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Opinion Of striped bass, the bottle bill and democracy via Zoom – The CT Mirror

The state legislatures Environment Committee hearing started on ZOOM at 10 a.m. Friday, March 19. There were a number of bills on the agenda.

Usually legislators get the first hour and then the public gets to testify. However, this day the Commissioner of DEEP Katie Dykes was the guest at 10 a.m. and the legislators asked her questions until 2:30. Then finally the public got to testify.

The way ZOOM hearings work is this: Those who want to testify in person register to do so and then the night before the hearing the committee sends out the list of when each person may testify.

I was given number 45.

The two big bills that got most of the testimony were:

So.. The first 25 people who testified got tons of questions. The legislators were all very attentive and very frisky. Some people were talking up to half an hour. If the legislators knew the person testifying they could go on even longer with many legislators saying hello and asking many questions.

After about seven hours by about 5 p.m. some legislators were getting upset by how long this was all taking and how many people were left yet to testify and the legislators began to fight among themselves about how long each person should get and how long each individual legislator should get. All this went on in public over ZOOM.

By dinner time things started to thin out. Legislators were getting tired and probably hungry, so they asked fewer questions. Some people now got none. Then a fisherman testified on a bill about enforcing regulations on fishing for striped bass. The legislators who were left and liked fishing became alive. That testimony went for on a long time as those left asked fishing questions and it was decided by the end of lengthy questioning about fishing that the best way to catch striped bass was with a single hook.

After dinner the legislators really thinned out and the questions almost stopped. I could no longer tell how many legislators were even left. I finally got to testify at 8:15 p.m. after having listened all day to 10 hours to everyone elses testimony.

Even though my company, Environment and Human Health, Inc., had worked on the Bottle Exemption Bill for over four years and knew a huge amount about it and even though EHHI had worked on the issue of nips which were included in the bottle bill (and should not have been) we were asked NO questions. Everyone was too tired or not even there.

So goes our democracy. Making democracy work is not easy for those who wish to delve into it it is clear democracy is hard work but there is no better way to govern so we will keep at it even when it seems unfair. Unfair or not its better than any other system of government and that seems to be the bottom line.

Nancy Alderman is President ofEnvironment and Human Health, Inc.

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Opinion Of striped bass, the bottle bill and democracy via Zoom - The CT Mirror

Hindu Democracy, Punyabhoomi And The Idea Of Bharat – Swarajya

In my previous article, I described the BJP as a Hindu Democratic Party, in an evidence-based manner by interpreting their recent record of legislative and executive actions.

On this basis, it was demonstrated that they do not even qualify to be considered a traditional right-wing or even traditionally conservative party.

Among interesting feedback to the article was confusion that it implies the BJP is like the Democratic Party of the USA.

This view is wildly off the mark, but it underscores that the default Indian political understanding broadly divides politics into modern liberalism (akin to the US Democrats/British Labour) and traditional conservatism (like the US Republican Party/British Conservatives).

This is a very narrow binary view that does not reflect the reality of Indian politics at all.

A second and very pertinent piece of feedback is that the original article appears to impose a western construct (Christian democracy) upon India. However, thats not quite the case, as this article describes.

Christian democracy is simply an umbrella term for a range of European parties who all have a common imperative with the BJP the preservation of a homeland safe for their faiths, while also maintaining a functional modern democracy, i.e. not a theocracy.

Hindu Democracy : A Form of Liberal Conservatism

The BJPs recent legislative record is wide ranging. Some laws address core political objectives: the elimination of Article 370 and the CAA law and the pursuit of UCC.

Others address reformist goals like the farm laws, the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, and the GST. Other recent legislative actions are very liberal minded supporting workers compensation rights, consumer rights, maternity care and abortion rights and transgender rights.

In political science, this is liberal conservatism. The conservative basis is forward looking it just values orderly evolution that focusses on preserving the basic cultural fabric of the land.

If the underlying basis is too rigid, it becomes a right wing traditional polity or theocracy, instead of a liberal conservative entity. Hinduism is a forward- looking religion that enables this.

There is no compromise or hypocrisy in liberal conservatism. The BJPs support, for example, of maternity, abortion or transgender rights is not driven by the modern feminist or LGBT movements.

Those groups are not sole guardians of these rights. Rather, it reflects the fact that Hinduism itself respects women and has never been antagonistic to the third gender; the western approach to these is alien to India; the factual legislative record shows that the BJP has evolved its own independent, native liberal doctrine.

Arguably, the Anglophone liberal versus conservative dichotomy reflects the lack of evolution of polities in both the US and UK, as compared to India.

This backwardness of their politics shows up in the pronounced polarisation of their local politics. Modern democracies in lands with strong cultural moorings have often tended towards liberal conservatism the BJP in India, the Christian Democrats in Germany, Austria and Italy, the LDP in Japan, the Liberal Party in Australia being examples.

Neither the US nor UK have a political party that is avowedly liberal conservative; the only significant party of the kind in the Anglosphere is the Liberal Party of Australia (LP).

The LPs conservatism in Australia was primarily racial Robert Menzies, who was their Prime Minister from 1949-1966, was a strong supporter of the White Australia policy.

The term Hindu Democratic Party is derived from the most well known mainstream form of liberal conservatism involving religion and native culture as a base Christian democracy in Europe.

But why associate the BJP with a western construct at all? This is a very good question. Several features of the western political spectrum simply do not apply to India. Such terminology cannot be carried over wholesale without any nuance.

However, we live in a global world today. As India grows in power and influence, we interact more with the world. It is important to understand how politics is interpreted by the outside world, and to have a well considered description of Indian political mainstream using a best approximation, even if the association cannot be perfect.

Liberal Conservatism: The Dominant Politics of Strongly Rooted Cultures

An interesting behaviour seen post-World War 2 is that all modern democratic nations that have either strong religious or native cultures, or are the punyabhoomi of major faiths, have all developed liberal conservatism as the principal local political form.

In Germany, Konrad Adenauers CDU came to power in 1949, and dominated German politics, having collectively ruled for over 50 of 70 years.

Besides Angela Merkel and Adenauer, Helmut Kohl and Ludwig Erhard are famous Christian Democrats; Merkel and Erhard were practising Lutheran Protestants, the other two Catholics.

In Italy, Alcide de Gasperis Christian Democrats came to power in 1946, and that party continuously ruled until 1981, and then came back to power again a few times.

In Israel, the Likud Party has been the dominant political force since the 1970s, with leaders like Menachem Begin, Ariel Sharon and now Benjamin Netanyahu being Likud leaders.

In Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party has dominated postwar politics. Everyone from first PM Shigeru Yoshida to Hayato Ikeda famous for driving their postwar economic miracle to Shinzo Abe were LDP leaders.

In Ireland, a Catholic bastion, the Fine Gael and Fianna Fail founded by their longest serving leader Eamon de Valera have dominated politics.

All these parties have something in common they are liberal conservative ones, and the majority classify themselves as Christian Democratic. Italy and Ireland are homes of Catholicism. Germany the home of Protestantism/Lutheranism, Israel the Jewish homeland and Japan the home of Shintoism.

It is not a coincidence that they all developed analogous polity right upon foundation.

The organic rise of the BJP is a similar story. From a more traditionally conservative origin in the Bharatiya Jan Sangh days, it evolved into a more right wing populist entity and rapidly gained a stable vote share of at least 20 per cent in every general election.

Over the past two decades, it has solidified itself as the principal political pole of India.

Neither the US nor UK have a native faith. While there is a Church of England, that is simply the result of a political split King Henry VIII wanted an annulment but the Vatican wouldnt grant one. So he split and created his own church for convenience.

The US is a young frontier country with a stagnant two-party system.

Hindu Democracy: A Liberal Conservative Approach to Dual Imperatives.

Countries that are both a democratic society and the home of a major faith realise that they also safeguard that faith, while simultaneously managing the uniform policy imperatives of being a modern democratic society.

They all maintain legal secular rights for individuals. However, they all make it clear that politics serves the culture, and not the other way around. Therefore, the dominant culture will always receive a first-among-equals treatment by polity, even when individuals from different faiths are treated alike from the perspective of basic law.

This distinction arises from the fact that politics does not hold a land together. Its culture does. India has a dominant culture thats readily visible to everyone from a natural born person to a stranger looking from outside in.

That culture is Dharmic. India safeguards Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism.

The power of Dharmic culture over polity has demonstrably manifested itself in the fact that the moment the artificial basis of Nehruvian western liberal-socialism weakened, the BJPs liberal conservative polity took hold rapidly within less than two decades.

It has since cemented itself under Narendra Modi, while the Congress has been reduced from over 75 per cent of Lok Sabha to under 10 per cent essentially a large regional party.

A country that had no other basis for socio-political cohesion would simply have fallen apart into civil war, as many countries have. Had India lacked such a basis for cohesion, the end of the Congress would have been the end of the political nation state of India.

However, that did not happen. India has instead politically united into the strongest form in several decades. So much so that assorted wags hyperventilate that India is authoritarian.

Why Did The BJPs Emergence Take So Long ?

Given this political history, a question remains if countries with such strong religious and cultural foundations took a common approach, why didnt India do so at its inception?

At this point it might be somewhat clear it almost did. People like Sardar Patel and S P Mukherjee advocated this path.

One can take a look at the dire situation in 1948-50: Muladi massacre, Barisal riots, Anderson bridge massacre, Sitakunda massacre and more just in Bengal, with even more in Punjab.

Each day brought more grim news.

S P Mukherjee, among others, argued strenuously for a population transfer. Objections to this included the difficulty of transferring crores of people, treatment of property and more; those in favour argued that at least non-Muslims must be allowed to move to India.

Nehru opposed this, with fatal consequences for millions of Hindus. The arguments came to a head when S P Mukherjee quit the government during the Nehru-Liaquat Pact and founded BJPs predecessor the BJS.

Mukherjee later died in custody while protesting the imposition of Article 370. Sardar Patels demise preceded Mukherjees. With its brightest leaders gone, the BJP took another generation to become a political force.

It has not looked back since.

The BJP retains a historical memory of its foundation. Its first two acts upon acquiring the 2019 mandate that gave it reasonable strength in both houses of Parliament, were to deal with two items its founder fought over eliminating Article 370 and passing the Citizenship Amendment Act, which serves to fulfill at least partly, the goal of enabling non-Muslim refugees from partition era lands the ability to gain citizenship in India, as Amit Shah explained.

The current position of strength within Indian polity gives the BJP the opportunity to cast the future of Bharat in the terms it should have always been.

This land is the sacred land and guardian of not merely one but multiple great faiths Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism.

The guardianship of this history and culture cannot be sacrificed at the altar of tactically expedient identity politics. There is much to be done, but it must also be acknowledged that the BJP has been true to its history, and remains the only national party that understands and has the dedication to accomplish the political goal of ensuring that India remains a place where its native faiths and culture can flourish.

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Hindu Democracy, Punyabhoomi And The Idea Of Bharat - Swarajya

Biden in Favor of Immigration Reform to Speed Up Green Cards for Indian Americans – India West

NEW YORK President Joe Biden wants Congress to act on immigration reform that would allow Indian American doctors and other professionals to expeditiously get their green cards, according to his spokesperson Jen Psaki.

"He believes that there should be faster processing, that our immigration system is broken at many levels," she said at a briefing March 24.

"He is eager to for Congress to move forward with action there."

Psaki was replying to a question about a demonstration in Washington, D.C., by Indian doctors who had been in the frontlines of the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic, asking for the elimination of country quotas for green cards that would enable them to get permanent residence status faster.

Asked about the delays in processing work authorization for spouses of those holding H1-B and L-1 visas, Psaki said: "The reason we want to push for action on immigration (legislation) on the (Capitol) Hill is to move forward with expediting the processing and doing that on several levels, including a number of the visas.

"That's part of the reason why we think that's such an important piece to move forward on."

A group of Indian doctors held a demonstration outside Congress last week demanding the removal of the country quotas to expedite their green cards.

Last month, Democrats introduced a comprehensive immigration reform bill in Congress that would remove the country quotas for green cards.

While spouses of citizens are not restricted by the quotas, all other countries except Canada and Mexico are each allowed only 26,000 green cards each year and this has created a huge backlog for applicants from countries like India, while some nations do not use their full quota.

According to the State Department, Indians with advanced degrees whose immigration applications were approved in 2009 and skilled workers and professionals whose applications were okayed in 2010 are still waiting for their green cards.

Those wait times are only for those whose applications are already approved, and it could run to centuries for those in the immigration queue.

The immigration reform bill faces an uphill battle because Republicans demand that it include stringent restrictions on illegal immigration and the backing of some members of that party would be required in the Senate.

Earlier, legislative action to remove country caps failed in the last Congress because the Senate and House of Representatives versions of the bill had differences that were not reconciled in time and it lapsed.

The Senate in December 2020 and the House in 2019 had passed the separate versions of the bill.

H-1B visas are for professionals and L-1 visas are for those transferred by their companies to the U.S.

Their spouses had been allowed to work in the U.S. under regulations introduced by former President Barack Obama, but his successor Donald Trump had tried to ban work authorization for them.

In its first week in office, the Biden administration killed Trump's effort and continued to make the spouses, most of them Indian women, eligible to get work permits.

The San Jose Mercury reported last month that the Citizenship and Immigration Service had attributed the work authorization "delays to 'Covid-19 restrictions, an increase in filings, current postal service volume and other external factors'.

The newspaper added that the agency said that it had redistributed workloads and staff were working extra hours to reduce the delays.

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Biden in Favor of Immigration Reform to Speed Up Green Cards for Indian Americans - India West

Lack of immigration reform overwhelming detention facilities, Cornyn says – KRGV

Ahead of his visit to the Rio Grande Valley, U.S. Senator John Cornyn discussed lawmakers touring the holding facility in Donna, where migrants are currently being housed on Friday.

Cornyn said he hopes the tour will change the minds of government officials when addressing immigration reform.

"Border Patrol is really overwhelmed," he said. "Migrants are living side by side."

According to Cornyn, the influx of migrants at the border is due to President Biden's removal of previous administration rules.

But during his first press conference as president, Biden disputed that. The president said a system was in place to help deal with the situation but the previous administration did away with it.

Read Also: Biden blames previous administration for migrant surge

Cornyn said while he empathized with those seeking to escape pressures and threats from their home countries, immigration and asylum reform was his ultimate goal.

"I think this crisis has made it harder for those of us who would actually like to do immigration reform to do so," Cornyn said. "Because people are upset, as they should be at this lack of a plan to deal with this surge of humanity."

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Lack of immigration reform overwhelming detention facilities, Cornyn says - KRGV

US Immigration Reform: Deportation and Asylum – Inkstick – Inkstick

Recent attention to large numbers of migrants, including unaccompanied minors, arriving at the border has inspired anti-immigrant activists and politicians to broadly criticize the Biden administrations proposal for comprehensive immigration reform. However, the proposed legislation that has been introduced to both the House and the Senate addresses two very different populations of migrants, whose distinct circumstances should be considered separately: those who are to be or have been deported and those who are seeking asylum.

The Humanizing Deportation Project, which I designed and have coordinated since its launch in 2016, has documented the personal stories of over 250 migrants, including both those deported from the United States, and those in process of migrating along the Central AmericaMexicoUnited States corridor. Their stories help illuminate the issues at hand.

ISSUE ONE: DEPORTATION

The first issue that must urgently be addressed is the lack of a humane approach to the many undocumented immigrants who have lived long term in the United States. Currently these immigrants are subject to deportation at any moment, often causing long-term family separation, or breaking up families entirely. It is nearly impossible to introduce family hardship as a mitigating factor in deportation cases, which generally assign penalty periods of ten years or more during which deported migrants are ineligible to apply for any type of visa to enter the United States.

No other country in the world has been as aggressive or harsh in its treatment of such large numbers of long-term undocumented immigrants as the United States, which routinely expels hundreds of thousands per year. For example, the European Union, which also expels significant quantities of undocumented migrants, focuses much of its attention on asylum seekers whose applications have recently been rejected, with regularization programs available to some longer-term migrants. EU member states also use discretionary power in those cases in which deportation would imply human rights issues.

No other country in the world except the United States has been as unrelenting in breaking up families, nor has any other nation maintained such large numbers of childhood arrivals in the precarious position that is faced by hundreds of thousands of adult immigrants. Karla Estrada tearfully describes the arrival of her younger brother, who, like her, was brought to the United States as an infant, upon his deportation to Mexico: He did not know what it meant to be in that country, he did not know how to appropriately speak the language, or dress, or anything of the culture of Mexico. In order to protect him, her undocumented parents decided to return to Mexico, leaving Karla, a University of California, Los Angeles grad and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipient, alone. As she puts it: I still cant find the words to describe how much it hurts to lose my family so fast; it feels like, like is a slow deep wound inside you that never quite heals, adding that very rarely we talk about the effects of deportation, not only for the deportees and veterans, but also the families left behind in the US. It is a pain that I dont wish upon anyone, not even in my worst enemy.

Nor has any other nation been as unforgiving of its noncitizen military veterans, who routinely get deported from the United States for committing criminal offenses, including some minor drug offenses. US Navy veteran Alex Murillo was brought to the United States at age one, and obtained legal permanent residency. He served respectfully and proudly in the US military and was stationed in the Middle East. After his discharge he lost his way, ending up convicted in federal court of marijuana charge, which automatically triggered his deportation. He left behind four young children, who, he recalls, were waiting for me and I never made it back home. Neither Alex nor his family can understand why he was good enough to fight and die for America, but Im not good enough to live there.

The effects of the United States heavy reliance on deportation have been devastating to immigrant communities. With an aim to keeping families together, the Biden immigration reform proposal offers many long term immigrants, including childhood arrivals, a path to citizenship, and also gives discretionary power to immigration judges and new authority to the Secretary of Homeland Security and Attorney General to take the hardship that deportation would cause to families in consideration, allowing them to both block deportations of migrants who pose no security risk, and to facilitate the readmission of previously deported family members. The past 25 years have seen a relentless assault on immigrant communities, which has become only more and more severe. It is time that we take a more humane approach with long-term undocumented immigrants.

ISSUE TWO: THE MIGRANTS AND ASYLUM SEEKERS

The question of migrants arriving at the border is a separate one, perhaps a bit more complicated. The majority of these migrants come from the northern triangle of Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras) and aim to seek asylum in the United States. The situation at the border is unfortunate, the culmination of several years of efforts to deter these migrants ability to complete or, more recently, even initiate the asylum application process. The Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP) program, launched in January of 2019 has kept tens of thousands of migrants on the Mexican side of the border awaiting court dates in the United States, while the Title 42 express deportation procedure has expelled nearly all asylum seekers that have tried to cross into the United States since March 2020, under the premise of safeguarding public health during the pandemic. This decision was revised recently to allow unaccompanied minors and some families with children into the country.

The Biden proposal promises to address the problem at its root by offering aid to northern triangle countries to help them assure the economic stability and personal safety of their citizens so as to prevent them from departing in large numbers. This is obviously a long-term solution. In the short term, given both the now huge backlog of asylum seekers due to MPP and Title 42, as well as the steady arrival of new asylum seekers, it is urgent for the United States and Mexico to coordinate logistics and offer basic protections, such as safe lodging for migrants, on both sides of the border.

Another underlying issue is especially troubling: that of refugees. The migrants who have spoken to scholars and the press represent themselves as refugees who are migrating not on a whim, but rather out of desperation. It is logical that refugees seek asylum. But US asylum law requires applicants to demonstrate that they are being persecuted based on race,religion,nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group. Threats of violence from organized criminal groups do not necessarily align with these criteria. This is one of several reasons why the rate of success of asylum cases for Central American migrants is very low and falling.

For example, a Honduran migrant who traveled with the 2018 caravans had to close his auto repair shop when he was unable to pay extortion demands from criminal gangs. He was also witness to a kidnapping and agreed to testify for the state, assuming he would be protected. He was instead required to testify in front of the accused and eventually convicted defendant, then denied any form of government protection. He fled Honduras in fear. Upon crossing to the United States to apply for asylum, he was questioned by Customs and Border Protection agents who allowed him to tell only the first part of his story. They refused to let him file an asylum case, and ordered him to sign a voluntary removal form. When he refused to sign, he recalls: they insulted me, they told me that I looked like a delinquent. They then screamed obscenities in his face and got rough with me. Three agents grabbed my hands and bent me backwards, forcing him to put a fingerprint onto the form, which they then used to deport him.

While in 20162017, asylum was granted to roughly 25% of applicants from all three northern triangle nations (compared to about 40% among all applicants worldwide), by 20192020, success rates of northern triangle applicants had dropped to below 15% (versus an aggregate rate for all applicants of about 28%), with 91% of MPP cases ending in deportation. In other words, even though these migrants see themselves as refugees, US immigration courts infrequently see them as refugees.

While it is important to address the problem at its root by improving living conditions for Central Americans, and to offer humane and secure conditions for asylum seekers at the border, it will also be important to better align expectations with reality. Either the United States must revise its criteria of evaluation for asylum cases in order to better account for real dangers of extortion, assault, kidnapping, rape and murder to which so many of these migrants are exposed in their home countries, or Central American migrants, who often risk life savings and face all kinds of dangers on the migrant trail, should be better informed of what lies ahead once they reach the US border, as currently the vast majority of them are ending up getting deported back to their countries of origin.

It is clear that more humane legislation is needed for both long-term immigrants and newly arriving asylum seekers. Given the very different challenges each group faces, it makes sense to consider them separately.

Robert McKee Irwin is the deputy director of the Global Migration Center at the University of California, Davis.

The images that appear in the body of this piece are from the Humanizing Deportation Project.

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US Immigration Reform: Deportation and Asylum - Inkstick - Inkstick