against the merger of the two parties at the special Liberal party assembly in 1988 in Blackpool. Together with the then chair of the Young Liberals, Rachael Pitchford, he co-wrote a diary of the whole process, published as Merger: The Inside Story, in 1989.

Later on, Greaves joined the Liberal Democrats, although in 1996 he declared that fundamentally I am not a Liberal Democrat for I do not know what it means. He continued his efforts to secure radical Liberal policies, and right up to his death was working on ideas to increase regionalism.

He was well liked by everyone with whom he worked, even though, in the words of one fellow Liberal Democrat peer, he could be uncompromising, argumentative, curmudgeonly and stubborn. He was also mercurial, taking on causes with gusto and then moving on swiftly as a more urgent issue came up. Sometimes this meant that his considerable intellectual and analytical skills were underplayed.

He got away from politics by relaxing with his family, and, until his older years, spent four weeks each year climbing in the French Pyrenees.

He married Heather Baxter in 1968; she was a teacher who shared his political views, had worked briefly in the local government department at Liberal party headquarters, and has been a member of Pendle borough council for more than 20 years. He is survived by Heather, their two daughters, Vicky and Helen, and a grandson, Robin.

Anthony Robert Greaves, politician, born 27 July 1942; died 23 March 2021

See more here:
Lord Greaves obituary - The Guardian

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Recent Research: Detailed Analysis on Social Marketing Management Software Market Size with Forecast to 2026 - Technology Magazine