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Hillary Clinton awards women leaders advancing peace and security – The Georgetown Voice

Human rights are womens rights and womens rights are human rights, Hillary Clinton said at the 1995 UN Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing.

Her words were reaffirmed at the Hillary Rodham Clinton Awards, an annual awards ceremony held on campus that recognizes and celebrates women who have advanced global peace and security. The event included remarks from Hillary Clinton and President John J. DeGioia, as well as Melanne Verveer, former U.S. ambassador-at-large for global womens issues and current executive director for the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS).

The 2021 awardees hail from around the worldMexico, Russia, Afghanistan, Zimbabwe, and Chinaand focus their work on a wide range of issues affecting women, from climate change to ending child marriage. Despite facing resistance and threats from authorities, they continue to pioneer womens rights activism in their countries and fields of expertise.

Awardee Marina Pisklakova Parker from Russia created the first hotline for reporting domestic abuse in Russia, an issue often disregarded by Russian authorities. Palwasha Hassan from Afghanistan pioneered the first womens legal support organization in Afghanistan, Roazana, and continues to advocate for womens access to education while in exile in the U.S.

Following the awards ceremony, Verveer led a discussion with the recipients, during which they reminisced about the 1995 conference and the impact it had on their work and on the larger context of gender equality.

The conference itself was a turning point in both the definition and the fight for gender equality, Clinton said.

Awardee Patricia Espinosa of Mexico, executive secretary of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), added, Beijing was a change in my view, Beijing was a change in human history. I think we really need to see it in this bigger dimension.

Clinton and Verveer extended gratitude and recognition to womens rights activists in Afghanistan in particularincluding Hassan, director of The Afghan Womens Educational Center.

I especially want to recognize and celebrate an especially courageous group of women: women from Afghanistan, Verveer said. We and others have been working to help evacuate them and will continue to support them and their resettlement.

Georgetown and GIWPS have been active in responding to the crisis in Afghanistan by helping the evacuation efforts of women activists through the GIWPS-launched Protect Afghan Women project established last summer. The initiative supports Afghan women whose lives are in imminent danger through a donations-based emergency fund. Georgetown also co-founded the U.S.-Afghan Womens Council (USAWC), a non-partisan public-private partnership bringing different stakeholders together to support Afghan women and girls education, health care, economic empowerment, and leadership, in 2002.

Following the event, Clinton visited Lauinger Librarys fifth floor exhibition highlighting the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which includes 85 artifacts gathered by Verveer from the conferences time. Students gathered around the library hoping to catch a glimpse of Clinton as she left the building.

For many Georgetown students, attending the event and seeing an influential political figure like Clinton was an incredible opportunity to engage with global issues they care deeply about.

I love being able to attend these events where I get to relate them with what Im learning in my classes, in the news, and with what Im doing outside of academics, Elisabeth Koch (SFS 24) said.

Koch also emphasized her appreciation of Clinton and the awardees acknowledgement of the long-term action still needed to improve gender equality worldwide. Among the long-term goals Clinton and the awardees emphasized were the inclusion of women in climate change negotiations and the creation of a global treaty that addresses domestic violence.

We have a lot at stake and we need women leaders from every corner of the globe to continue to speak up, to stand out, and yes, to seek power, Clinton said.

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Hillary Clinton awards women leaders advancing peace and security - The Georgetown Voice

Editorial: The return to normalcy that wasn’t – Yahoo News

Dec. 31The year 2021 was supposed to be a "return to normalcy," to borrow a phrase from Warren G. Harding's presidential campaign a century ago.

It hardly lived up to its billing.

The rhetoric of emergency, crisis, and imminent doom has dominated American life since about 11 p.m. on Nov. 8, 2016, when it was clear Donald Trump would win the presidency over Hillary Clinton. The tension of constant crisis defined the next three years; in 2020, it seemed to hit a breaking point.

Coronavirus. George Floyd. Elections. Crisis upon crisis. Emergency upon emergency.

Then, on the evening of Nov. 3, 2020, an exhale. Normalcy, in the person of perhaps the most established and, well, normal politician of the last few generations, seemed to have returned. But no. Frivolous lawsuits. Cynical allegations of fraud. An insurrection. The crisis had only deepened. The seemingly impossible had happened: the brief occupation of the citadel of American democracy by a mob. What else was now possible?

Read more Blade editorials

Blessedly, the pace of events slowed after that day. The tension has been relieved again, at least a bit. But there can be no doubt, as 2021 ends, that it was a year dominated by a sense of emergency.

Donald Trump the ghost of elections past, and, perhaps, yet to come still commands constant and breathless coverage, from cable news to late night. The fraternity of coronavirus variants alpha, delta, omicron is like the list of hurricane names: catchy but menacing, perfect for tweets and news scrolls. Talk of war over Ukraine or Taiwan, sometimes with dread but too often with a certain excitement, is mainstream.

Yes, we are living in extraordinary times. Yes, there are new and ongoing dangers to confront medically, politically, internationally. But there is another danger more subtle but deeply corrosive that we should note at the end of another abnormal year: the development of an addiction to crisis.

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Emergencies are frightening. Emergencies are exciting. Emergencies make us feel like we're experiencing something truly important, like our decisions and our very lives matter on a broad and historic scale. They are all the more alluring in times like our own, marked by boredom, alienation, and doubt about the meaning of anything at all.

Even so, we must break the spell: States of emergency can become at least as dangerous as the emergencies that trigger them. Settling into a permanent state of emergency in sentiment and rhetoric, if not officially puts the foundation of our political order at risk.

We aren't there yet, to be sure, but no addict plans to overdose.

We must face our challenges head on, while resisting sensationalism and fear-mongering. With every New Year that comes and goes under the cloud of crisis, we become more numb to the feeling of perpetual emergency.

Average Americans will decide whether 2022 will be another year of crisis. Are we ready to return to normalcy or, rather, to accept a new normalcy? Or maybe we're happier with constant crisis, always looking for the next emergency, waiting excitedly for the one that finally ends it all.

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Editorial: The return to normalcy that wasn't - Yahoo News

How the Democratic Party didnt stop worrying and fearing crypto in 2021 – Cointelegraph

As 2022 is kicking off, America nears the first anniversary of Joe Bidens presidency. Following the tenures ambitious start, the last few months witnessed some serious tumult around the overall health of the United States economy, the administrations handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the tense debate around Bidens opus magnum the $1.7 trillion Build Back Better infrastructure legislation plan.

But even as the Democrats ability to maintain undivided power after the 2022 midterm elections can raise doubts, the partys prevailing view of crypto has become more consolidated than ever. The incumbent presidents party will be setting the tone of the regulatory discussion for at least three more years, so a thorough look at the fundamental premises and potential directions of its emerging crypto stance is in order.

The path that mainstream Democrat thinking on crypto has traveled over the last three years is perfectly captured by an anecdote featuring two crypto-related public statements made by a Clinton. One is by the 42nd U.S. president, Bill Clinton, then 72, who said at Ripples Swell Conference in October 2018 that the "permutations and possibilities" of blockchain were "staggeringly great.

Three years later, speaking at the Bloomberg New Economy Forum in Singapore, Bills wife and ex-presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, though calling the cryptocurrencies an interesting technology, warned about their power to undermine the U.S. dollar and destabilize nations perhaps starting with small ones but going much larger.

This startling difference in opinion within the power couple reflects the recent evolution of the Democratic party, itself from a third way, business, tech and finance-friendly centrism of its 1990s generation to the newfound statism with a heavy emphasis on redistributional justice and big government projects. By current standards, the former first lady sounded rather balanced in comparison to her party comrade Senator Elizabeth Warren, who has famously lashed out at the crypto market after the volatility outburst in early September:

Warren berated crypto on numerous occasions, calling it a fourth-rate alternative to real currency that is unsuitable as a medium of exchange; a lousy investment, that has no consumer protection; and a tool that makes many illegal activities easier.

The negative sentiment is largely shared by Senator Sherrod Brown, which is arguably even more unsettling given his status as chairman of the U.S. Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. Browns opening statements at Congress hearings have never been amicable towards crypto. Their overall spirit can be summarized in the introduction that opened the July hearing entitled Cryptocurrencies: What are they good for?

Brown blamed the cottage industry of decentralized financial schemes for an attempt to create a parallel financial system with no rules, no oversight, and no limits, calling it a shady, diffuse network of online funny money, with nothing democratic or transparent about it. The lawmaker repeatedly rejected the notion that crypto could be an alternative to legacy money last time at a December Congress hearing:

Its not all dark, though. One figure that represents a more moderate, if not pragmatic approach to crypto Congresswoman Maxime Waters would also play a major role in any future outcome for the industry. As a chairwoman of the House Committee on Financial Services, she initiated the Digital Assets Working Group of Democratic Members with a mission to ensure responsible innovation in the cryptocurrency and digital asset space and meet with leading regulators, advocates, and other experts on how these novel products and services are reshaping our financial system.

Related: Lines in the sand: US Congress is bringing partisan politics to crypto

Sen. Waters has publicly recognized that Americans are increasingly making financial decisions using digital assets every day, and affirmed that her Committee will explore the promise of digital assets in providing faster payments, instantaneous settlements and lower transaction fees for remittances.

The good news is that underneath the redoubtable oratory, there is a keyword: regulation. It is clear, at this point, that a China-style total war on crypto isnt an option in the U.S. Therefore, what drives the heated activity of congressional committees and federal agencies in recent months is a clear intention of the Democratic establishment to sort out the rules of the game before the next presidential election.

Part of this effort of the Biden administration is the launch of the President's Working Group on Financial Markets, a superhero team composed of the SEC, CFTC, OCC, FDIC and Federal Reserve System executives, with the secretary of the Treasury Department leading the group.

So far, the key product of the Working Group is a 26-page report on stablecoins, which advises Congress to designate some stablecoin-related activities such as payment, clearing and settlement as systemically important (which would inevitably lead to a tighter oversight) and limit stablecoin issuance to insured depository institutions, i.e., banks.

As in the pre-Biden era, the main problem lies with the core classification of digital assets. The PWG report failed to propose a novel interpretation and give precedence to a single regulatory body, thus perpetuating a situation where a variety of regulators oversee different types of crypto-related activity.

In October, Rostin Behnam, the chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission and a member of the Democratic Party, claimed that as much as 60% of digital assets can be classified as commodities, which amounts to proposing that the agency become the lead U.S. cryptocurrency regulator. He also further stated that his agency, as well as the Securities and Exchange Commission, would likely need a regulatory structure for both securities and commodities. How exactly that would help the ongoing patchwork approach to regulation is still a mystery.

There are several reasons to believe that the largely proclamatory activity of 2021 will be followed up by some real action in the following year. The first is the general idealistic mindset of U.S. Democrats. For example, the drive to aggressively regulate Big Tech is part and parcel of this mindset.

While President Barack Obama and some regulators worked alongside Google and Twitter to facilitate the growth of internet businesses, Joe Bidens administration came to power amid the wave of popular anxiety over international cyberattacks, personal data leaks, Metas crisis mismanagement and the overall outsize influence on the political process accumulated by tech goliaths.

While Meta and Google have been fighting federal and state regulators in courts over allegations of anticompetitive conduct for a while, Bidens team also pledged to hold tech companies to account for toxic speech they host and strengthen policing anti-competitive practices.

However, in 2021, we havent witnessed any significant policy steps in this direction. Neither of the two major legislative proposals Amy Klobuchars bill, which would bar big tech platforms from favoring their own products and services, and a bill by House Democrats that seeks to remove some protections afforded tech companies by Section 230 of the Communication Decency Act has become law.

The second reason behind the Democratic rush to put crypto within the regulatory perimeter is pragmatic: The Biden administration and its allies on Capitol Hill need money. Bidens first-term agenda relies heavily on ambitious Roosveltian infrastructure projects. While the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act managed to get bipartisan support and was signed into law on November 5, the Build Back Better Act, which now hangs by a thread after Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin had announced his opposition to the current draft, would cost nearly $2 trillion.

By some estimates, should it make it to the presidents desk, the spending program would increase the deficit by $360 billion over 10 years, making it urgent to raise more tax revenue. This is what makes a thriving crypto industry an important battlefield for Democrats, who see the possibility of harvesting some cash from it and an urgency to prevent tax evasion via digital tools.

Theres no doubt that the Biden administration will continue to pursue a strict regulatory agenda in 2022. We will see more Congressional hearings next year, but even more consequential negotiations will be taking place behind closed doors, where Democrats will have to finally decide whether the SEC, CFTC or any other body should dominate crypto oversight. Despite Sharrod Browns recent with or without Congress remarks, it is also hard to believe that Republicans will let their opponents single-handedly decide the fate of the industry.

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How the Democratic Party didnt stop worrying and fearing crypto in 2021 - Cointelegraph

No Social Worker Exception from the Fourth Amendment for Home Searches by Child Protection Officials – Reason

From Justice Christine Donohue's majority opinion (joined by Chief Justice Max Baer and Justices Thomas Saylor and David Wecht) in In the Interest of Y.W.-B., decided last week by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court:

A report from an unidentified source provided the sole basis for an allegation that Mother (J.B.) was homeless and had failed to feed one of her children during a single eight-hour period and led to the issuance of an order compelling her to allow the Philadelphia Department of Human Services ("DHS") to enter and inspect the family residence. [We conclude that DHS did not] establish[] sufficient probable cause for the trial court to issue the order permitting entry into the home without consent.

Mother, who is politically active, lives with her two young children ("Y.W.-B" and "N.W.-B") and the children's father ("Father") in Philadelphia. On May 22, 2019, DHS allegedly received a general protective services report ("GPS report") from an unidentified source alleging possible neglect by Mother.

[T]wo allegations were made in the report: first, around three weeks prior to May 21, 2019 (or on approximately May 1, 2019), the unidentified reporter claimed to have observed Mother's family sleeping outside of the Philadelphia Housing Authority. Project Home pursued this allegation with Mother, who denied the family was homeless. Second, on May 21, 2019, the unidentified source apparently indicated that he or she had also observed Mother, with one of her children, protesting outside of the office of the Philadelphia Housing Authority from noon until eight in the evening, and that it was "unknown" if Mother had fed the child during that eight-hour time period.

The same source provided DHS with the address of the family home. Project Home, a Philadelphia organization that attempts to alleviate homelessness, dispatched a worker on May 22, 2019 to approach Mother. In response to the Project Home worker's questions, Mother stated that she was at the Philadelphia Housing Authority to protest and that she was not homeless, although she indicated that a previous home had been involved in a fire.

Later that same day, Tamisha Richardson, a DHS caseworker, arrived at [the family home, where] she encountered Father, who denied Richardson entry into the residence and called Mother, who then spoke with her over the phone. Mother reiterated that she was protesting at the Philadelphia Housing Authority on May 21st and denied that she had either of the children with her on that date. Shortly thereafter, Mother arrived at the family home with the children and ushered them into the house. Mother informed Richardson that she would not allow her into the home absent a court order.

DHS then sought court orders authorizing an in-home visit; part of the basis was "the family's prior involvement with DHS, which consisted of a dependency matter that began in 2013 when DHS received a GPS report indicating that the family home 'was in deplorable condition; that there were holes in the walls; that the home was infested with fleas; that the home lacked numerous interior walls; that the interior structure of the home was exposed; that the home lacked hot water service and heat; and that the home appeared to be structurally unsound.'" That 2013 matter led the parent's older child to be "adjudicated dependent and committed to DHS" for nearly two years (the younger child hadn't been born at the time).

The majority held that an order permitting a home visit by social workers requires pretty much the same sort of showing of probable cause that's needed for searches of homes for evidence of crime.

DHS contends that social service agencies "should not be hampered from performing their duties because they have not satisfied search and seizure jurisprudence developed in the context of purely criminal law." Relying upon Wyman v. James, 400 U.S. 309 (1971) and Camara v. Municipal Court of the City and County of San Francisco, 387 U.S. 523 (1967), DHS contends that the protection of children is an essential societal value and thus the interests it serves through home visits are more worthy of the public's concern than are Mother's interests in the protection of the sanctity of her home. Finally, DHS further insists that unlike an entry into a home to search for evidence of a crime, a child protective home assessment is nothing more than a "minimally invasive spot-check" for evidence of neglect (e.g., like confirmation that the home had basic utilities, food and beds).

We disagree with DHS's position. The evidentiary principles used to guide an analysis of whether sufficient evidence exists to establish probable cause has developed over many years in a wide variety of contexts. "It evidences no lack of concern for the victims of child abuse or lack of respect for the problems associated with its prevention to observe that child abuse is not sui generis in this context. The Fourth Amendment caselaw has been developed in a myriad of situations involving very serious threats to individuals and society, and we find no suggestion there that the governing principles should vary depending on the court's assessment of the gravity of the societal risk involved. We find no indication that the principles developed in the emergency situation cases we have heretofore discussed will be ill suited for addressing cases like the one before us."

This basic principle, namely that the requirement of probable cause to permit entry into a private home is not excused based upon any relative perceived societal importance, was further articulated by the United States Supreme Court in Mincey v. Arizona, 437 U.S. 385 (1978). In Mincey, the police argued that the extreme importance of the immediate investigation of murders justified a warrantless search of a murder scene. The Supreme Court emphatically disagreed: "[T]he State points to the vital public interest in the prompt investigation of the extremely serious crime of murder. No one can doubt the importance of this goal. But the public interest in the investigation of other serious crimes is comparable. If the warrantless search of a homicide scene is reasonable, why not the warrantless search of the scene of a rape, a robbery, or a burglary? 'No consideration relevant to the Fourth Amendment suggests any point of rational limitation' of such a doctrine."

The Wyman and Camara cases relied on by DHS do not support its position. At issue in Wyman was a New York regulation that was part of a program to provide aid to dependent children (i.e., children in families who qualified for welfare). The regulation required social workers to make an initial home visit and subsequent periodic visits for public financial aid to begin and thereafter to continue. The Supreme Court concluded that the home visits in this circumstance did not violate the Fourth Amendment. In so ruling, the Court focused on the public interest in insuring that state tax monies are spent on their proper objects and encouraging welfare recipients to return to self-sufficiency; the limited scope of the entry and its consensual nature; the fact that the recipients were entitled to advance notice; and the fact that all welfare recipients were subjected to the entries, which thus were not based on individualized suspicion of wrongdoing.

The circumstances of the recipients of financial aid in Wyman differ significantly and substantially from those of Mother in this case. In Wyman, the persons at issue affirmatively sought financial benefits to which they were not automatically entitled to receive. The Court ruled that a state can lawfully condition the receipt of benefits on various conditions, including comprehensive disclosure of the applicant's financial status. In addition, the state can lawfully take steps, such as periodic inspections of recipients' homes, to ensure that fraud is not occurring and that the recipients remain entitled to continued benefits.

Under Wyman, the diminishment of privacy of the recipients of the benefits was a quid pro quo for receiving the welfare payments. The recipients consented to the inspections in exchange for the receipt of benefits. In the present case, by contrast, Mother sought nothing from DHS other than her basic right to be left alone. The government cannot condition a parent's right to raise her children on periodic home inspection unsupported by probable cause.

In Camara, the Supreme Court addressed a circumstance where a San Francisco tenant challenged a city code provision that allowed health and safety inspectors to conduct warrantless searches of apartments to check for possible code violations. The Court began by emphasizing that an administrative inspection for possible violations of a city's housing code was a "significant intrusion upon the interests protected by the Fourth Amendment[.]" The Court then rejected any contention that the Fourth Amendment only protects citizens from searches to obtain evidence of a crime, but does not apply to civil administrative searches.

The Court also recognized, however, that an administrative inspection for possible violations of a city's housing code posed a unique situation, since unlike searches of a specific residence for a particular purpose (i.e., to find evidence of a crime), the investigation programs at issue were "aimed at securing city-wide compliance with minimum physical standards for private property[,]" and that even a single unintentional violation could result in serious hazards to public health and safety, e.g., a fire or an epidemic that could ravage a large urban area. Accordingly, given this distinctive circumstance, the Court concluded that probable cause to issue a warrant to inspect exists "if reasonable legislative or administrative standards for conducting an area inspection are satisfied with respect to a particular dwelling."

Camara has no application with respect to home visits to investigate allegations of child neglect. Unlike in Camara, which involved an agency's decision to conduct an area inspection based upon its appraisal of the conditions in the area as a whole to protect the public, probable cause to conduct a home visit depends upon whether probable cause exists to justify the entry into a particular home based upon credible evidence that child neglect may be occurring in that particular home.

Moreover, and importantly, the scope of the search in the present case was in no respect limited to ensuring compliance with certain identified housing code violations. The search here allowed DHS investigators to search the home, including every room, closet and drawer in the home, based entirely upon their own discretion. In short, while the search here was not conducted by law enforcement, its scope bore little or no relation to a traditional administrative search. As such, the contention that Camara's holding that administrative searches on an area basis are permitted where "reasonable legislative and administrative standards are satisfied"16 is insufficient to allow the exhaustive search of the entirety of family's home without a clear showing, based upon competent and, as necessary, corroborated, evidence establishing individualized suspicion exists allowing entry into a private home.

The court likewise rejected analogies to other "dragnet search" cases that have been upheld under a "special needs" rationale:

Dragnet searches are not predicated on individualized showings of probable cause, nor indeed on any kind of individualized suspicion. On the contrary, the hallmark of a dragnet search is its generality, as it reaches everyone in a category rather than only a chosen few. In addition to the safety-related inspection of every home in a given area in Camara, other dragnets include checkpoints where government officials stop, for example, every car or every third car driving on a particular roadway, and drug testing programs that require every person involved in a given activity to submit to urinalysis.

Dragnet searches are justified if they satisfy a balance of interests and are necessary because a regime of individualized suspicion could not effectively serve the government's interest. In Camara, the Court suggested that if the legislative standards were reasonable, probable cause existed because "the only effective way to seek universal compliance with the minimum standards required by municipal codes is through routine periodic inspections of all structures." Based on this rationale, there could not reasonably be an individual suspicion because the inspections are routine and periodic. The Court has subsequently found that the traditional probable cause standard "may be unhelpful in analyzing the reasonableness of routine administrative functions." Nat'l Treasury Emps. Union v. Von Raab, 489 U.S. 656, 668 (1989). In Von Raab, a case involving a routine search that set out to prevent hazardous conditions from developing, the Court found that such searches can be conducted "without any measure of individualized suspicion."

And the court rejected analogies to "a separate category of administrative searches for groups of people shown to possess reduced expectations of privacy, including students, New Jersey v. T.L.O., 469 U.S. 325, 340 (1985), government employees, O'Connor v. Ortega, 480 U.S. 709, 725 (1987), probationers, Griffin v. Wisconsin, 483 U.S. 868, 879 (1987), and parolees, Samson v. California, 547 U.S. 843, 847 (2006)."

A child protection home inspection order like the one at issue here is neither a dragnet search nor a search of an individual with a reduced expectation of privacy. It is not a dragnet-type search because it does not involve home visits of all homes in an area for a limited purpose as in Camara to inspect wiring. Home visits by DHS are in no sense "routine and periodic," but rather must be based upon credible allegations of evidence of neglect occurring in the specified home. Mother likewise has no reduced expectation of privacy in the sanctity of her home based upon any suspicion of potential wrongdoing (like with, e.g., probationers and paroles), and DHS does not rely on the Griffin or Samson line of cases. As a result, while home visits in the child neglect context are conducted by civil government officials rather than members of law enforcement, they do not fit within the two categories of "administrative searches" entitled to reduced Fourth Amendment and Article 1, Section 8 protections.

We expressly hold that there is no "social worker exception" to compliance with constitutional limitations on an entry into a home without consent or exigent circumstances. While most often applied with respect to the police, the United States Supreme Court has ruled that "[t]he basic purpose of [the Fourth] Amendment is to safeguard the privacy and security of individuals against arbitrary invasions by governmental officials." As a result, the Fourth Amendment applies equally whether the government official is a police officer conducting a criminal investigation or a caseworker conducting a civil child welfare investigation.

We thus join the vast majority of other federal and state courts in explicitly recognizing that the Fourth Amendment (and our own Article I, Section 8) applies to searches conducted in civil child neglect proceedings, which have the same potential for unreasonable government intrusion into the sanctity of the home. See, e.g., Andrews v. Hickman Cty., Tenn., 700 F.3d 845, 863-64 (6th Cir. 2012) ("Fourth Amendment standards are the same, whether the state actor is a law enforcement officer or a social worker."); Roska ex rel. Roska v. Peterson, 328 F.3d 1230, 1250 n. 23 (10th Cir. 2003) ("[A]bsent probable cause and a warrant or exigent circumstances, social workers may not enter an individual's home for the purpose of taking a child into protective custody."); Walsh, 240 F. Supp. 2d at 746-47 ("[A]ssertions to the contrary notwithstanding, [there is] no social worker exception to the strictures of the Fourth Amendment."); People v. Dyer, 457 P.3d 783, 789 (Colo. App. 2019); State in Interests of A.R., 937 P.2d 1037, 1040 (Utah Ct. App. 1997), aff'd sub nom., State ex rel. A.R. v. C.R., 982 P.2d 73 (Utah 1999); In re Diane P., 494 N.Y.S.2d 881, 883-85 (1985); In re Robert P., 132 Cal. Rptr. 5, 11-12 (Cal. Dist. Ct. App. 1976) (stating that the Fourth Amendment applies in civil child protective proceeding).

The court also held that probable cause wasn't shown on these facts.

Justice Kevin Dougherty, joined by Justice Debra Todd, agreed with the majority that there wasn't sufficient basis for the intrusion into the home, but would have applied a lower standard for probable cause. Justice Sallie Mundy didn't opine in detail on what Fourth Amendment standards were called for here, but concluded that the probable cause requirement was satisfied. My apologies for the long excerpt, but the opinions, put together, are over 30,000 words long.

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No Social Worker Exception from the Fourth Amendment for Home Searches by Child Protection Officials - Reason

Staten Island man tells black parks officers its his ‘right to be racist’ – New York Post

An aspiring model from Staten Island went on an ugly racist rant this week, spitting and screaming the N-word at black city Parks peace officers all while preaching about his Constitutional right to be racist, authorities said.

Jake Grogan, 21, was zooming out of the Greenbelt Recreation Center around 4:10 pm Tuesday in a Toyota Camry so fast in a 5-mph zone that his hat blew off his head, according to a written complaint by Parks Enforcement Patrol officers shared with The Post.

The officers were assisting with traffic outside the center, which was serving as a COVID-19 vaccination site.

After getting out of the car to retrieve the cap, Grogan allegedly took exception when one officer, Nakua Rose, told him to slow down. He allegedly rolled up his sleeves and yelled, Ill fk you up!

When Roses superior, Sgt. Dornell T. Grant, asked Grogan for identification, the 21-year-old allegedly went berserk, spitting at Rose and then refusing to be subdued.

Grogan, who is white, then allegedly grabbed dirt and smeared it in Grants face while yelling Im gonna fuck you n-s up. Its my Fourth Amendment right to be racist, apparently confusing the law prohibiting unlawful searches with the First Amendment that allows for free speech.

Its not illegal to be racist, he added.

Besides Grant, the other half dozen PEP officers working were black or Hispanic.

Grogan was taken to the NYPDs 122nd Precinct and charged with aggravated harassment, obstructing government administration and reckless driving all misdemeanors, according to court filings. Authorities said he has a previous rap sheet that includes charges of criminal mischief and domestic violence.

Joe Puleo, president of Local 983 of District Council 37, which represents PEP officers, said the union will be asking prosecutors to slap Grogan with harsher criminal charges, including committing a hate crime.

Grogan could not immediately be reached for comment.

The blond-haired, blue-eyed Grogan lists himself as an aspiring model on ExploreTalent.com. His LinkedIn page doesnt cite any work experience only a photo of him flipping the bird while a girl behind him blows a kiss.

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Staten Island man tells black parks officers its his 'right to be racist' - New York Post