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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has slammed the breakaway Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprusfor its court decision allegedly restricting Quran courses, threatening the allied statewith unspecified steps if the judgment is not overturned.

The Constitutional Court must first learn secularism. Northern Cyprus is not France, he said of the decision. They should carry Turkey's habits into practice. [They] should quickly correct this mistake, otherwise our next steps will be different.

Earlier this week, the court ruled that every course, including the Quran course, must be regulated and provided by the island's Ministry of Education rather than a religious commission.

Yildiz Camii: Istanbul's last sultanic mosque

The decision has misled many into believing that Northern Cyprus has banned Quran courses altogether. The court sources, speaking to local Cypriot Turkish media, have denied that their judgment bans Quran courses. Northern CyprusPrime Minister Ersan Saner alsosaid on Friday that Quran teachings werestill being provided in the country.

"The courses will continue after we finalise the legal amendments on the issue," he said.

Erdogan, however, insisted that the decision must be overturned, and he instructed Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu to carry the message toTurkish Cypriot officials in a visit on Friday.

We will not allow steps that could disrupt the youths Quranic training, Erdogan added.

The tiny Mediterranean island has been split along ethnic lines between an internationally recognised Greek Cypriot government in the south and a breakaway northern region since the 1974 Turkish invasion. The north was occupied by Turkey in reaction to a coup that aimed to annex Cyprus to Greece.

Since unilaterally declaring independence in 1983, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which is financially supported by Turkey, is only recognised by Ankara.

Turkey has increasingly intervenedin Northern Cyprus's domestic affairs since last years presidential elections, which was won by close Turkey ally Ersin Tatar, who supports a two-statesolution for the split island rather than a federated system.

Ankara, during the electioncampaign, lent support to Tatar against his rival, former president Mustafa Akinci, by repairing a water pipeline and the partial reopening of the off-limits Varosha riviera before the elections.

Pro-Turkish government media also heavily depicted Akinci as a Greek agent and a traitor.

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Turkey's Erdogan issues warning to Northern Cyprus over Quran courses - Middle East Eye

"Where is the $128 billion?" asked posters on billboards around Istanbul intended by Turkey's main opposition to embarrass and annoy President Tayyip Erdogan and his ruling AK Party (AKP).

The gambit seems to have worked. Police took the posters down, using cranes in some instances, according to videos shared online by the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), which said it would keep putting them back up.

The question has also trended on social media, while the AKP on Tuesday blocked a CHP call to debate the missing funds in parliament.

The sum refers to the dollars sold by state banks to support the Turkish lira in foreign exchange markets. The unorthodox policy began around the 2019 municipal elections and was ramped up in 2020, when the pandemic laid bare the lira's vulnerability and Turkey's reliance on external funding.

Bankers have calculated that the sales totalled $128.3 billion in 2019-20.

Erdogan says the sales helped to support the economy, but they sharply depleted Turkey's buffer of foreign reserves, leaving it more exposed to crisis, and opposition politicians want to know more.

"(Erdogan) says 'you cannot even ask me questions'," CHP leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu told party members on Tuesday, accusing the AKP of stifling debate. "Those leading the country must give an account to the people."

Kilicdaroglu said a prosecutor had ruled that some posters that bore a silhouette of the presidential palace were an insult to Erdogan. Insulting the president is a crime in Turkey.

WEAKENING LIRA

The lira, which has lost more than 50% of its value since end-2017, held around 6.85 versus the dollar between May and August 2020, which economists attributed to the forex sales. It later weakened to a record low of 8.58 by November, after the sales stopped. The lira traded at 8.08 on Wednesday.

The CHP first posed the question about the sales in February, prompting Erdogan to defend the legacy of his son-in-law, former finance minister Berat Albayrak, who had oversseen the policy. read more

Albayrak abruptly resigned in November when Erdogan named Naci Agbal as governor of the central bank, which had backed the dollar sales with swaps.

Agbal was in turn fired last month, partly, Reuters reported, because Erdogan was uncomfortable with the bank's investigation into the sales, which cut its net FX reserves by 75% last year. read more

The net buffer was $10.7 billion on April 2, the lowest in at least 18 years, central bank data shows. Excluding $41.1 billion in outstanding swaps, the reserves are deeply negative.

AKP lawmaker Mustafa Savas said the sales helped Turkey avoid raising interest rates or seeking International Monetary Fund support.

The CHP has asked how the sales were conducted and at what rate. AKP lawmaker Nurettin Canikli said they were all conducted at market rates.

Canan Kaftancioglu, the CHP's Istanbul organisation head, said just a fraction of the $128 billion could have supported Turks through a 28-day coronavirus lockdown that the party has urged in the face of a surge in infections.

"They will never prevent us from asking these questions," she said, adding the posters would hang outside CHP buildings until an answer was provided.

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Show us the money: Erdogan pressed over $128 billion used to support lira - Reuters

Turkish mafia boss Alaattin akc has spent decades terrorizing rivals and those holding different political views than his own. As one of the leading figures of a right-wing extremist group called the Grey Wolves, which has focused its ire in the past on leftists, Kurds and Alawites, akc is thought to be responsible for at least 41 political murders. In 2004, a court sentenced him to 19 years in prison, in part for having his ex-wife murdered in front of their son.

A lot of people breathed a sigh of relief when he was locked up. One of the most dangerous enemies of Turkish democracy had been removed from public life for an extended period.

Now, though, akc is back. Last April, he was released from high-security Sincan Prison as part of an amnesty related to the coronavirus pandemic. Since then, he has increasingly become a voice in Turkish politics.

Shortly after his release, akc visited his ally Devlet Baheli, head of the right-wing extremist party MHP and President Recep Tayyip Erdoan's coalition partner. In November, he issued a death threat to opposition leader Kemal Kldarolu. "Watch your step," he wrote on Twitter. And when thousands of students took to the streets of Istanbul at the beginning of the year to protest the appointment of an Erdoan confidant to the position of rector of the renowned Bosporus University, he branded the demonstrators terrorists.

akc's newly expanded public profile is the expression of a fundamental power shift in Turkey. For many years, Erdoan pursued a religious agenda. But following the 2016 putsch attempt involving followers of the Islamist cleric Fethullah Glen, he has turned to the ultra-nationalists. Since the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2018, he has governed in a coalition with Baheli's secular, right-wing extremist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).

The party is the political arm of the Grey Wolves. It may only attract around 7 percent support in political surveys, but its importance has increased massively in recent months as has the influence of Grey Wolves veterans like akc. Whether it is a conflict over natural gas with Greece, the fight against terrorism or Ankara's approach to minorities, government policy is increasingly influenced by the MHP.

Just how extensive the influence of the right-wing extremists has become could be seen in mid-March, when the chief public prosecutor, at Baheli's insistence, submitted an application to the country's highest court to ban Turkey's second-largest opposition party, the left-wing, pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP).

Erdoan has been consistent in his efforts to avoid party bans. His own party, the Muslim-conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP), was almost prohibited in 2008. Ultimately, though, he succumbed to Baheli's pressure, say observers in Ankara. "Baheli has taken the most powerful man in Turkey as his hostage," says Turkish journalist Can Dndar. "Erdoan carries the drum, but Baheli pounds out the beat."

Many Europeans see the Turkish president as a kind of modern-day sultan, who can do whatever he likes in Turkey. In fact, though, Erdoan has never been strong enough to govern the country on his own.

Early on in his tenure, Erdoan cooperated with the liberals, taking steps to prepare his country for accession to the European Union and opening Turkey up to foreign investors. Later, he formed a coalition with the Islamist Glen movement, which shares Erdoan's disdain for the secular elite. Together, Erdoan and Glen locked away hundreds of opposition activists, condemning them as terrorists in a series of show trials. When the Glen movement became too powerful, he tried to strike a balance with the Kurds, with whom he introduced an historic peace process. Following the success of the HDP in 2015 parliamentary elections, though, he turned his back on them, too. The only partners left for him were the ultra-nationalists.

Presidential confidantes report that Erdoan and Baheli actually can't stand each other. Erdoan's roots are in the Islamist Milli-Gr movement, which was oppressed in the 1980s and '90s by right-wing extremists and Kemalists in the state apparatus. He, himself, is hardly a passionate nationalist, with the community of Muslims, the umma, consistently more important to him than the nation. When he rose to power in 2003, he pledged to break with the right-wing extremist networks in the military, police and judiciary, the so-called "deep state."

Now, though, the "deep state" is more powerful than ever before. Because Erdoan doesn't have enough loyalists of his own, he replaced Glen movement followers in the judiciary, police and military with loyalists from the Grey Wolves following the 2016 putsch attempt, says parliamentarian Mustafa Yenerolu, a former member of the AKP leadership who has since switched allegiances to the liberal-conservative Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA). "Erdoan has made precisely those powers that have fought against us for years into the covert rulers of the country," he says.

The right-wing extremists are no longer particularly shy about leveraging their grip on power. Those who dare criticize the MHP are threatened or, like the opposition politician Seluk zda, even attacked.

The deputy head of the Mulism-conservative Future Party of former Prime Minister Ahmet Davutolu, zda had the temerity to point out inconsistencies in Baheli's political platform. In January, he was attacked by several club-wielding men in front of his home in Ankara, beaten so badly that he wound up in the hospital.

zda isn't the only government critic who has been the victim of presumably right-wing attacks in recent weeks. In early March, journalist Levent Gltekin was beaten by 25 men in front of his Istanbul office after he referred to the MHP ideology on air as an "illness."

According to zda, the situation in Turkey today is similar to how it was in the 1980s and '90s, when right-wing extremist groups, especially the Grey Wolves, hunted down their opponents. Thousands of leftists, Kurds and Alawites were murdered back then, frequently at the behest of the state.

Erdoan tolerates the right-wing extremists. Even as tens of thousands of opposition activists have been arrested in Turkey over the past several years, the attacks on parliamentarians and journalists have gone unpunished. Mafia boss Alaattin akc has also been allowed to spread his message of hate with no consequences.

Erdoan apparently can't afford to offend the MHP. The Turkish economy is mired in crisis, with the coronavirus pandemic having made the situation even worse. Meanwhile, Erdoan's AKP has slipped in the polls to just 30 percent. His re-election to the presidency is entirely dependent on support from the right-wing extremists.

And re-election is all that the president cares about, with all of his other political goals coming second particularly reconciliation with the Kurds. At one point, Erdoan granted more rights to the Kurds than any Turkish president before him. He loosened the ban on the Kurdish language and invested billions in the infrastructure of southeastern Turkey, where the Kurds are in the majority. In 2013, he was on the brink of finding a political solution to the conflict with the Kurdish terrorist organization PKK.

Driven by the ultra-nationalists, though, the president has now returned to the bellicose policies of the 1990s. The former co-leader of the HDP, Selahattin Demirta, has been in prison since 2016, along with thousands of other HDP members. More than 50 Kurdish mayors were removed from office.

With the move to ban the HDP, Erdoan and the right-wing extremist Baheli are taking the next step. They are trying to push the entire Kurdish movement out of Turkish politics. "It is our honorable duty to close the HDP on behalf of future generations so that they cannot return under a different name," says Baheli. The Constitutional Court may have sent the application back to state prosecutors two weeks ago due to formal errors, but hardly anybody in Turkey doubts that legal proceedings will be opened sooner or later.

The next presidential and parliamentary elections are scheduled for 2023. Observers believe that Erdoan and Baheli could, though, call snap elections for as early as this fall in order to avoid the possibility of further economic deterioration. Just three days after prosecutors submitted their application for the ban of HDP, Erdoan fired the head of the Turkish central bank and decreed his country's withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, aimed at preventing violence against women.

Indeed, it looks as though Erdoan is again pursuing the same strategy that has brought him victory in past elections: The radical polarization of Turkish society.

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Joining the Wolves: Erdogan's Pact with the Ultra-Nationalists - DER SPIEGEL International Edition

A new West Virginia billproposes regulations against censorship of information by social media companies during an election, with some criminal and civil penalties" depending on the nature of the violation.

Known as House Bill 3307, the legislation looks to create two things: 1) the Social Media Integrity and Anti-Corruption in Elections Act and 2) the Stop Social Media Censorship Act.

The first act would require social media companies to make election-related content on their platforms transparent and provide political parties and candidates with equal opportunities to share information online without being affected by policy- or partisan-based censorship.

The second act would implement criminal and civil penalties for companies that delete or censor a user's religious or political speech.

A lot of this work started in coordination with Secretary of State Mac Warner as a result of the 2020 election, Delegate Daniel Linville, the primary sponsor of the bill, said. There was particular concern about Facebook putting out incorrect information about registering to vote and primary dates.

According to Linville, Facebooks election center promoted inaccurate details, prompting Secretary Warner to exchange several emails with the company to rectify the issue.

This incident, he said, led to a larger conversation about who receives information posted by Facebook and whether or not the company targets users based on specific demographics such as age, geographic area, political party affiliation or gender.

The incident also raised questions about how social media companies play a role in censoring information shared online by political candidates during an election.

The purpose of this bill is to ensure that users arent treated differently because of targeting by social media companies or censored because of their political or religious beliefs, Linville said.

To enforce its stipulations, the bill would require companies to share information such as election dates or voting sign-up instructions with the secretary of states office before it is published to ensure the information is correct.

But is it too invasive for government to have a say in what social media companies publish? ACLU-WV Policy Director Eli Baumwell believes the answer is in the affirmative.

One of the concerns about this legislation is that the secretary of state would be deciding whats true and whats not true, Baumwell said. You dont want to put the government in charge of deciding those things.

The legislation might also disincentivize companies from addressing issues such as the spread of disinformation or calls to violence.

Bills like this are largely in response to President Trump being banned from social media sites along with other politicians that engage in a similar rhetoric, Baumwell said. I dont think the answer is censorship. There are other options such as flagging information or providing fact checks.

As for enforcing criminal penalties to regulate social media companies, Baumwell said "this more than likely won't happen."

Until another reasonable option is found, he said, theres a lot more innovation that needs to be done.

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West Virginia Bill Sets Sights on Social Media Censorship - Government Technology

Siding with Google, a federal appellate court refused toreinstate a lawsuit by commentator Bob Lewis, who claimed the company violated his rights by demonetizing some of the videos on his YouTube channel, Misandry Today, and restricting or taking downothers.

The decision, issued Thursday, upheld an order issued last year by U.S. District Court Magistrate Judge Sallie Kim in the Northern District of California.

The dispute dates to2019, when Lewis sued Google for allegedly "censoring" his speech.

One of the demonetized clips argued that antifa is a terrorist group that targets children.

Another described former Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) as "the latest victim of left's campaign to discriminate against anyone based on their traditional American values."

That clip was postedafter King was removed from his committee assignments, which occurred soon after he commentedtoThe New York Times: White nationalist, white supremacist, Western civilization -- how did that language become offensive?

Among other claims, Lewis said Googleviolated his First Amendment rights, and violated the federal civil rights law by discriminating against him based on his national origin as a patriotic American citizen who supports Americantradition and culture.

Google argued that the lawsuit should be dismissed at an early stage for numerous reasons, including that the First Amendment doesn't prohibit private companieslike itself from restricting content. Google also said Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act immunizes the company from lawsuits over its content moderation decisions.

Kim sided withGoogle and dismissed the lawsuit in May of 2020. Lewis then asked the 9th Circuit to reverse Kim's order and revive the case.

The Defendants censorship against Lewis constitutesnational origin discrimination against Lewis because hes a patriotic American citizen whose bedrock American values include embracing constitutionally protected free speech, his attorneywrote in papers filed with the appellate court last August.

On Thursday a panel of the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld Kim's order dismissing Lewis's lawsuit. The judges wrote in aneight-page order that YouTube isn't a place of public accommodation for purposes of the federal anti-discrimination law.

The judges also reiterated that the First Amendmentprohibits the government from censoring speech, but doesn't prevent private companies from exercising editorial discretion.

Only a person 'acting under color of state law' can commit aFirst Amendment violation, the appellate judges wrote. Here, Lewis sued private entities and asserted no actions that occurred under color of state law.

Lewis isn't theonly one to sue a tech company over its content policies. Numerous others, including Prager University and Freedom Watch have also claimed they were censored by tech platforms.

So far, judges have ruled that web companies have the right to decide how to treat content on their platforms. Last year, for example, the 9th Circuit Court of Appealsrefusedto reinstate a lawsuit by Prager University against Google forallegedly censoring conservative clips on YouTube.

Another appellate court, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, likewise declined to revive claims by right-wing activists Laura Loomer andFreedom Watch that Google, Twitter, Facebook and Apple conspired to suppress conservative views. Earlier this month, the Supreme Court refused to hear the activists' appeal.

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Court Sides With YouTube In 'Censorship' Battle With 'Misandry Today' 04/19/2021 - MediaPost Communications