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Israeli attacks must not humiliate Iranian people …

They say time changes things, but actually you have to change them yourself, said Andy Warhol.

The pop artists famous paintings of Campbells soup cans and Coca-Cola bottles were actually criticized for their celebration of conformity, but his insight about change, whether cultural, social or political, sure was right: It never comes by itself.

That certainly goes for revolutionary Iran, where everyone except its oligarchy has been awaiting change for the past 42 years in vain.

Now, as its seventh president prepares to succeed the sixth, the questions are what Iranian voters just said, where their country is headed, and what the Jewish state should do. And the answers are that the people are bitter, their country is in the doldrums, and Israel should let it change by itself.

Yes, non-Islamist candidates could never even dream of being allowed to run, nor could anyone otherwise disagreeable to the regime, and also the entire female population.

Even so, the regime used to try to create an impression of democracy by choreographing presidential contests between hardliners and pragmatists. That is how Mohammad Khatami became president back in 1997, while advocating free speech, market reforms and a cultural thaw with the West.

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That gospel was crushed in 2009, when the regime robbed reformist candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi of his electoral victory and placed him under house arrest, where he continues to languish.

Still, the democratic masquerade continued. When Hassan Rouhani ran in 2013, he faced seven opponents, including a former commander of the Revolutionary Guards and a former commander of the air force.

Now even that veneer was shed. The clerics had one candidate and pushed aside anyone who might threaten his victory, even the notorious Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, for whom they stole the 2009 election.

RAISI IS no version of Hassan Rouhani or Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, who earned academic degrees in Britain and the US, or of Mohammad Khatami, who lived in Germany and speaks four languages. Raisi, by contrast, is not known to have even finished high school.

What is not unknown is Raisis record as a prosecutor, which is harrowing. As a member of the forum that in 1988 sent to the gallows an estimated 5,000 untried prisoners, he is a slaughterer of his own people. (See Amnesty International, Blood-soaked secrets: Why Irans 1988 Prison Massacres are Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity, 2018.)

A regime that imposes on the citizens a man who mass-murdered innocent citizens says it is scared. And the regime is scared with good reason.

With the population more than double its size when the Islamists took over; with industry held hostage by the Revolutionary Guards, whose chieftains win tenders unfairly and then prize cronies and sideline professionals; with negligent planning resulting in dried lakes, rivers and faucets; and with the government fearful of corporate freedom and monetary discipline, the steadily shrinking economy is an inversion of the shahs era, when jobs were abundant and annual growth rates exceeded 10%.

On the eve of the coronavirus pandemic, unemployment in greater Tehran reportedly reached 41%. In some regions, youth joblessness has been higher than 60%, and university-educated womens unemployment exceeded 80%. The dollar, which in Khatamis time cost less than 9,000 rials, now costs more than 230,000.

The pandemic further debilitated the country, having plagued according to statistical Website Worldometer at least 3.11 million and killed at least 83,000.

Is it any wonder, then, that more than half the public didnt bother voting? Life stinks, they effectively said, and the unelected clerics who run the show now want to hand the wheel over to the murderer of our kith and kin. How much lower can we sink?

That, in brief, is where Irans political degeneration has arrived. Now, as its most violent leader since Ayatollah Khomeini approaches its helm, some might feel circumstances demand an extravagant Israeli attack on Iran. Nothing could be more wrong.

THE IRANIAN peoples abuse can only last so long. Ultimately, the people will respond.

Waiting for that days arrival demands much patience and poise, but that is what we must muster. Millions throughout Iran know the truth. They know Israel has never been their enemy and has taken nothing from them. Many of them also know that the Jewish nation actually recalls fondly the Persian Empire that restored Jerusalems leveled temple and returned the Land of Israel to the Jews.

Millions of Iranians also know that until the Islamist takeover, Israeli-Iranian trade was brisk, and that it will resume in earnest the day the fundamentalists will be removed.

And yes, Israelis know Irans nuclear program is intolerable and that sabotaging it is imperative. Even so, this should be done in a way that will not make average Iranians feel that Israel humiliated them.

Israel should initiate and also preempt, but only tactically; derail whatever it is the mullahs are plotting about us, bomb their Syrian outposts, sting their nuclear operation, but avoid the grand attack.

That attack should come not from without, but from within, and not from the air, but from below, and it should be waged not by foreigners, but by the great Persian people whom the ayatollahs have so thoroughly disempowered, dispossessed and dishonored, and now so justly fear.

Amotz Asa-Els bestselling Mitzad Haivelet Hayehudi (The Jewish March of Folly, Yediot Sefarim, 2019) is a revisionist history of the Jewish peoples leadership from antiquity to modernity.

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Israeli attacks must not humiliate Iranian people ...

Irans Incoming President Vows Tough Line on Missiles and Militias – The New York Times

Irans newly chosen president, in his first news conference, on Monday rejected the United States push for a broader deal with the Islamic Republic that would restrict its ballistic missiles program and curb its regional military policies in addition to containing its nuclear program.

President-elect Ebrahim Raisi, a conservative cleric, said that Irans ballistic missiles and its regional policies were nonnegotiable and that he would not meet with President Biden. He called on the United States to comply with a 2015 accord in which Iran agreed to limit its nuclear program in return for the lifting of economic sanctions against it.

My serious recommendation to the U.S. government is to immediately return to their commitments, lift all the sanctions and show that they have good will, he said in a briefing with domestic and international reporters in Tehran.

Regional issues and missiles are not negotiable, he said, adding that the United States had not carried through on matters it had negotiated, agreed and committed to.

The comments appeared to signal a hardening of Iranian policies as the conservative faction takes control of all branches of the government: Parliament, the judiciary and soon, the presidency.

Mr. Raisi, who takes office in August, said his administrations policies would be revolutionary and anti-corruption.

While Iran has always insisted that its military capabilities are not up for discussion, the current president, Hassan Rouhani, who is considered moderate, has said he would be willing to meet anyone if it benefited his country. He also said broader negotiations with the United States could be possible under the umbrella of the nuclear deal once the Americans returned to the 2015 accord, which was abandoned in 2018 by President Donald J. Trump, who called it too weak. The Trump administration then imposed some 1,600 sanctions on Iran.

The United States and Iran are holding talks through intermediaries in Vienna about reviving that 2015 agreement. American and Iranian officials familiar with the talks said that an agreement had been drafted and that a deal could be possible in the six weeks that remain before Mr. Raisi takes office.

Mr. Raisis government would benefit from an economic boost if it begins its term with sanctions eased by a renewed deal, as well as access to billions of dollars of frozen funds. Improving the economy and peoples livelihoods was one of Mr. Raisis main campaign pledges.

Mr. Biden has promised to seek a return to the deal, which would remove key sanctions, including those dealing with oil, banking transfers, shipping and insurance, though penalties on conglomerates, charities and individuals accused of human rights violations would remain.

Mr. Raisis pledge to refuse to negotiate on missile and militia issues, which fell outside the 2015 nuclear agreement, was not a surprise, analysts said. It echoed positions he took as a candidate and was in keeping with the views of the countrys supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, a hard-liner who sets Irans key policies.

It was quite expected he knows more about what he is not going to do than what he is going to do in terms of any specific plans in foreign policy, said Hamidreza Azizi, a visiting fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs in Berlin. He was just repeating the general positions of the Islamic Republic.

On whether he would meet Mr. Biden, the Iranian president-elect had a one-word answer: No.

Mr. Azizi attributed the striking firmness with which Mr. Raisi rejected the possibility of such a meeting to his lack of a background in diplomacy.

Mr. Raisi, who has been the head of the judiciary for the past 18 months, has no experience in politics or governing. He has spent his career in the legal system as a prosecutor, a judge and the head of the judiciary, with a brief stint as the leader of a powerful and wealthy religious conglomerate.

The tone was not diplomatic, and this is something we are going to see more during his presidency because he has no experience in diplomacy, Mr. Azizi said.

Talal Atrissi, a sociologist at the Lebanese University in Beirut who studies Iran and its regional allies, said Mr. Raisis victory was a blow to reformists and would strengthen Irans ties with its regional militia allies, known as the axis of resistance. These include Hezbollah in Lebanon, various militias in Syria and Iraq, and the Houthi rebels in Yemen, who receive support from Iran and share its anti-Israeli and anti-American stances.

Raisi will stay committed to the axis of resistance, Mr. Atrissi said.

On Monday, Mr. Raisi also declared that Mr. Trumps so-called maximum pressure campaign against Iran had failed.

The president-elect did say that a negotiating team would continue indirect talks in Vienna until his administration took its place. Mr. Raisi said that he supported discussions that secured Irans national interests, but that we will not allow talks for the sake of talks.

He addressed accusations by international rights groups that he has had a dismal record of human rights violations during his time with the judiciary, including involvement in the mass execution of opponents of the government in 1988. That record has brought him sanctions from the United States.

Mr. Raisi said those who are accusing him must answer for their own violations of human rights and called himself a defender of human rights and of peoples security and comfort.

Narges Mohammadi, a prominent human rights activist who was sentenced to 16 years in prison for her campaign to abolish Irans death penalty, reacted to Mr. Raisis comments on her Instagram page. I cannot accept Mr. Raisis presidency as one of the most serious violators of human rights in 42 years, she said,

Mr. Raisi said that he would prioritize improving relations with neighboring countries, and that Iran was willing to restore diplomatic ties with Saudi Arabia, which collapsed in 2016 after Iranians protesting the kingdoms execution of a prominent Shiite cleric stormed Saudi diplomatic missions in Iran. Iran and Saudi Arabia have been quietly negotiating to restore diplomatic relations.

Mr. Raisi will preside over a government that was elected with a minority of votes in an election process largely viewed as engineered to ensure his win, and over a restive and frustrated population that is seen as capable of exploding into street unrest with the smallest trigger.

Opposition to the result of local City Council election results led to clashes in several provinces on Sunday and Monday. In the city of Yasouj, security forces on motorbikes and on foot beat the crowds with batons and fired gunshots, videos posted on social media showed. In the city of Karoun, protesters gathered outside government buildings shouting that the vote counts were rigged.

Political figures from a reformist faction that is regrouping pointed to the low voter turnout as indicative of Iranians discontent. Former President Mohammad Khatami issued a statement saying he bows his head to all those who did not vote.

The unprecedented lack of voter participation above 50 percent is a sign of people being disillusioned and hopeless, he said. The gap between the people and the governing system should serve as a dangerous warning call to all.

Hwaida Saad contributed reporting.

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Irans Incoming President Vows Tough Line on Missiles and Militias - The New York Times

Saudi Arabia to judge Irans Raisi by reality on the ground – Al Jazeera English

Saudi foreign minister says he was very concerned about unanswered questions on Irans nuclear programme.

Saudi Arabia will judge Iranian President-elect Ebrahim Raisis government by the reality on the ground, the kingdoms foreign minister has said, adding that Irans Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has the final say on foreign policy.

Raisi, a hardline judge who secured an expected election victory on Saturday, said on Monday he wanted to improve ties with Gulf Arab neighbours while calling on regional rival Saudi Arabia to immediately halt its intervention in Yemen.

After six years of war, a military coalition led by Riyadh has failed to defeat the Houthi movement in Yemen. Tens of thousands have been killed in the war, which has caused what the UN has described as the worlds worst humanitarian crisis.

Saudi Arabia also opposes the Iran nuclear deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), that Tehran and Washington are trying to revive in indirect talks.

The accord between Iran and world powers, which lifted sanctions on Tehran in return for curbs on its nuclear programme, has been in tatters since the US unilaterally withdrew in 2018 under former President Donald Trump. Since the US pulled out and reimposed harsh sanctions, Iran has gradually lessened its own compliance with the deal.

From our perspective, foreign policy in Iran is in any case run by the supreme leader and therefore we base our interactions and our approach to Iran on the reality on the ground, and that is what we will judge the new government on, regardless of who is in charge, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud told a news conference in Vienna on Tuesday.

He said he was very concerned about unanswered questions on Irans nuclear programme, an apparent reference to the UN nuclear watchdog seeking explanations on the origin of uranium particles found at undeclared sites in Iran.

The current agreement between Iran and the UNs International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is set to expire on June 24.

A new interim agreement under which the IAEA is allowed access to Iranian nuclear sites has yet to be announced.

I think its important that even though the JCPOA [Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action] discussions are ongoing, that these outstanding issues be addressed and be addressed seriously and that we hold Iran accountable for its activities, and hold it to its commitments under the non-proliferation treaty and its commitments to the IAEA, Prince Faisal said.

Saudi Arabia and Gulf allies continue to pressure Iran over its nuclear programme, which Tehran says is entirely peaceful, and its ballistic missile programme. US intelligence agencies and the IAEA believe Iran had a secret, coordinated nuclear weapons programme that it halted in 2003.

In a bid to contain tensions between them, Saudi Arabia and Iran began direct talks in April in the Iraqi capital Baghdad to address several points of contention.

Ties between Iran and Saudi Arabia were cut in 2016 after Iranian protesters attacked Saudi diplomatic missions following the kingdoms execution of a revered Muslim Shia scholar.

The Saudi embassy in Iran shut down in 2016 as relations deteriorated.

Raisi said on Monday that Iran would have no problem with a possible reopening of the Saudi embassy in Tehran and that the restoration of relations faces no barrier.

There are no obstacles from Irans side to re-opening embassies there are no obstacles to ties with Saudi Arabia, he said.

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Saudi Arabia to judge Irans Raisi by reality on the ground - Al Jazeera English

Review: Beyond Order, by Jordan B. Peterson – The Atlantic

This article was published online on March 2, 2021.

One day in early 2020, Jordan B. Peterson rose from the dead. The Canadian academic, then 57, had been placed in a nine-day coma by doctors in a Russian clinic, after becoming addicted to benzodiazepines, a class of drug that includes Xanax and Valium. The coma kept him unconscious as his body went through the terrible effects of withdrawal; he awoke strapped to the bed, having tried to rip out the catheters in his arms and leave the intensive-care unit.

When the story of his detox became public, in February 2020, it provided an answer to a mystery: Whatever happened to Jordan Peterson? In the three years before he disappeared from view in the summer of 2019, this formerly obscure psychology professors name had been a constant presence in op-ed columns, internet forums, and culture-war arguments. His book 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos, published in 2018, sold millions of copies, and he had conducted a 160-city speaking tour, drawing crowds of up to 3,000 a night; premium tickets included the chance to be photographed with him. For $90, his website offered an online course to better understand your unique personality. An official merchandise store sold Peterson paraphernalia: mugs, stickers, posters, phone cases, tote bags. He had created an entirely new model of the public intellectual, halfway between Marcus Aurelius and Martha Stewart.

The price of these rewards was living in a maelstrom of other peoples opinions. Peterson was, depending on whom you believed, either a stern but kindly shepherd to a generation of lost young men, or a reactionary loudmouth whose ideas fueled the alt-right and a backlash to feminism. He was revered as a guru, condemned as a dangerous charlatan, adored and reviled by millions. Peterson has now returned to the public sphere, and the psyche-splitting ordeal of modern celebrity, with a new book, Beyond Order: 12 More Rules for Lifean intriguing title, in light of his recent experiences. The mystery deepens: What really happened to Jordan Peterson, and why has he come back for more?

Growing up in Fairview, Alberta, Peterson was small for his age, which fostered both a quick wit and a fascination with the power and violence of traditional masculinity. He once recounted in a Facebook post how hed overheard a neighbor named Tammy Roberts joking with another girl that she wanted to keep her surname, so she would have to marry some wimp. Then she turned around and proposed to the teenage Jordan. He spent a youthful summer working on a railroad in Saskatchewan, with an all-male group that nicknamed him Howdy Doody, after the freckle-faced puppet. As a student, he visited a maximum-security prison, where he was particularly struck by a convict with a vicious scar right down his chest, which he surmised might have come from surgery or an ax wound: The injury would have killed a lesser man, anywaysomeone like me.

How to be a greater man was very much on Petersons mind. Raised in a mildly Christian household, he decided as a teenager that religion was for the ignorant, weak and superstitious. He yearned for a left-wing revolution, an urge that lasted until he met some left-wing activists in college. Then, rejecting all ideology, he decided that the threat of the Cold War made it vital to understand the human impulse toward destruction. He began to study psychology.

Alongside pursuing his doctorate, teaching at Harvard and then the University of Toronto, and raising a familyhe married Tammy in 1989, and yes, she took his surnamePeterson started work on his first book, a survey of the origins of belief. Its ambition was nothing less than to explain, well, everythingin essence, how the story of humanity has been shaped by humanitys love of stories. Maps of Meaning, published in 1999, built on the work of academics like Joseph Campbell, the literature and religion scholar who argued that all mythic narratives are variations of a single archetypal quest. (Campbells monomyth inspired the arc of Star Wars.) On this heros journey, a young man sets out from his humdrum life, confronts monsters, resists temptation, stares into the abyss, and claims a great victory. Returning home with what Campbell calls the power to bestow boons on his fellow men, the hero can also claim the freedom to live at peace with himself.

In the fall of 2016, Peterson seized the chance to embark on his own quest. A Canadian Parliament bill called C-16 proposed adding gender identity or expression to the list of protected characteristics in the countrys Human Rights Act, alongside sex, race, religion, and so on. For Peterson, the bill was proof that the cultural left had captured public-policy making and was imposing its fashionable diktats by law. In a YouTube video titled Professor Against Political Correctness, he claimed that he could be brought before a government tribunal if he refused to use recently coined pronouns such as zhe. In the first of several appearances on Joe Rogans blockbuster podcast, he made clear that he was prepared to become a martyr for his principles, if necessary. His intensity won over Rogana former mixed-martial-arts commentator with a huge young male fan base and eclectic political views (a frequent critic of the left, he endorsed Bernie Sanders in 2020). You are one of the very few academics, Rogan told Peterson, who have fought against some of these ideas that are not just being promoted but are being enforced.

The fight over C-16, which became law in 2017, was a paradigmatic culture-war battle. Each side overstated the other sides argument to bolster its own: Either you hated transgender people, or you hated free speech. In Petersons view, the bill exposed the larger agenda of postmodernism, which he portrayed as an ideology that, in denying the existence of objective truth, leaves its practitioners without an ethic. (This is not how theorists of postmodernism define it, and if you have a few hours to spare, do ask one of them to explain.) He was on the side of science and rationality, he proclaimed, and against identity politics. Feminists were wrong to argue that traditional gender roles were limiting and outdated, because centuries of evolution had turned men into strong, able providers and women into warm, emotionally sensitive nurturers. The people who hold that our culture is an oppressive patriarchy, they dont want to admit that the current hierarchy might be predicated on competence is how he later phrased it. (This was during Donald Trumps presidency.) The founding stories of the worlds great religions backed him up, as did the heros journey: It is men who fight monsters, while women are temptresses or helpmates.

The mainstream media began to pay attention. Peterson had posted some advice on the Q&A site Quora, which he turned into his second book, 12 Rules for Life, a mashup of folksy wisdom, evolutionary biology, and digressions on the evils of Soviet Communism. (His daughter, Mikhaila, is named after Mikhail Gorbachev.) It stresses the conservative principles of self-reliance and responsibility, encouraging readers to tidy their bedrooms and smarten themselves up to compete for female attentiona message reinforced by a questionable analogy involving lobsters, which fight by squirting urine from their faces to establish their place in the mating hierarchy. Parents, universities and the elders of society have utterly failed to give many young men realistic and demanding practical wisdom on how to live, David Brooks wrote in a New York Times column. Peterson has filled the gap. He offered self-help for a demographic that wouldnt dream of reading Goop.

Yet the relentless demands of modern celebritymore content, more access, more authenticitywere already tearing the psychologists public persona in two. One Peterson was the father figure beloved by the normie readers of 12 Rules, who stood in long lines to hear him speak and left touching messages on internet forums, testifying that he had turned their lives around. The other Peterson was a fearsome debater, the gladiator who crowed Gotcha! at the British television interviewer Cathy Newman after a series of testy exchanges about the gender pay gap and the freedom to give offense. His debates were clipped and remixed, then posted on YouTube with titles announcing that he had DESTROYED his interlocutors.

I know this because one of them was me: Our interview for British GQ, which has garnered more than 23 million views, is easily the most viral moment Ive ever had. While dozens of acquaintances emailed and texted me to praise my performance and compare Petersons stern affect to Hannibal Lecter with a Ph.D., mean comments piled up like a snowdrift below the video itself. I was biased and utterly intellectually bankrupt, dishonest and malicious, and like a petulant child who walked into an adult conversation. What kind of man, several wondered, would marry a dumb, whiny, shrill feminist like this? (Quite a nice one, thanks for asking.)

Peterson lived in this split-screen reality all the time. Even as he basked in adoration, a thousand internet piranhas ripped through his every utterance, looking for evidence against him. One week, Bari Weiss anointed him a leading culture warrior, including him in a New York Times feature as a member of the Intellectual Dark Web. Ten days later, the newspaper published a mocking profile of him, reporting that his house was decorated with Soviet propaganda and quoting him speculating about the benefits of enforced monogamy in controlling young mens animal instincts. After he was accused of pining after Margaret Atwoods Gilead, he quickly posted a note on his website arguing that he meant only the social enforcement of monogamy.

The negative publicity affected him deeply, and it was endless. After the Indian essayist Pankaj Mishra charged him with peddling fascist mysticism, Peterson tweeted that Mishra was an arrogant, racist son of a bitch and a sanctimonious prick. He added: If you were in my room at the moment, Id slap you happily. Even sleep brought no relief. Peterson is a believer in dream analysis, and after one particularly ill-tempered interview in October 2018, he blogged about a nightmare that followed. In his dream, he met a man who simply would not shut up. The man reminded him, he wrote, of an acquaintance at university in Canada he calls Sam, who drove around in a Mercedes with swastikas on the doors, saying the worst things he could, unable to resist inviting attacks. I cant help myself, Sam had told Peterson. I have a target drawn on my back. Eventually, at a party, Sam overstepped the line; he was about to be assaulted by a mob until another acquaintance felled him with a single punch. Peterson never saw Sam again. In his dream, the Sam-like man talked and talked and finally pushed me beyond my limit of tolerance I bent his wrists to force his knuckles into his mouth. His arms bent like rubber and, even though I managed the task, he did not stop babbling. I woke up.

It is hard to resist reading the subtext like this: Peterson had spent months being casually described as a Nazi and associated with the alt-right, labels he always rejected. He had metaphorical swastikas on his car door. He couldnt resist putting a target on his own back, and he, too, couldnt stop talking. Indeed, in May 2019, after railing against left-wing censoriousnessnow widely called cancel culturehe met with Viktor Orbn, the proudly illiberal prime minister of Hungary, whose government has closed gender-studies programs, waged a campaign to evict Central European University from the country, and harassed independent journalists. Orbns state-backed version of cancel cultureor, to use the correct word, authoritarianismapparently didnt come up in their meeting. Peterson had previously told an interviewer to describe politicians like Orbn not as strongmen, but as dictator wannabes. Nonetheless, the visitand the posed photograph of the men in conversation, released to friendly media outletsgave intellectual cover to Orbns repressive government.

All that time, the two Petersons were pulling away from each other. As the arguments over his message raged across YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, and traditional media, he became an avatar of our polarized media climate. People were consuming completely different Petersons, depending on their news sources. When I saw him on his speaking tour at a theater on Long Island, the first question he was asked was not about pronouns or the decline of Western civilization; it was When was the last time you got drunk? The second was a heartfelt plea that will be familiar to any new parent: How can I get my baby to sleep?

The past two years have clearly been hell for Peterson. In a June 2020 video interview with his daughter, he looked gaunt and restless as he described his struggle with drug dependency, a torment that he revisits in the Overture to Beyond Order, his new book. As he describes it, an allergic reaction during the 2016 Christmas holiday manifested as intense anxiety, leading his family doctor to prescribe benzodiazepines. He also started following what Mikhaila calls the lion diet, consuming only meat, salt, and water. In 2019, the tumultuous reality of [being] a public figure was exacerbated by a series of family health crises culminating in his wifes diagnosis, in April, of what was thought to be terminal cancer. (She has since recovered.) Petersonwho notes that he had been plagued for years by a tendency toward depressionhad his tranquilizer dosage upped, only to experience rising anxiety, followed by the ravages of attempted withdrawal. He was at the edge of the abyssanxiety far beyond what I had ever experienced, an uncontrollable restlessness and need to move overwhelming thoughts of self-destruction, and the complete absence of any happiness whatsoever.

Throughout this turbulent time, Peterson was working on Beyond Order. He makes no claims that his suffering provided a teachable moment (particularly, he notes, when a pandemic has upended lives everywhere). He also declines the opportunity to place his addiction in the context of the prescription-drug-abuse crisis. Peterson seems to have softened his disdain for religion, and as for Tammy, passing so near to death motivated my wife to attend to some issues regarding her own spiritual and creative development. Notably, Peterson is not ready to give up on the heros journey, despite the terror he has endured. All of that misfortune is only the bitter half of the tale of existence, he writes, without taking note of the heroic element of redemption or the nobility of the human spirit requiring a certain responsibility to shoulder.

This book is humbler than its predecessor, and more balanced between liberalism and conservatismbut it offers a similar blend of the highbrow and the banal. Readers get a few glimpses of the fiery online polemicist, but the Peterson of Beyond Order tends instead to two other modes. The first is a grounded clinician, describing his clients troubles and the tough-love counsel he gives them. The other is a stoned college freshman telling you that the Golden Snitch is, like, a metaphor for round chaos the initial container of the primordial element. Some sentences beg to be prefaced with Dude, like these: If Queen Elizabeth II suddenly turned into a giant fire-breathing lizard in the midst of one of her endless galas, a certain amount of consternation would be both appropriate and expected But if it happens within the context of a story, then we accept it. Reading Peterson the clinician can be illuminating; reading his mystic twin is like slogging through wet sand. His fans love the former; his critics mock the latter.

The prose swirls like mist, and his great insight appears to be little more than the unthreatening observation that life is complicated. (If the first book hadnt been written like this too, youd guess that he was trying to escape the butterfly pins of his harshest detractors.) After nearly 400 pages, we learn that married people should have sex at least once a week, that heat and pressure turn coal into diamonds, that having a social life is good for your mental health, and that, for a man in his 50s, Peterson knows a surprising amount about Quidditch. The chapter inviting readers to make one room in your home as beautiful as possible is typically discursive, but unusually enjoyable: Peterson knows his Wordsworth. (It is not free from weirdness, however. At one point, he claims to have looked at 1.2 million paintings on eBay while selecting his living-room decor.) His prose also lights up when he describes the wonder of watching his granddaughter encounter the world.

On the rare occasion that Beyond Order strays overtly into politics, Peterson still cant resist fighting straw men. What Peterson sees as healthy ambition needs to be encouraged in every possible manner, he writes.

But who is reflexively identifying all male ambition as innately harmful? If any mainstream feminist writers are in fact arguing that the West is a patriarchal tyrannyas opposed to simply a patriarchy or male-dominated societyhe should do the reader the favor of citing them. Is he arguing with Gloria Steinem or princess_sparklehorse99 on Tumblr? A tenured professor should embrace academic rigor.

Peterson writes an entire chapter against ideologiesfeminism, anti-capitalism, environmentalism, basically anything ending in ismdeclaring that life is too complex to be described by such intellectual frameworks. Funny story: Theres an academic movement devoted to skepticism of grand historical narratives. Its called postmodernism. That chapter concludes by advising readers to put their own lives in order before trying to change the world. This is not only a rehash of one of the previous 12 rulesClean up your bedroom, he writes, because fans love it when you play the hitsbut also ferocious chutzpah coming from a man who was on a lecture tour well after he should have gone to rehab.

The Peterson of Beyond Order, that preacher of personal responsibility, dances around the question of whether his own behavior might have contributed to his breakdown. Was it really wise to agree to all those brutal interviews, drag himself to all those international speaking events, send all those tweets that set the internet on fire? Like a rock star spiraling into burnout, he was consumed by the pyramid scheme of fame, parceling himself out, faster and faster, to everyone who wanted a piece. Perhaps he didnt want to let people down, and he loved to feel needed. Perhaps he enjoyed having an online army glorying in his triumphs and pursuing his enemies. In our frenzied media culture, can a hero ever return home victorious and resume his normal life, or does the lure of another adventure, another dragon to slay, another lib to own always call out to him?

Either way, he gazed into the culture-war abyss, and the abyss stared right back at him. He is every one of us who couldnt resist that pointless Facebook argument, who felt the sugar rush of the self-righteous Twitter dunk, who exulted in the defeat of an opposing political tribe, or even an adjacent portion of our own. That kind of unhealthy behavior, furiously lashing out while knowing that counterattacks will follow, is a very modern form of self-harm. And yet in Beyond Order, the blame is placed solely on the hypothetically safe but truly dangerous benzodiazepine anti-anxiety medication he was prescribed by his family doctor. The book leaves you wishing that Peterson the tough therapist would ask hard questions of Peterson the public intellectual.

To imagine that Peterson is popular in spite of his contradictions and human frailtiesthe things that drive his critics madis a mistake: He is popular because of them. For a generation that has lost its faith in religion and politics, he is one of notably few prominent figures willing to confront the most fundamental questions of existence: Whats the point of being alive? What kind of personal journey endows our existence with meaning? He is, in many ways, countercultural. He doesnt offer get-rich-quick schemes, or pickup techniques. He is not libertine or libertarian. He promises that life is a struggle, but that it is ultimately worthwhile.

Yet Petersons elevation to guru status has come at great personal cost, a cascade of suffering you wouldnt wish on anybody. It has made him rich and famous, but not happy. We compete for attention, personally, socially, and economically, he writes in Beyond Order. No currency has a value that exceeds it. But attention is a perilous drug: The more we receive, the more we desire. It is the culture wars greatest reward, yet it started Jordan Peterson on a journey that turned a respected but unknown professor into the man strapped into the Russian hospital bed, ripping the tubes from his arms, desperate for another fix.

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Review: Beyond Order, by Jordan B. Peterson - The Atlantic

Jordan Peterson Preaches the Practical Value of a Faith He Doesn’t Have: Hope Is the Missing Link – National Catholic Register

Beyond Order

12 More Rules for Life

By Jordan Peterson

Penguin, 2021

432 pages, $29

To order: amazon.com

During an April 2021 podcast with Los Angeles Auxiliary Bishop Robert Barron entitled, Christianity and the Modern World, Jordan Peterson marked the striking exodus of many young Catholics from their cradle faith and offered his own diagnosis of the problem: The Church did not ask enough of them, and so it had failed to make the adventure of faith challenging and thus appealing.

Bishop Barron took Petersons judgment seriously. Afterall, the best-selling author of 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos (5 million copies sold in English and translated into 50 languages) has attracted a vast global audience by exhorting his youthful followers to embrace responsibility, resist a culture of victimization, and engage with faith traditions and classic texts that uphold inconvenient moral truths.

Some parts of 12 Rules for Life are the stuff of self-help literature (Stand Up Straight with Your Shoulders Back). Others are rather whimsical (Do Not Bother Children While They Are Skateboarding). And a few are profoundly anti-woke (Set Your House in Order Before You Criticize the World).

Taken as a whole, they reflect the authors belief that many young adults who have failed to launch did not receive a strong practical or philosophical framework from their families and schools and are in desperate need of help.

Bishop Barron, reviewing the Churchs mixed record of catechetical and moral formation, agreed that Catholic lite had failed to tap the imagination and idealism of the next generation. In contrast, he said, the Canadian psychologist had a particular gift for biblical exegesis, bringing the Old and New Testament stories to life in a way that spoke to millennials.

Petersons new book, Beyond Order: 12 More Rules for Life, returns to the familiar terrain of his first best-seller. But chapters that address the interplay of order and chaos are less structured and punctuated by digressions and occasional banalities. Likewise, readers who savored the authors fresh, illuminating interpretation of Bible stories in 12 Rules for Life may be disappointed with his treatment of the text less memorable this time around.

Nevertheless, Beyond Order offers timely principles for readers who are just emerging from a pandemic that cost lives and livelihoods, stirring fear and alienation.

In the wake of violent political protests and the random vandalization of public statues commemorating historic figures, Rule I: Do not carelessly denigrate social institutions or creative achievements and Rule XII: Be grateful in spite of your suffering bookend this spirited defense of organized religion, democratic practices and plain common sense.

Like many other conservative public intellectuals, Peterson believes that the decline of organized religion has made totalizing ideologies more appealing. Readers are warned to be wary of this path (Rule VI: Abandon Ideology). And those seeking an integrated vision of life are directed to the worlds great faiths as a starting point.

The core idea is this: subjugate yourself voluntarily to a set of socially determined rules those with some tradition in their formulation and a unity that transcends the rules will emerge, he writes. That unity constitutes what you could be if you concentrate on a particular goal and see it through.

A related theme in Petersons arsenal is the moral and curative power of gratitude.

This virtue has deep spiritual roots, and the author turns to the Bibles seminal account of Gods creation of the world, observing that the goodness of creation reflected the fact that Truth, Courage, and Love were united in his creative action. Thus there is an ethical claim deeply embedded in the Genesis account of creation: Everything that emerges from the realm of possibility in the act of creation (arguably either divine or human) is good insofar as the motive for its creation is good. I do not believe there is a more daring argument in all of philosophy or in theology than this: To believe this, to act it out, is the fundamental act of faith.

But as an experienced therapist, Peterson also knows that childhood trauma, or some other brush with adversity or injustice, can destroy a persons belief in the essential goodness of the Creator, and by extension faith-based values and institutions. For this reason, many of his readers must consciously nurture an appreciation for what they have received.

Shockingly, the author is counseling gratitude at the very time that Americas racial reckoning has badly damaged the moral credibility of its social and political order. Nevertheless, he believes that gratitude is an essential element of human flourishing and posits it as a precondition for fruitful reform, at both the personal and societal level, with the example of Jesus Christ (I have not come to abolish the law but to fulfill it) as a model for emulation. To be clear: This is not a blind, nave endorsement of tradition. Rather, his argument is grounded in a highly realistic approach fully alive to both the stubborn existence of sin in the world and the tragic outcome of atheistic systems that sought and failed to eradicate it.

Beyond Orders most distinctive contribution, however, arises from the authors expertise as a clinical psychologist.

In several fascinating case studies of former patients, he shows how the particularly modern problem of overly protective parents leaves their adult children ill-equipped to navigate tough times and call out bad acters. Another chapter examines the hold that inaccurate and unexamined memories can have over our present-day choices and relationships. We must recollect ourselves or suffer in direct proportion to our ignorance and avoidance, he writes.

Compared with the more basic guidance of 12 Rules for Life, which famously admonished readers to make their bed every day, Beyond Order is an attempt to nudge readers to the next level. Now that they have achieved a measure of stability, with a job and a relationship, how do they hold onto both while continuing to learn and grow? Much of his guidance has a practical bent (Rule II: Imagine who you can be and then aim single-mindedly at that or Rule VII: Work as hard as you possibly can on one thing and see what happens).

More broadly, Petersons work is driven by a deeply personal quest to unlock the mysteries at the very core of the Churchs response to the human condition: the meaning of suffering, Gods toleration of evil in the world, and Christs redemptive act on the cross.

The father of a beloved daughter diagnosed in her childhood with a painful debilitating condition, he spent two decades at her side during almost 20 surgeries. This grueling trial is surely a key to Petersons appeal, for his firsthand experience with suffering gives his voice real authenticity and makes his tough-love solutions more palatable.

During the three years since 12 Rules for Life became an international best-seller, Peterson has suffered through many more trials. In the Overture of Beyond Order, he describes the cascading series of medical and psychological crises, including an addiction to the sedative benzodiazepine, that resulted in his physical collapse. He has since regained his health, but recent YouTube videos reveal that his characteristically gaunt face has aged significantly during this period.

The authors deteriorating condition had been global news, so the revelations in the Overture will not come as a shock to his supporters. But his predicament points to the enormous burden this curious modern prophet carries on his shoulders as he goes against the grain of contemporary mores and touches millions of lives in the process.

Peterson preaches the practical and psychological value of faith, but he does not have it, and thus he is cut off from this wellspring of hope. Many of his Catholic friends, including, no doubt, Bishop Barron, are prepared to accompany him on his idiosyncratic pilgrimage.

But the weight of the responsibility he carries should also provoke deep soul-searching among Church leaders and educators. Why are his efforts so necessary and urgent? And why have so many Catholic pastors, teachers and parents failed to make the faith matter in the lives of young Catholics?

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Jordan Peterson Preaches the Practical Value of a Faith He Doesn't Have: Hope Is the Missing Link - National Catholic Register