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Former President Donald Trumps lies about a stolen 2020 election united right-wing supporters, conspiracy theorists and militants on Jan. 6, but the aftermath of the insurrection is roiling two of the most prominent far-right extremist groups at the U.S. Capitol that day.

More than three dozen members and associates across both the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers have been charged with crimes. Some local chapters cut ties with national leadership in the weeks after the deadly siege. The Proud Boys chairman called for a pause in the rallies that often have led to clashes with anti-fascist activists. And one Oath Keeper has agreed to cooperate against others charged in the riot.

Some extremism experts see parallels between the fallout from the Capitol riot and the schisms that divided far-right figures and groups after their violent clashes with counter-protesters at the Unite the Right white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August 2017. The white supremacist alt-right movement fractured and ultimately faded from public view after the violence erupted that weekend.

I think something kind of like that is happening right now in the broader far-right movement, where the cohesive tissue that brought them all together being the 2020 election its kind of dissolved, said Jared Holt, a resident fellow at the Atlantic Councils Digital Forensic Research Lab.

Like Unite the Right, there is a huge disaster, a PR disaster, and now theyve got the attention of the feds. And its even more intense now because they have the national security apparatus breathing down their necks, he added.

But others believe President Joe Bidens victory and the Jan. 6 investigation, the largest federal prosecution in history, might animate the militia movement fueled by an anti-government anger.

Were already seeing a lot of this rhetoric being spewed in an effort to pull in people, said Freddy Cruz, a Southern Poverty Law Center research analyst who studies anti-government groups. Its very possible that people will become energized and try to coordinate more activity given that we have a Democratic president in office.

The insurrectionists who descended on the nations capital briefly disrupted the certification of Bidens presidential win and sent terrified lawmakers running for their lives.

The mob marched to the Capitol and broke through police barricades and overwhelmed officers, violently shoving their way into the building to chants of Hang Mike Pence and Stop the Steal. Some rioters came prepared with pepper spray, baseball bats and other weapons.

Members of the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers make up just a small fraction of the more than 400 people charged so far. Prosecutors have narrowed in on the two extremist groups as they try to determine how much planning went into the attack, but authorities have said theyre intent on arresting anyone involved in the riot.

More than two dozen Proud Boys leaders, members or associates are among those arrested. The group of self-described Western chauvinists emerged from far-right fringes during the Trump administration to mainstream GOP circles, with allies like longtime Trump backer Roger Stone. The group claims it has more than 30,000 members nationwide.

In the sustained protests last summer over police brutality, their counter demonstrations often devolved into violence. Law enforcement stepped in during a protest in Michigan. Members were accused of vandalizing property in Washington, D.C. Then, during a presidential debate with Biden, the group gained greater notoriety after Trump refused to condemn white supremacist groups and told the Proud Boys directly to stand back and stand by.

Chairman Henry Enrique Tarrio hasnt been charged in the riot. He wasnt there on Jan. 6. Hed been arrested in an unrelated vandalism case as he arrived in Washington two days before the insurrection and was ordered out of the area by a judge. Law enforcement later said Tarrio was picked up in part to help quell potential violence.

FILE - In this Aug. 17, 2019, file photo, Proud Boys chairman Enrique Tarrio rallies in Portland, Ore. Outside pressures and internal strife are roiling two far-right extremist groups after members were charged in the attack on the U.S. Capitol. (AP Photo/Noah Berger, File)

Tarrio insists the criminal charges havent weakened or divided the group. He says he has met with leaders of chapters that declared their independence and patched up their differences.

Weve been through the wringer, Tarrio said in an interview. Any other group after January 6th would fall apart.

But leaders of several local Proud Boys chapters, including in Seattle, Las Vegas, Indiana and Alabama, said after Jan. 6 that their members were cutting ties with the organizations national leadership. Four leaders, including national Elders Council member Ethan Nordean, have been charged by federal officials with planning and leading an attack on the Capitol. One of Nordeans attorneys said he wasnt responsible for any crimes committed by other people.

In this Jan. 6, 2021, photo, Proud Boys including Joseph Biggs, front left, walks toward the U.S. Capitol in Washington, in support of President Donald Trump. With the megaphone is Ethan Nordean, second from left. (AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster, file)

The Las Vegas chapters statement on the instant messaging platform Telegram in February didnt mention Jan. 6 directly, but it claimed the overall direction of the organization was endangering its members.

The Alabama group expressed concern about reports that Tarrio had previously been a federal informant. It was revealed in court records recently that Tarrio had worked undercover and cooperated with investigators after he was accused of fraud in 2012.

We reject and disavow the proven federal informant, Enrique Tarrio, and any and all chapters that choose to associate with him, the Alabama group posted online in February.

Tarrio said he suspended national Proud Boy rallies shortly after Jan. 6 in part to focus on helping members facing criminal charges. Tarrio described Jan. 6 as horrible but said authorities overcharged his jailed lieutenants and are politically persecuting them.

Meanwhile, 16 members and associates of the Oath Keepers a militia group founded in 2009 that recruits current and former military, police and first responders have been charged with conspiring to block the certification of the vote. The groups founder and leader, Stewart Rhodes, has said there were as many as 40,000 Oath Keepers at its peak, but one extremism expert estimates the groups membership stands around 3,000 nationally.

Rhodes has not been charged, and its unclear if he will be. But he has repeatedly come up in court documents as Person One, suggesting hes a central focus of investigators.

Days after the election, Rhodes instructed his followers during a GoToMeeting call to go to Washington to let Trump know that the people are behind him, and he expressed hope that Trump would call up the militia to help the president stay in power, authorities say. Rhodes warned they could be headed for a bloody, bloody civil war, and a bloody you can call it an insurrection or you can call it a war or fight, according to court documents.

On Jan. 6, several Oath Keepers, wearing helmets and reinforced vests, were seen on camera shouldering their way up the Capitol steps in a military-style stack formation. Rhodes was communicating that day with some Oath Keepers who entered the Capitol and was seen standing with several of the defendants outside the building after the riot, prosecutors say.

Rhodes has sought to distance himself from those whove been arrested, insisting the members went rogue and there was never a plan to enter the Capitol. But he has continued in interviews with right-wing hosts since Jan. 6 to push the lie that the election was stolen, while the Oath Keepers website remains active with posts painting the group as the victim of political persecution.

Messages left at numbers listed for Rhodes werent immediately returned.

Court documents show discord among the group as early the night of the attack. Someone identified in the records only as Person Eleven blasted the Oath Keepers in a Signal chat with Rhodes and others as a huge fn joke and called Rhodes the dumbass I heard you were, court documents say.

Two months later, Rhodes lamented in a message to another Oath Keeper that the national team had gotten too lax and too complacent. He pledged to tighten up the command and control in the group even if it means losing some people, according to court documents.

After the riot, the North Carolina Oath Keepers branch said it was splitting from Rhodes group. Its president, who didnt return messages from the AP, told The News Reporter newspaper it wouldnt be a part of anything that terrorizes anybody or goes against law enforcement.

A leader of an Arizona chapter also slammed Rhodes and those facing charges, saying on CBS 60 Minutes that the attack goes against everything weve ever taught, everything we believe in.

The Oath Keepers leader has also suggested the group may be facing financial pressures. In an interview posted on the Oath Keepers website, Rhodes said it has been difficult for the group to raise money as its been kicked off certain websites.

The group also lost the ability to process credit card payments online after the company demanded that Rhodes disavow the arrested members and he refused, Rhodes said in a March interview for far-right website Gateway Pundit. The Oath Keepers website now says it cannot accept new memberships online because of malicious leftist attacks and instructs people to mail in applications and dues.

A member of the Oath Keepers was the first defendant to plead guilty in the riot. Jon Ryan Schaffer has also agreed to cooperate with the governments investigation. The Justice Department has promised to consider putting him in the witness security program, suggesting it sees him as a valuable cooperator in the Jan. 6 probe.

More here:
Criminal charges resulting from US Capitol insurrection are roiling far-right groups - Anchorage Daily News

Israel has become a deep gash for progressives. While the far-left wing falselyaccusesthe Jewish state of human rights violations, a dwindling, less irrational rump tries to hedge continued support for our democratic ally with restrictions limiting Israels ability to defend itself.

What some consider to be thefourth mini-warsince 2008 between the state of Israel and Hamas started weeks ago when Hamas resumed lobbing missiles into nearby Israel.

Even though the U.S. State Department has designated Hamas as a terrorist group, it should surprise absolutely nobody that the main Black Lives Matter organization, a group founded and led by Marxists, is taking the side of Hamas in the current troubles.

The main BLM group, the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation, supports a primary objective of Hamas: the annihilation of the Jewish state. On its officialTwitterpage, the group proclaimed:

Black Lives Matter stands in solidarity with Palestinians. We are a movement committed to ending settler colonialism in all forms and will continue to advocate for Palestinian liberation. (always have. And always will be).#freepalestine

The New York Post quickly reported on BLMs support for the terrorists in the current conflict,pointing outthere is nothing new in this. Virtually since its founding in July 2013, after the acquittal of George Zimmerman, the half-Peruvian man who shot Trayvon Martin, BLM has been anti-Israel.

Almost exactly two years after its founding, one of its three main founders, Patrisse Cullors, demonized Israel while touring the country.

This is an apartheid state. We cant deny that, and if we do deny it we are a part of the Zionist violence.There are two different systems here in occupied Palestine, Cullors toldEbony Magazine. Two completely different systems. Folks are unable to go to parts of their own country. Folks are barred from their own country.

President Joe Biden spoke the truth when hesaid on Friday, The United States fully supports Israels right to defend itself, against indiscriminate rocket attacks from Hamas, and other Gaza-based terrorist groups that have taken the lives of innocent civilians in Israel.

The hard left of his party, however, agrees with BLM. Rep. Ilan Omar, a Muslim who represents a Minnesota district, joined with another Muslim, Rep. Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, and Rep. Andre Carson of Indiana to issue astatementsaying that the Israeli governmentplans to move forward with forced evictions in the predominantly Palestinian East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah were in direct violation of international law, the Geneva Convention,and basic human rights.

This statement grotesquely twisted the factsfanning the flames of antisemitism while in actuality denying the rights of Jews to lawfully possess property in their own homeland.

So we must ask: What about the long-standing Arab-Israeli government has made the American left, which has BLM at the forefront, take sides against one of Americas staunchest allies?

Some clues, though not all, can be found in BLMs tweet.

By settler colonialism, the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation was alluding to a concept from global social theory, a subset of the critical theory that underpins all the woke movements.

According toglobalsocialtheory.org, settler colonialism is a distinct type of colonialism that functions through the replacement of indigenous populations with an invasive settler society that, over time, develops a distinctive identity and sovereignty. Settler colonial states include Canada, the United States, Australia, and South Africa, and settler colonial theory has been important to understanding conflicts in places like Israel, Kenya, and Argentina.

As with many of these concepts, this one dissolves upon scrutiny. What makes Canada a settler colonial state, but keeps mostly white Argentina at length? Or why not Cuba, where the Spaniards almost completely replaced the Tainos they found in but a few decades? Or, for that matter, why not identify the Tainos themselves as a settler culture, since they replaced theGuanahatabeyeswhen they arrived from South America a couple of hundred years before the 1511 conquest of Cuba by Spain?

Are Anglo-Saxons a settler culture that pushed the native Celts west and north in the British Isles in the 400s? Or the Visigoths, who did the same to the Romanized Celt-Iberians of Spain around the same time period? Or, how about theSudanese empireof Mali in the 1250s?

It seems that settler state, a term found everywhere in the BLM lexicon, just describes the entire world and its history of cruel invasions. And it is a particularly poor explainer of the founding of the Jewish state in the historic land of the Jews, on the heels of the Holocaust.

Anyone who has studied BLM (and I am publishinga bookon this movement in September) will know that its animus is against Western culture, which it wants to dismantlenot the long history of invasion, of which it appears to know little.

The heart of the West is Christianity, and Judaism is at the heart of Christianity. Christ was a practicing Jew, as were Mary, Joseph, andlikelyall the apostles, who worshipped at the Jewish temple along with Jesus. Anyone who truly wants to dismantle the West, to problematize it in critical race theory lingo, will want to start there first.

Israel is not fighting the Palestinian National Authority in the West Bank; Israels battle today is with Hamas. By siding against Israel, BLM is siding with Hamas. Saying that has become ascontroversialas saying that BLMis Marxist, but only because the press corps is intent on covering for BLM. Both statements are true.

The reasons BLM takes the side of Hamas, however, may have little to do with postcolonialism, and much more to do with its desire to bring down the United States and the entire West.

This piece originally appeared in The Daily Signal.

Read the original here:
Why Black Lives Matter Sides With Hamas Against Israel - Heritage.org

Over the past year, American museums have been forced to consider how they might address anti-Black violence and center marginalized voices, especially when their collecting, exhibitionary, and outreach practices have historically abetted rather than challenged the social reproduction of white supremacy. While any number of institutions have made statements or proposed changes, the exhibition Promise, Witness, Remembrance at the Speed Art Museum in Louisville, Kentuckyorganized in honor of Breonna Taylor, whose murder at the hands of Louisville police on March 13, 2020 eventually spurred nationwide protestsoffers a timely, local, and pointed curatorial response to some of the most pressing questions facing cultural institutions today. To better understand how museums might reframe notions of audience, value, and the politics of belonging from an intersectional perspective, Artforum invited contributing editor Huey Copeland and the exhibitions curator, Allison Glenn, to speak about the shows emergence and ambitions a few weeks before its June 6 closing.

HUEY COPELAND: Allison, I thought Id start by asking how you came to organize this exhibition: In what ways did the process of making it demand a rethinking of your approach to curatorial practice and your understanding of the roles museums can play within contemporary cultural discourse?

ALLISON GLENN: This is a really great question. I was invited by the director of the Speed Museum, Stephen Reily, who sent me an email outlining the project as he saw it and letting me know that if I took this on, Id be working closely with [Breonna Taylors mother] Tamika Palmer as a key stakeholder. That made it clear to me that the museums priorities were in line. I had a few meetings with Stephen and the team at the Speed, and it became clear very quickly that the museum had a lot of ambition for the project.

An exhibition is one moment. Its temporal, and it cannot hold everything. So I wanted to align with Tamika Palmer and understand what she thought the exhibition could do, what it could mean for her and her daughters legacy. And Ms. Palmer is very clear. She is very generous. She is very kind, and she is very clear on what she wants. I developed the exhibitions three sections from a text message she sent me. She didnt say, Promise, witness, remembrance, but I inferred those terms from her message, and they became the title of the exhibition and the curatorial framework.

At the same time, I began building a national panel of advisers. I knew I needed a kind of cabinet of people I could trust, whom I could be vulnerable with, who could point out blind spots, and who knew me and my practice. I was very sensitive to the fact that I dont live in Louisville. Im not from Louisville. And I wanted to create this framework of solidarity. The national panel was a way of saying, We, on a national level, stand in solidarity with you. I respect the city and what its gone through so much that Im not going to show up as just me. Im going to stand in concert with a group of people who have dealt with these issues before. I invited artists Theaster Gates and Hank Willis Thomas, as well as La Keisha Leek, whose cousin is Trayvon [Martin]. We had worked together on some projects in Chicago when La Keisha was working through her understanding of Trayvons murder and how to respond to it. And then I asked a friend in town, Raymond Green, whose cousin is Alton Sterling, to join. And it just kept building.

So I had a combination of artists who had responded to the intersecting pandemics of gun violence and police brutality and private citizens who lost loved ones to those epidemics. Arguably, George Zimmerman is an extension of the state. So that is state-sanctioned violence against Black people. And I wanted an art historian who has a history with critical race studies and art of the Global South.

HC: So thats how Allison Young came on.

AG: Yes.

HC: Its interesting to hear how the project unfolded, and revelatory in terms of thinking about what the key components of this kind of exhibition are. One being: There has to be institutional will from the get-go. And then there has to be a real understanding and engagement with the communities and the people impacted by the events or issues the show explores. I really love the way you insist not only on your alignment in solidarity with Ms. Palmer, and this community of activists and thinkers, but also the way you emphasize producing another kind of collective through this advisory panel, which is brought into conversation with other kinds of discursive networks and groups that youre building on the ground. So in many ways, Promise, Witness, Remembrance seems to model, in both form and content, a Black feminist ethos of care in cultural production. I wonder if you would situate this show within that tradition?

AG: Absolutely. Its important to note that the entire exhibition was led by Black women: me; the Speeds community engagement strategist, Toya Northington; Tamika Palmer; her lawyer, Lonita Baker. Amy Sherald has been a very important force. The coacquisition of her portrait of Breonna Taylor by the Speed and the Smithsonian will have a positive impact on the Louisville community. And of course, Breonna Taylor herself is at the center of this conversation. And the Louisville protests were led by Black women.

There is definitely a culture of care. The reason we worked so closely with the Louisville steering committee and the national panel and Ms. Palmer is that theres too much at stake. There were too many ways to get it wrong, and we needed to get it right. And I would say that situating it within this larger framework is a radical act of decentering that not only decenters the institution, but also decenters my voice. So through this act of creating community, of calling people in, you in fact center them. A great example of this is de-installing the Dutch and Flemish collection, the collection the museum is known for internationally. There was one artist on the Louisville steering committee who is probably of my mothers generation. And she said she used to go to the Speed Museum in the original building, before they built the contemporary wing. She said she never saw art by people who look like her, and that she didnt feel that work by people who look like her or of people who look like her was valuable, because it wasnt in the space. Thats the impact of decentering.

Another example: When I presented my exhibition proposal to Tamika Palmer for consideration, I told her I knew that we needed to include a time line of her daughters life to tie the exhibition together. And I said, Im not the person to write it, and she said, Oh, Ill write it. She wrote a text on the walls of the gallery in which Amy Sheralds portrait is installed and therefore became the authorial and the authoritative voice in that space. During installation, there were discussions regarding whether or not we should include a label to contextualize the tone of the time line, as the institutional voice is very different than a mothers voice about her daughters life. There were good points for and against didactics. I felt strongly that we did not need to put up a label to tell people why weve given space to Tamika Palmer. That is not decentering. Decentering is giving the space. The team ultimately understood the importance and impact and agreed.

HC: I think its so important that the decentering also enables and is accompanied by a kind of revaluation, a shifting of how we understand economies of value, particularly within the context of the museum. And I think in making this kind of collectivethat is democratized, that is led by Black women, and that gives Black women priority in terms of their position in relationship to Breonna and this history and this momentit seems to me that it really starts to question how we think about the processes of valuation and devaluation that the museum represents, and how we can disrupt those by doing this work of decentering. That also involves the centering of different kinds of voices. I love that the show includes this range of contributors, from local activists to internationally renowned artists. And, of course, Ms. Palmer. Theres also this huge variety of contemporary visual modes, from street photography to abstract painting. So I wonder: How did your ambitions for the show shape the selection of works?

AG: I knew that I wanted the exhibition to take up spaceI knew I was interested in works that had a sense of scale. We were dealing with twenty-two-foot ceilings, terrazzo floors, marble doorways, these kind of regal spaces. And I wanted to think about what it might be to occupy that space physically with, for example, Terry Adkinss sculpture Muffled Drums (from Darkwater) [2003]. I also knew that many people who saw the show would be visiting the museum for the first time. And itd be people who probably didnt feel very welcome in institutionalized spaces. If youre not going to those spaces regularly, youre going to feel uncomfortable because theyre not legible. Theyre in fact quite illegible and inaccessible. I wanted people to feelno matter their relationship to museums and exhibition spacesthat they knew where they were going. And if they got lost, theyd have an anchor. Thats what led to the decision to hang the portrait of Breonna so that its directly in your line of sight when you turn the corner after entering the museum. Although its the first thing you see when you enter the exhibition space, its part of the shows closing section, Remembrance, which memorializes those lost to police brutality and gun violence.

But let me back up a little bit and talk about the Promise section. What I wanted to do there was provide a framework through which to understand the rest of the exhibition. That section is meant to drive home the truth we all know: that the United States was founded on horrible inequities, and the inefficacies of our system are inherently indebted to that founding.

I wanted to borrow from these tropes of nationalism because I think were in a moment where were dealing with a lot of tropes of nationalism and democracy yet still living in a space that does not feel democratic. There are works by Hank Willis Thomas in both the Promise section, where we installed 15,433 (2019) and 19,281 (2020) [both 2021], two flags whose stars represent those killed by gun violence in American in 2019 and 2020, and in the Remembrance section, which includes his neon sculpture Remember Me [2014]. So thats how Promise unfolded.

I wanted to create a historical framework of a century of protests for Black lives and to highlight the impact of these protests nationally and globally. AG

Artists help us understand the contemporary moment. In the Witness section, youll see a mixture of works that are timely yet enduring. Were in the midst of a global pandemic. Breonna Taylors family has not gotten the justice they seek. This section was also an opportunity to present the work that had happened during the protest, which was really important to Ms. Palmer. These galleries include artworks that respond to this moment, as well as other moments of conflict, change, and unrest in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

The steering committee built this incredible spreadsheet of photographers who had been at the protest. I chose five. Breonna Taylors story includes all of these people around it, and I wanted to honor them, including the many who were lost to gun violence, such as Tyler Gerth, one of the five photographers. He was shot and killed at the protest. The show was the first posthumous exhibition of his pictures. I worked with his sisters to select the images. Jon Cherry, a local photographer, had a portrait in the show of Travis Nagdy, a young man who found his voice in the movement. As I understand it, he was meeting with elected officials and had found his path through organizing. He was shot and killed in an unrelated incident. Of course, I wanted to include a Black woman photographer. T. A. Yero took some very powerful photographs.

I hung the photographs in a linear way to create this tight time line. The first is from the day after what would have been Breonnas twenty-seventh birthday. The last is the portrait of Travis Nagdy. And its on the same plane as the portrait of Breonna. So you stand in the second gallery, and you see Travis, and you see Breonna kind of in the distance. It was very intentional to pair those two portraits. I also chose to hang the photographs tight and horizontally, knowing that Muffled Drums was going to have such height. I wanted to have the horizontal time line of photographs intersect with it. Muffled Drums commemorates [W. E. B.] Du Boiss organizing of one of the first Black-led protests for Black lives.

HC: The silent protest parade in 1917.

AG: Exactly. He organized it with the NAACP. I wanted to create a historical framework of a century of protests for Black lives and to highlight the impact of these protests nationally and globally.

HC: In the context of this national and global quote-unquote reckoning, which has brought such scrutiny to modern cultures ongoing expropriation and waste of Black lives in these spectacular ways, many institutions are finding themselves at a crossroads. Some are planning exhibitions like Promise, Witness, Remembrance. Of course, those shows and the decolonial gestures they stand for are temporary, even though what this kind of exhibition does is open a radically new, expansive framework for museums to understand what they do. And I guess one question is: How does that then become something that is institutionalized as part of the museums identity and your understanding of your own curatorial practice?

AG: I realized that this project reaffirmed for me that I am most successful working close to the ground with diverse publics. Thats not only where my strength is, thats also where my heart is. Thats where the work feels rewarding. Its challenging institutions to radically rethink the way they present ideas through exhibitions, through solo projects, through conversations, and continuing to imagine worlds where this kind of terror doesnt exist.

HC: Maybe we can close by discussing what your understanding of success is, because I think its so telling and useful for thinking about what it is that we want the space of the aesthetic and the museum and the cultural to be.

AG: Well, when you are working in consultation and conversation and collaboration, oftentimes success exists outside commonly held registers. I think for any project that seeks to bring people in, theres going to be a collective imagining and redefining of what success is. For me, the most important thing, the successful moment in this exhibition, was that Tamika Palmer was pleased. She said she felt the exhibition was a blessing and that she felt peaceful walking into the space and seeing Breonnas portrait and her time lineIm paraphrasing her. She felt seen and she felt heard. That, to me, was the greatest success.

Huey Copeland is a contributing editor of Artforum and BFC presidential associate professor of history of art at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.

Allison Glenn is an associate curator of contemporary art at the Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art in Bentonville, Arkansas, and its satellite space the Momentary.

Excerpt from:
Huey Copeland and Allison Glenn on Promise, Witness, Remembrance - Artforum

LinkedIn has shared some new insights into the evolving marketing employment landscape, and the key skills in demand among brands looking for new marketing and advertising staff.

And interestingly, LinkedIn's data shows that,despite the pandemic, marketing roles have been increasingly in-demand.

"On LinkedIn, weve seen a 63% increase in marketing jobs over the past six months. In total, more than 380,000 marketing job listings were posted over the past year."

Despite the varying challenges of the COVID experience, brands still need to maximize outreach and awareness, and there are significant opportunities for those in the sector, based on these stats.

In addition to this, LinkedIn also notes that:

That last point will be of specific interest to digital marketers, as will the fact that one in every two of the top marketing jobs posted on LinkedIn related to the digital or media space.

As per The Drum:

"By volume of job postings on LinkedIn, the most desired marketing job is a digital marketing specialist. Among other highly in-demand roles are digital account executives, social media managers, digital marketing managers, copywriters and digital strategists."

Some positive news for the SMT audience, and we'll continue to work to keep you up to date on the latest trends to help maximize your opportunities for such.

Check out the infographic below for more insight.

Read the original here:
LinkedIn Shares New Insight into the Most In-Demand Marketing Roles and Skills [Infographic] - Social Media Today

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Hillary BergmanAccount supervisor, Wunderman Thompson Health

Since joining Wunderman Thompson Health in 2018, Hillary Bergman has served as the day-to-day lead on multiple Pfizer businesses across internal medicine (Chantix), oncology (Xalkori, Lorbrena, Vizimpro), vaccines (Prevnar and Trumenba) and rare disease (launching a GTx for DMD). Her focus is mainly on the consumer side of the pediatrics business, where she feels she can have the greatest impact through helping patients and caregivers become their own advocates and making them aware of available life-saving treatments.

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Erin Fitzgerald oversees the womens cancer franchise at Digitas Health, and in the last three years has grown the practice from less than $1 million to $3.5 million in revenue annually. Shes worked on some of the largest oncology brands in the industry and is currently part of the account leadership for Mercks Keytruda business. She simultaneously launched the disease state education breast cancer campaign and two back-to-back indications in triple negative breast cancer (TNBC), which disproportionately affects Black and Hispanic/Latino individuals.

Katrina Sergeev GaryDirector of patient marketing and engagement, Argenx

In her two years at Argenx, Katrina Sergeev Gary has led several innovative and successful campaigns focused on the myasthenia gravis (MG) community. Her work includes the launch of the digital platform MG United; My MG Sole, a storytelling project that used the tenets of art therapy to inspire the MG community to connect virtually; and A Mystery to Me, the first-ever documentary film series about myasthenia gravis, which was honored with a selection in the 2020 Chicago International Film Festival and was nominated for a 2021 MM+M Brand Film Award.

Abby HayesPractice leader, DE&I engagement, Real Chemistry

As COVID-19 exacerbated existing racial inequities and the murder of George Floyd and killing of Breonna Taylor spurred a national movement, Abby Hayes led the response of Real Chemistry and many of its large clients as the head of the firms diversity, equity and inclusion engagement practice. She provided real-time crisis counseling for more than 15 clients, all of whom took action, including a $100 million commitment by one large client to promote health equity in the U.S. Under her leadership, DE&I client programming is tracking to grow by 300%-400% in 2021.

Dr. Alison LeafSenior program manager, Seven Bridges

Since joining Seven Bridges in 2017, Dr. Alison Leaf has developed and executed a winning proposal to the NIH Data Commons Pilot and led a program with the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institutes BioData Catalyst project that provides researchers with a cloud-based ecosystem to explore and analyze high-value genomics datasets. The COVID-19 pandemic has only underscored the importance of this system, as the comparative analysis of host genomics, medical imaging and health outcomes will be critical in managing the long-term health of millions of affected patients.

Elizabeth McSheaDirector, social media, CMI Media Group

During her three-year tenure at CMI Media Group, Elizabeth McShea has excelled in demonstrating the value of a best-in-class social listening and research arm. Her work has led clients to invest in social research programs, advancing the team from 16 deliverables in 2018 to 121 and growing in 2020. Shes also the go-to on the social team for new business pitches and opportunities. Known as one of the best presenters at the agency, she has led more than 10 pitches since joining the firm.

Lauren MurphyDirector, consumer marketing, Biohaven Pharmaceuticals

Not long after Lauren Murphy joined Biohaven, she was challenged with leading communications, consumer marketing and patient engagement for the companys first commercial product launch in the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic. She successfully headed up the first-to-market and fastest in pharma DTC launch for Nurtec ODT, which included first-in-pharma activations with digital partners including Google and Twitter, meeting patients where they are. Throughout the pandemic, she has continued to gracefully lead the development and execution of brand DTC, celebrity partnership activations and more.

Katie RamirezVP, digital, GCI Health

With her hybrid skill set in client service and technical acumen, Katie Ramirez has made herself an indispensable part of the GCI Health team, counseling some of the agencys most important clients on digital and social strategy. Currently, she leads digital and social media strategy for the award-winning Bristol Myers Squibb (BMS) cancer advocacy initiative Survivorship Today, which offers cancer survivors resources for life after active treatment. Under her leadership, the campaigns social posts have passed industry benchmarks on all measures.

Kristi Reeves-PenningtonTrelegy consumer marketing director, COPD and asthma, GSK

Throughout her 20-year career, Kristi Reeves-Pennington has excelled at building brands through empathy and deeper understanding. Working in the COPD and asthma area of GSKs Respiratory Division, she led a shift in the marketing strategy for Trelegy based on insight-backed authenticity, which resonated strongly with patients who often felt misrepresented. This was demonstrated in the launch of Trelegys New Day campaign in November 2020, which led to significant increases in organic and paid search.

Kara ReheisVP, marketing, Daiichi Sankyo

Kara Reheis has been at the forefront of several monumental shifts at Daiichi Sankyo, including as one of the primary commercial leads in finalizing a multibillion-dollar co-commercialization agreement with a major pharmaceutical collaborator. Most recently, her 42-person commercial training and development team earned the Life Sciences Trainers and Educators Network Excellence Award for its training curriculum in support of the launch of a metastatic breast cancer therapy.

Nikki SidiVP, global strategic marketing, surgical, Johnson & Johnson Vision

As the leader in worldwide marketing strategy for J&Js ophthalmology portfolio, Nikki Sidi heads a global team that drives business and pipeline strategy, as well as new product introductions. She has reorganized the global marketing function and, last year, achieved intraocular lens (IOL) share gains in every region. In 2021, she and her team are preparing the first-ever global campaign to celebrate the 20th anniversary of J&Js vision legacy TECNIS platform, relaunching the TECNIS masterbrand and introducing a series of new products that will broaden J&Js IOL portfolio.

Takae TakahashiSVP, associate creative director, Havas Health & You/Havas Health Plus

With a background in illustration and graphic design, Takae Takahashi has applied her creativity to the world of pharma with impressive results. Her array of awards includes five Clios and four Cannes Lions, and she was the first winner of the Innovation Health Hackathon at Cannes for her Parkinsounds Project for Teva Pharmaceuticals, which leveraged the power of music to treat Parkinsons patients. At Havas, her outside-the-box thinking has increased revenue and profit by more than 30% and brand awareness by more than 40%.

From the July 01, 2021 Issue of MM+M - Medical Marketing and Media

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Women to Watch 2021 - Hall of Femme - MM+M - Medical Marketing and Media - Medical Marketing and Media