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The Machines Gambit – The Good Men Project

By Aron

Recently we have talked extensively about computer games and virtual worlds created by humans. However, I want to talk about a physical game that we brought computers into, Chess.

For a long time, automatic chess machines were the interest of people. From 1770 till 1854 The Turk was once famed as the first automatic chess machine which won games from players all over Europe and the Americas. However this wonder was exactly that, amechanicalwonder. It was not actually an automatic chess machine; it was operated by a person through clever use of mechanical contraptions.

A main problem in the early Chess engines was the amount of computing power needed for computers to calculate the best moves. Usually computers played brute force chess. meaning that they examine a large amount of possible moves and thus an array of outcomes. There was also research trying to get a computer to imitate human thinking during a chess match. The advances of technology eventually solved this by allowing brute force to become a viable option.In 1977 there were already computers that were capable of examines all possible moves to play in a chess game and the outcomes. This took a large amount of time and that is why a computer during that period could not beat a human player. Chess competitions have a time element in them and such computers would lose chess games just because of this crucial factor.The first computer to beat a grandmaster in a competitive setting was called Deep Blue. Deep Blue played against the then world champion Garry Kasparov. The victory was not total; of 6 games played, Deep Blue won 4 and after this last game, Kasparov was furious, walked away with frustration from the table and later arguing about his loss which can be seen below.

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After this, the advancement went fast and it is now accepted that a human can no longer beat a computer. this led to the new top players of chess versing each other. The computers faced each other and advancement kept being made. New programs beat the older ones and one of the lead players was called Stockfish. Stockfish saw many iterations and kept the top position for a long time. A new opponent rose through the field in the form of Googles AlphaZero. AlphaZero was a neural network based engine that beat Stockfish with only 4 hours of training against itself and no input other than the Chess rules.

Source

The game of Chess was changed by immensely by the advent of computers allowing people to enjoy practice by themselves without the need for a human opponent. It also changed moves by finding new moves in positions human wouldve never considered.

Through this way computers have influenced our physical games as well. Chess is not the only one, many computers have also been created for the game Go and there are likely to be many more such engines/programs/machines. If it is for the better, Im not sure, it removes the element of mind games, a computer cant be tricked in ways that can aid you during the game. The emotional setback one might feel during the loss of a mispositioned queen piece wont affect the machine. Yet the positives effects on the games should also not be forgotten.

Thank you for reading this blog! Do you know other games which computers have influenced in our physical world? Id love to hear.

If you want to play a match of Chess against me, let me know in the comments and we can set something up!

This post was previously published on digmedia.lucdh.nland licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

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The Machines Gambit - The Good Men Project

Scot’s gambit to get kids into chess | Scotland – The Times

Chess is an entire world in just 64 squares, says Beth Harmon, the doe-eyed prodigy in The Queens Gambit. I feel safe in it. I can control it; I can dominate it.

Beth is the fictional heroine of a hit Netflix series, but her understanding of the power of the game to deliver a sense of achievement to young people is being harnessed in the UKs richest chess tournament for youngsters.

The 10,000 Scottish Junior Tournament has been endowed by Gareth Williams, the multimillionaire founder of Skyscanner, in the hope that hundreds of children of all abilities will sign up.

Williams will be able to build on the success of The Queens Gambit

PHIL BRAY/NETFLIX/AP

It is important they do, believes Williams, 52, because chess requires a skill that is in short supply in our digital age: concentration.

Chess

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Scot's gambit to get kids into chess | Scotland - The Times

We are actual Democratic Socialists, and here is what we believe | Column – Tampa Bay Times

The papers are full of opinion pieces by liberals and conservatives warning us of the dangers of socialism. We are told that socialists want the government to run everything, take away your freedom and stifle individual initiative. Yet, there is a strange disconnect between these descriptions and the views of self-described Democratic Socialists in current and past U.S. history like Sen. Bernie Sanders, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Dr. Martin Luther King, Helen Keller and others.

Actual Democratic Socialists support policies like Medicare for all, tuition-free college, an increased minimum wage, strong unions, an end to big money controlling our political system, protecting voting rights for all, ending continuous wars to protect corporate profits abroad, etc. These have no relationship with the caricature presented in many mainstream media depictions.

Democratic Socialists believe in democracy. An unfettered capitalist economic system undermines democracy because it creates massive inequality. The wealthy then buy their preferred political outcomes; inevitably they have way more influence than ordinary working people.

But what does socialism mean? In simplest terms, it means reversing our unbalanced power relations in both our economy and our political system: political and economic power would be transferred from the few (the 1 percent) to the many (the working class). Both our economy and our politics would be brought under democratic control.

We can measure how socialist a society is by the degree to which it has transferred political and economic power from a small group of capitalists (the 1 percent and its surrounding highly paid functionaries) to the working class, a large majority of the population. The more a society has achieved that transfer, the more socialist it is.

A modern conception of Democratic Socialism must transcend the old view of socialism as strictly government ownership and a 100 percent planned economy. Modern socialism will have a use for markets as well as planning but those markets must be shaped and controlled democratically and not rigged for the benefit of the capitalists and their henchmen. By democratizing the economy, modern socialism will do a better job of rewarding people who do useful, beneficial work rather than those who take advantage of the system.

Democratic Socialists strongly combat all forms of discrimination against any segment of the working class. We oppose racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, religious bigotry, xenophobic nationalism and the like. All these discriminatory prejudices undermine democracy.

Modern countries closest to Democratic Socialism are the Scandinavian social democracies. Of course, they are not entirely socialist but they have come closer than any other countries in the world. They consistently rank among the worlds most democratic, most egalitarian, healthiest, most prosperous, most environmentally responsible, most highly educated, most crime-free countries in the world.

Are they unsurpassable utopias? No. But they are more socialist than other countries, and various metrics prove that their socialist policies deliver a better life than is available under a strictly capitalist society.

It is time Democratic Socialism was depicted accurately. What we have written here is what we Democratic Socialists actually believe.

Bruce Nissen, Carol McNamee and Sean Armil are members of the Pinellas County chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).

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We are actual Democratic Socialists, and here is what we believe | Column - Tampa Bay Times

Brooklyn’s Democratic Socialists: Who Are They And What Do They Want? – BKLYNER

Three years after Alexandria Ocasio-Cortezs shock victory over Joe Crowley, a year after gaining seats and influence in Congress and in the New York State Legislature, the Democratic Socialists of America are now aiming to gain a foothold in the New York City Council. In that effort, Brooklyn is their home base.

In 2020, every candidate for State Legislature representing districts across NYC who received a DSA endorsement won their race, including now-Senator Jabari Brisport and now-Assemblymembers Phara Souffrant Forrest and Marcela Mitaynes, all representing Brooklyn. Brisport won an open seat, while Souffrant Forrest and Mitaynes ousted long-time incumbents. Additionally, DSA member Emily Gallagher defeated incumbent Assemblymember Joe Lentol, in office since 1973, in north Brooklyn, though she had not been formally endorsed by the organization.

They joined State Senator Julia Salazar, who was elected in 2018 after defeating incumbent Martin Dilan, forming DSAs delegation to Albany from Brooklyn. Of the seven current state legislators who are DSA members, five represent districts in Brooklyn.

DSA, founded in 1982 with the merger of the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the New American Movement, isnt a political party, but also isnt exactly an advocacy organization either, falling somewhere in the middle. The group organizes protests, rallies, and the like, and runs issue-based pressure campaigns, but it also fields and runs candidates for office from its own membership roster. Candidate endorsements are voted on democratically by members of the branch covering the area the candidate runs in.

The groups ultimate goal, as the name suggests, is to overthrow capitalism, but DSA works within the system to the extent that they run candidates for office. Short of toppling the world economic regime, the group sees toppling systems of concentrated power and distributing both resources and power to working-class people as a goal of both electoral and street-level organizing. That includes decommodifying housing, ending private control of utilities, and democratizing land-use policy.

My work in DSA is a framing around what I think needs to be done, which is an alternative to capitalism and systems that bring power to working-class people, said Brandon West, who is running for City Council in District 39 with DSAs support.

The group has grown in size considerably since Bernie Sanders first presidential run in 2016, a galvanizing event for many young leftists, enabling the group to scale up its organizing activity and increase its political influence. DSA now counts dozens of federal, state, and local elected officials across the country as members. In addition to its presence in Albany, there are also two members representing the city in Congress: Ocasio-Cortez, representing Queens and the Bronx, and Jamaal Bowman, representing the Bronx and Westchester.

To receive an endorsement, candidates must be members of DSA and must be approved through a majority vote by committees and branch member constituencies. Once a candidate is endorsed, however, the organization mobilizes its forces to get that candidate elected.

NYC DSA co-chair Sumathy Kumar explained that the group chooses to devote its resources to a sort of scorched earth ground game approach for its chosen candidates, rather than spreading its resources more thinly in an effort to win more seats.

When we endorse someone, it means were going all-in on their race. We dont do paper endorsements, Kumar told Bklyner, referring to endorsements that only appear in campaign literature and dont reflect actual work being done to get the candidate elected. We work really, really hard to get our candidates elected. Each endorsement is hours and hours of work, hundreds, thousands of volunteers who go out to canvas, phonebank, get petition signatures.

NYC DSA now boasts about 7,000 members, an increase from 5,800 members in August of last year, just after the organization swept its state legislative races. That includes 4,300 members in Brooklyn. Nationwide, DSA has about 85,000 members, up from just 6,000 in 2015.

DSA has chosen to support candidates in three races in Brooklyn this election cycle Michael Hollingsworth, running to replace Laurie Cumbo in Council District 35; Alexa Avils, running to replace Carlos Menchaca in CD38; and Brandon West, running to replace Brad Lander in CD39. The small slate, said DSA electoral organizer Grace Mausser, allows the organization to maintain close ties with member elected officials once they are in office.

Brooklyn candidates represent half of the DSA citywide slate, which also includes Tiffany Cabn in western Queens District 22, Jaslin Kaur in eastern Queens District 23, and Adolfo Abreu in the 14th District in the western Bronx.

The organization consults with its electeds in Albany on a weekly basis to discuss priorities and strategy, and would do the same with its members in City Hall, Mausser said. To that end, member elected officials are representing DSA and its priorities as well as themselves and their constituents, but the group views itself as operating in a partnership with its members, rather than controlling them like corporations or unions are often seen as doing.

Our electeds are part of the org, and thats something we look for, a candidate who will become an elected official who likes DSA, who wants to be part of DSA, who likes our priorities, and who will work with us once were in office, Mausser said. We want to collaborate with electeds to push our policy agenda, thats how we ultimately think well create a better state and city for working-class New Yorkers.

The candidates are running in the Democratic primary, which in most Brooklyn districts is tantamount to winning the seat; like their state and federal counterparts, DSA members on the Council would still be part of the Democratic caucus. Nonetheless, they are closely aligned with the larger organization, and because the group doesnt work only in electoral politics, the candidates are to an extent avatars of the larger political movement.

The candidates agree that they, to some degree, are representing DSA and democratic socialism as a concept in their roles as candidates and potentially as elected officials, and they plan on forming a socialist caucus on the council similar to the partnership between socialist electeds in Albany. They also plan on remaining involved in DSAs other organizing venues, like movement politics, with several of those who spoke to Bklyner highlighting the Invest in Our New York campaign, where DSA is a coalition member; that campaign is calling on Albany to increase taxes on the rich.

Being in DSA and being a socialist, everywhere I go I bring that identity with me, along with being a Latina and being a mom, said Avils, who is one of the six candidates DSA is running citywide for Council this year. We are all on this slate because we share values, we share a vision of a socialist future. We all bring different strengths and different backgrounds, but I think theres a lot of shared values and beliefs, a lot of collaboration with each other.

In Brooklyn, the DSA candidates are running to represent Council District 35 [Fort Greene, Clinton Hill, Bed-Stuy, Crown Heights, Prospect Heights], District 38 [Sunset Park, Red Hook, Windsor Terrace] and District 39 [Park Slope, Cobble Hill, Carroll Gardens, Windsor Terrace, Kensington].

Hollingsworth (CD35) and Avils (CD38) districts, centered in Brownstone Brooklyn and Sunset Park respectively, are somewhat coterminous with those of Souffrant Forrest (AD57) and Mitaynes (AD51), respectively. Wests (CD39) district somewhat overlaps with Brisports (SD25), but the Park Slope section, where the district is centered, is largely new territory for the group.

Wide swaths of the borough have undergone gentrification over the past two decades, both from the force of the market and through neighborhood rezonings.

Average rents in Brooklyn have risen substantially over the last decade, from $2,322 in 2011 to a peak of $2,948 in March of 2020, at the dawn of the pandemic. While rents have gone since the pandemic, the economic uncertainty of the pandemic era keeps the cost of housing near the top of candidates and voters lists of concerns. Housing and land use are some of the areas where City Council members have the greatest amount of sway.

At the same time, many neighborhoods DSA has competed in and are competing in have seen an influx of young, white professionals of a left-wing persuasion, as many long-term residents are displaced by the high cost of living.

I think its kind of a combination of forces coming together, Mausser said. I think there are some, Id characterize, downwardly mobile millennials, who saw the success of their parents generation, or felt that what they expected from our economic system is not happening, and have become angry about it and politically active about it. And I think that pairs very well with working-class people of color who live in these areas who have long been left behind by our economic system, through racist and classist policies. I think those two forces coming together is really potent and visible, in Brooklyn and Queens and other parts of the city.

Hollingsworth, Avils, and West are all first-time candidates who joined DSA in recent years after working in organizing. All of them told Bklyner that they got more involved after seeing the apparatus of city government being used to keep people down.

Hollingsworth told Bklyner that he became involved in housing politics after his landlord began converting vacant units in his rent-stabilized building to condos.

I was just a regular person so I had no idea how to combat something like that, he said; this precipitated his joining DSA and other advocacy groups to work on the issue.

Hes been involved in legal and advocacy efforts to halt controversial developments like the Bedford Union Armory, 960 Franklin Avenue, and a city effort to rezone part of Franklin Avenue. He says that housing issues are his primary focus as a candidate, calling for a comprehensive citywide plan crafted by local communities, and for an end to neighborhood rezonings long thought to spur gentrification.

West arguably has the most political background of the Brooklyn slate: he served as president of New Kings Democrats, a reform-minded Democratic club, and has unsuccessfully run for county committee and for county party chair. He described his background as that of a voting rights organizer before working for the city, specifically for the Office of Management and Budget, and that seeing how the city budget gets made was a radicalizing moment for him.

Avils, a 20-year resident of Sunset Park, has worked in various roles in the nonprofit sphere. She currently heads the Scherman Foundation, which describes itself as a funder of organizations devoted to community building, environment, reproductive justice, human rights, the arts, and governmental accountability.

What were seeing now is people who actually have the lived experience, people who understand what that struggle is like, Avils said. What it is to be evicted from your home, what it is to be hungry.

The candidates have all qualified for public matching funds, and have each received about $160,000 in matching funds thus far, according to the NYC Campaign Finance Board. Hollingsworth has the most cash on hand in the District 35 race, with $183,000, but has raised fewer private funds than another top contender, Crystal Hudson, a former aide to incumbent Council Member Laurie Cumbo; Hudson has also outspent him. In District 38, Avils is also about even with the other top contender, Sunset Park activist Rodrigo Camarena; there, Avils has raised more than Camarena but has also outspent him.

The District 39 race is wide open: five candidates besides West have received matching funds, and West trails four of them in cash on hand. West has also outspent all other candidates in the race, including Shahana Hanif, a former aide to incumbent Council Member Brad Lander; Mamnum Haq, a cab driver and co-founder of the New York Taxi Workers Alliance; organizer and writer Justin Krebs; and civil rights attorney Doug Schneider. West has raised about $66,000, spent $86,000, and has about $140,000 cash on hand.

While Hollingsworth and Avils are running in neighborhoods where DSA won in 2020, most of Wests district is untested ground for the group, and it remains unclear whether Park Slope liberals will be as amenable to democratic socialism as the hybrid of gentrifiers and long-term residents of color where the group has seen success, and where Hollingsworth and Avils are hoping to be successful.

Despite running on the DSA slate, they say that they are faithful not to the organization necessarily, but to the ideas that power it.

What they arent realizing yet is its not about the name DSA, its about what we stand for, Hollingsworth said. People are out there articulating what we stand for, and thats resonating with people.

You can talk about big words you learned in college, but if you literally explain to people, should housing be available to people regardless [of affordability], yes or no. Should we be over-policing, West said. These really basic things and they resonate with people.

The groups number one policy priority at the city level is to defund the police by $3 billion, which they say would dovetail into increased funding for social services that have been on the chopping block throughout the pandemic. Other priorities include reforming the citys land-use process and desegregating the citys public schools.

Many of the groups policy priorities listed on its website are state-level policies, and the organization plans to release a more detailed city council platform before the election, Kumar said. Nonetheless, the group does have a large number of policy priorities that can be acted upon at the city level, on topics like housing, education, and criminal justice, and its candidates are expected to both embrace DSA positions and actively work to implement them.

Titled Housing is a Human Right, DSA housing platform opposes attempts to privatize NYCHA such as through the Rental Assistance Demonstration program or through infill development; supports seizing property from negligent landlords through existing city programs to develop affordable, resident-owned housing; supports taking immediate actions to house all homeless New Yorkers and ending the policy of neighborhood rezonings, which have often been criticized as bringing about gentrification.

Were in a situation where neighborhoods of color are always on the defensive, Hollingsworth said, noting he is in favor of a comprehensive citywide plan. With that in place, Hollingsworth says, Brooklyn communities, particularly communities of color, would be less likely to get sidestepped by developers in the land use process.

Asked for further detail on their land use platform, Bklyner was directed to DSA member Andrew Hiller, who helped draft the groups land use platform. Hiller said that comprehensive planning would not only limit the influence of developers, but also of community boards in predominantly white, upper-income areas which often stop affordable housing projects in their tracks.

In order to really address that, its crucial that we put a serious citywide equity framework in place that sets requirements for social housing at each community level, and secure the resources needed to implement it in a way thats just, Hiller said in an email.

On education, the group wants to kick police officers out of public schools, mostly end the use of out-of-school suspensions, guarantee access to counselors and nurses in schools, and establish a maximum class size of 20. At the state level, the group wants to see the end of mayoral control of schools and return decision-making power back to elected school boards.

And on criminal justice, the group advocates the decriminalization of drugs, sex work, and quality-of-life crimes like turnstile jumping, switching to an elected Civilian Complaint Review Board with prosecutorial power, and abolishing arrest quotas and qualified immunity.

The Democratic primary, which will occur on June 22, will be the citys first using its newly implemented ranked-choice voting system. Whether this will be good or bad for DSA remains to be seen, but the group does see a reason to suspect its performances in Brooklyn have not been flukes.

DSA is often portrayed as being made up of gentrifiers, and some of its top performances have been in gentrifying neighborhoods across the city.

Conversely, electoral maps for Ocasio-Cortez and Bowmans primary victories over long-established incumbents show strong support in their districts coming from non-white areas. Bowman, in particular, trounced his primary opponent, Eliot Engel, in the non-white areas of his district but lost in whiter Riverdale.

DSA group touts stemming gentrification as a policy goal. Still, at the same time, they see gentrifiers as victims of the same system pushing down low-income communities and communities of color.

I think we have stronger showings in certain neighborhoods because of the real estate and economic forces that have caused gentrification, Mausser said. People are angry about being displaced, and the gentrifiers are living in those areas because thats where they can afford the rent. Its not really a good or fair system for anyone.

Their political strategy, she said, points out the real villain. Its not your neighbor. The villain is the policy and the forces that are making it happen.

The candidates say they have every intention of keeping their word on what they campaign on. While that in itself might not sound remarkable, as no politician would say they dont intend to keep their promises, the DSA slate says that their affiliation with the organization helps keep them accountable to those who vote for them.

People are only going to vote for things that they support and want, West said. De Blasio ran his campaign, running after Bloomberg, picking up those talking points and doing nothing. Now we have a completely different infrastructure, were running a grassroots campaign and were only accountable to the people who put us in office.

This story was possible thanks to the funding by the Center for Community Medias 2021 City Elections Initiative.

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Brooklyn's Democratic Socialists: Who Are They And What Do They Want? - BKLYNER

The selfishness at the heart of socialism – Washington Examiner

Garry Kasparov, the former world chess champion, has commented that he was enjoying the irony of [Sen. Bernie] Sanders supporters lecturing me, a former Soviet citizen, on the glories of socialism and what it really means ... In practice, it corrodes not only the economy but the human spirit itself.

The soul-sapping nature of socialism was my subject last week, so I wont go through the same stuff again, much though it bears repeating. Nevertheless, Kasparovs comment led to further discussion of socialism after I reposted it on social media, and one respondent, a highly civilized left-wing friend Ive known for about 20 years, said interestingly that without the socialist impulse, there would be no free education and healthcare and no pensions for the elderly.

I wont quibble over the word free, for my interlocutor didnt mean these benisons of modern society cost nothing but that the cost isnt borne by the user in the form of fees. He knows full well that we pay for them with taxes and borrowing. And it can be conceded that theyd provide strong if not necessarily compelling grounds to support socialism if it deserved credit for them.

But does it? Does our impulse to help others start with a socialist impulse or any ideology? Or is the truth entirely different? Is socialism, which I think of as a set of arrangements by which central government delivers goods and services (of varying quality) to the public, actually an outgrowth or distortion of the deeper instinct of compassion? I dont suggest that socialists are more compassionate than others, much though they often think of themselves that way. They obviously arent. But theres a link between the political ideology and the human instinct, no matter how misshapen the connection has become.

In 1985, singer Bob Geldof was interviewed backstage at Londons Wembley Stadium about the massive Live Aid rock concert hed organized with fellow musician Midge Ure both there and simultaneously at John. F. Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia. They were raising money for famine relief in Ethiopia and did so on a stunningly huge scale. Copycat concerts took place all over the world, linked by satellite, and the combined events were watched in 150 countries by nearly 2 billion people.

At this moment, the greatest triumph in his already successful career, Geldof remarked with a note of bitter irony that Live Aid involved the privatization of compassion. He didnt mean it as a compliment. Privatization had become a dirty word in the left-wing lexicon, as industries previously taken over by socialist governments were released from central control and sold to the public as businesses quoted on stock exchanges.

Geldofs comment struck me forcefully at the time, for it was the precise opposite of what I took then and still take to be the gem-like truth stated by columnist T.E. Utley that one of the cruelest aspects of socialism is that it delegates compassion to the state. Socialism encourages individuals to think caring for their neighbor is not their responsibility but is, instead, a function of government.

Socialists often suggest that private provision of help for the needy is a failure of the state. Sanders has spoken disdainfully of charity, as have many unappealing politicians elsewhere. They regard the care of others through individual acts of kindness as demeaning the recipient because they believe or at least declare that goods and services received should be taken as a right rather than accepted as a gift. One also suspects that socialists dislike charity because it places a claim on them as individuals, which theyd rather shrug off.

It is here that Kasparov hits the bull's-eye. Socialism, the sloughing off of personal responsibility, corrodes our humanity. Churches and other charities provided education, health services, and care for the elderly, admittedly somewhat patchily, long before the socialist impulse became entrenched in government. It was motivated by the finest instincts the word charity is interchangeable with love in Christian social teaching but that instinct and the community effort it produces are now denigrated as an insult to its beneficiaries.

When helping others is distanced or detached from our finer impulses, it is ungoverned, untempered by humane reasoning. It becomes a limitless and constantly lengthening list of rights. Not rights such as the right to say what one thinks, or worship as one chooses, but the duty of others to supply us with free college, free child care, automatic pay raises, free abortions, free housing, and reparations for past wrongs paid by those who didnt inflict them to those who werent their victims.

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The selfishness at the heart of socialism - Washington Examiner