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Gap widens in Oklahoma between number of Republicans and Democrats – Oklahoman.com

Two high-profile defections from the Oklahoma Republican Party last year don't appear to have hurt GOP voter registration.

The number of registered Republicans in Oklahoma increased by 114,013 in the last two years, according to the State Election Board's annual voter registration report.

The number of registered Democrats decreased by 41,533duringthe same time period.

More: Oklahoma schools Superintendent Hofmeister to challenge Stitt for governor as a Democrat

The number of registeredindependents is up48,977 and the Libertarian Party gained nearly 7,000 new voters.

Of registered voters in Oklahoma, 50.6% are Republicans, 31.4% are Democrats, 17.2% are independents and less than 1% are Libertarians.

The latest voter registration numbers show the Republican Party, which became Oklahoma'smajority party in 2020, remains thedominant political force in the state.

Last year, state schools Superintendent Joy Hofmeister, a longtime Republican, renounced the party and registered as a Democrat to challenge Gov. Kevin Stitt in this year's gubernatorial election. Gubernatorial candidate and former state Sen. Ervin Yen, once a registered Democrat,left the Republican Party to become anindependent.

All told, Oklahoma has 128,267 more registered voters than it did two years ago for a total of 2,218,374 people registered to vote.

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Gap widens in Oklahoma between number of Republicans and Democrats - Oklahoman.com

Authoritarians Are Winning Their War On Western Democracy – Rantt Media

As long as America fails to safeguard democracy, authoritarians will continue to undermine western liberalism and grow their influence.

Dr. Chamila Liyanage is a Policy and Practitioner Fellow at the Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right (CARR) and a Researcher/Content Developer at Radical-R: Radicalisation Research, UK. She holds a Ph.D. in International Relations from the School of Advanced Study, University of London.

What makes Western liberal democracy weak? This question must have been considered by its geopolitical adversaries: the authoritarian regimes in their effort to unlock Pandoras box: the weapons that can play havoc on the national and global security preparations of the West. Both the strength and weakness of Western democracy lie in its core value: freedom. Threats against values are contested at socio-cultural and political levels, not on traditional battlefields. The metaphorical battlefields are all around us now, targeting socio-cultural and political awareness, and their weapons are highly unusual.

We get fixated on the radical right, not considering the bigger picture, interconnected phenomena, and the underlying dynamics, which work to raise the radical right. The rise of the radical right is inevitably a result of broader system-wide dynamics at national, regional, and global levels. Endurance of the radical right, its encroachment to the mainstream, and its ability to challenge democracy through considerable electoral marginsnone of these would have been possible without robust underlying dynamics, keeping the edge of the radical right.

Acknowledging the incendiary role of the radical right, this article analyzes the interconnected phenomena that enable the radical right to ascend in a context of rapid geopolitical changes. How are the Wests grassroots politics being manipulated to incubate radical right narratives, ensuring the edge of authoritarian ideals against the core values of Western liberal democracy?

Moments like these require unrelenting truthtelling. We take pride in being reader-funded. If you like our work, support our journalism.

A wider scholarly debate is currently taking place on the decline of democracy. The concept also points at an existential crisis in Western liberal democracy, beleaguered at home with the rise of populism, extreme right, and extreme left. However, can we consider the crisis of democracy devoid of contemporary geopolitics?

History teaches us that geopolitical rivalries tend to keep a firm hold on conflicts to maintain their global influence. For example, the Cold War created conflicts worldwide from the Malayan emergency (1948) to Indo-China War (1946). The uprising in East Germany (1953), the Cuban revolution (1953), and the Afghan war (1978) were shaped by the proxy wars of the Cold War. At the end of the Cold War, these conflicts lost their magnetic north, giving way to archaic ethnic and religious rivalries.

While the liberal world was battling religious fanatics in the post-9/11 world, another geopolitical rivalry was brewing as rising China and resurgent Russia advanced their authoritarian partnerships worldwide. The battle lines are drawn already between authoritarianism and the Western liberal democracy. The West received a rude awakening when Russia invaded Crimea, was militarily involved in Syria, and deployed a fully-fledged hybrid war against the West. Examples are the Russian disinformation operations during the 2019 European elections, Russias attempts to forge ties with the European radical right, and the interference in the 2016 US election.

The populist wave in the West, anti-establishment sentiments, weaponized conspiracy theories, the barrage of fake news and disinformationnone of these could have been possible without a geopolitical rivalry between authoritarianism and Western liberal democracy. Like it or not, the crisis in the West and the world is now under a tight gridlock of geopolitical rivalry. The autocratic regimes so far have the upper hand in their onslaught against Western liberal democracy. How does authoritarianism create conditions for the rise of illiberalism in the West? The next section examines evidence on how Western democracies are being beleaguered within.

When hybrid warfare targets the core values of liberal democracy, the indicators can be misguiding; they may not indicate any war in the literal sense. Three key factors shape the authoritarian onslaught. First, it is an ideological battle aimed at overthrowing the pre-eminence of liberal democracy. Second, it exclusively targets the core values of Western liberal democracy. Third, it takes place at socio-cultural and political levels of society, creating conditions detrimental to Western liberal democracy. Authoritarian hybrid warfare and its culture wars create socio-political tension in Western societies. How exactly does this happen, and what is the evidence for such phenomena at work?

It is essential to understand the real-world authoritarianism rising as a geopolitical adversary to answer this question. Russia, China, and their allies vie for geopolitical influence rooted in authoritarian values. Categorized as a Consolidated Authoritarian Regime, Russia receives a Democracy percentage of 7 out of 100 in the Nations in Transit 2021 report. In 2021, Freedom House ranked China among the worst countries in terms of political rights and civil liberties. China and Russia forge partnerships, connecting with similar authoritarian instincts of the countries around the world. However, freedom and democracy indicators alone do not show the threat of authoritarianism since it is impossible to measure something which is not democratic by using the democracy indicators. This is where many aspects of the current authoritarian challenge slip out of the radar.

Authoritarianism exclusively targets freedom in a cultural battle, aiming to turn Western freedom in its head. The value of freedom erodes with racial tension and fear of the other, induced into social consciousness. This creates the high wind that glides the radical right and other violent illiberal movements. How do they do it? As the Mueller Investigation and the US Senate Intelligence Select Committee September 2019 report already revealed, authoritarian regimes such as Russia target equality, stirring up racial tension and dividing Western societies. Then it is the most crucial aspect of criminality. Authoritarianism weaponizes organized crime and lawlessness against the rule of law to unsettle democracies. Criminality underneath authoritarianism is a maze, which makes any researcher feel lost in its sheer magnitude.

Why organized crime has anything to do with the rise of authoritarianism? Authoritarianism is criminal, shaping the parameters of its battles. A decade ago, researchers found evidence to synthesize the crime-terror nexus, which explains a critical aspect of modern conflicts. Crime-Terror nexus is being transformed in the context of current geopolitical rivalry. It is not possible to analyze the crime-terror nexus now without phenomena such as authoritarianism, Mafia State, transnational organized crime, and illicit global economy.

The state backers of these phenomena naturally select organized crime such as human smuggling as a weapon against the West. Freedom and democracy indicators alone do not show how the world is plunging into authoritarianism. The Global Crime Index is also necessary to understand the bigger picture of the authoritarian onslaught.

With her remarkable contribution to understanding transnational organized crime (TOC) as a form of new authoritarianism, Louise Shelley concluded in 1999: transnational organized crime is not currently as dangerous as that of traditional authoritarian states. What is happening now? As per the evidence, transnational organized crime is being weaponized against the West. In this context, Turkeys strongman leader threatened to flood Europe with migrants, creating a migrant crisis in the frontiers of Greece in March 2020. Things became much clearer when the strongman leader of Belarus aided human smugglers, organizing arduous journeys of human misery, which boiled over in the frontiers of Poland in July 2021.

As BBC revealed in November 2021, the Taliban regime already works with human smugglers, organizing illegal human cargo out of Afghanistan. In her acclaimed study, Greenhill analyzed how unusual weapons work. Evidence shows that autocrats have no remorse for resorting to organized crime such as human smuggling, endangering peoples lives for their advantage.

Global Crime Index takes the lid off organized criminality, rapidly becoming a weapon against the post-World War II rules-based world order and the rule of law in the West. Alarmingly, Global Crime Index 2021 highlights the state involvement in criminality, insisting that state officials and clientelist networks [] are now the most dominant brokers of organised crime. In 2021 Index, 57 countries are identified with high criminality. The rising global organized crime shows the dysfunction of law and order, thriving criminal markets, and criminal networks across the world.

Both Authoritarianism and crime drive people away. Together, these two can trigger mass human displacement across borders: the best example is Afghanistan under the Taliban. This happens in a context where not only authoritarianism and crime but many factors of global instability come to converge, creating mass population displacements. Evidence points to the fact that a moment will arise with the pandemic, hyperinflation, energy crisis, and climate change, more countries will plunge into instability, creating a human surge at the borders of the developed nations. This will happen irrespective of the deteriorating situation in the West as it faces the same set of global insecurities. However, the case elsewhere can always be direr.

In a time of global instability, authoritarianism finds it in the right place at the right time. It only has to organize movements to stir racial tension and aid organized criminality to unsettle the West. Who will benefit from this? The illiberal elements in the West. This choice of weapon seems to work well. It destabilizes the West. At the same time, it creates the conditions for the radical right and other illiberal elements to rise. As authoritarianism is settling into the beleaguered hinterlands of Western liberal democracy, do we have any hope?

Authoritarianism backs lawlessness against the rule of law, fear against freedom, racial tension against equality, and criminality against justice. Western liberal democracy and the post-World War II rules-based world order only have two options, which indicate how critical this existential challenge they just started to comprehend. First, the West must understand the mechanisms of the authoritarian onslaught coming from its geopolitical adversaries: it is not war as we know it. Second, they must fight against authoritarian contagion, which rapidly infects the core values of Western liberal democracy. When the values of freedom, equality, and justice are undermined, authoritarianism wins naturally, creating an existential crisis in Western liberal democracy.

This article is brought to you by the Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right (CARR). Through their research, CARR intends to lead discussions on the development of radical right extremism around the world. Rantt has been partnered with CARR for 3 years. Weve published over 150 articles from CARRs network of PhDs, historians, professors, and experts analyzing extremism and combating disinformation.

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Authoritarians Are Winning Their War On Western Democracy - Rantt Media

Whats really behind Rand Paul attacks on Dr. Fauci? | PennLive letters – pennlive.com

Rand Paul has become one of the loudest voices attacking Dr. Anthony Fauci along with other Republicans, who want Fauci removed. He accuses Dr. Fauci of having dictatorial powers that he never used and does not have.

He misrepresents data on the COVID pandemic, and is against not only any vaccine mandates, but criticizes the use of masks as ineffective. He has pushed the use of discredited medications like Ivermectin and told Americans to ignore CDC guidelines. He also claimed that Democrats were placing migrant children from the southern border all over the US in order to spread a new COVID variant. His attacks on Fauci have contributed to death threats against him and his family. He has as Fauci put it, kindled the crazies.

Rand Pauls thinking in these matters is obviously faulty at best and possibly deranged. But such thinking appears to be the new normal for Republicans with other voices like Marjorie Taylor Greene chiming in. But Rand Paul could be crazy like a fox in that he is pursuing a libertarian agenda, because he is against needed public health measures or government involvement in dealing with the crisis. Such actions have the potential to raise taxes and his major donors and fellow ideologues do not want that. He has no solutions to offer other than keeping the economy and schools open and learning to live with the virus.

While he decries the number of deaths under President Joe Biden, his non-solution would cause more deaths. He is oblivious to the numerous canceled flights due to sick staff. The threatened food supply chain. The hospitals that are operating at full capacity and in some cases even closing their ERs. He is oblivious to the number of burned out and sick health care workers. As well as the record number of infections as the Omicron variant spreads

In a callous way, he and many other Republicans want to keep the economy and schools open (no matter how nicely they say it as Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson recently did), ignoring the costs in human lives. Last year, he erroneously cited Sweden as an example where no restrictions are working. Sweden has a death toll from the virus 10 times that of its neighbors like Norway, which has imposed restrictions. And its economy has not done well.

Rep. Trey Hollingsworth (R-IN) really summed up Rand Pauls position in 2020 when he said that the pandemic presents a choice between losing jobs or losing lives, and losing lives is the lesser of two evils. But it sounds more and more like the reverse is true.

George Magakis, Jr., Norristown, Pa.

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Whats really behind Rand Paul attacks on Dr. Fauci? | PennLive letters - pennlive.com

Port: Nobody wants to be the king of the clowns – INFORUM

MINOT, N.D. Wednesday evening I got word from my sources in legislative District 7 that state Rep. Rick Becker, the founder of the Bastiat Caucus wing of the North Dakota Republican Party, wouldn't be seeking re-election to his seat this cycle.

I was told he wouldn't be on the ballot at all for any race.

Later in the evening, Becker made that news official with an announcement to the dozens tuning into his local television show.

The activists in the Bastiat wing of the NDGOP, who have been fanning the flames of division in North Dakota's dominant political party for some time, will insist that they have the momentum. That they represent true Republicanism, as opposed to all those Republicans In Name Only, and are poised to take over.

Becker's decision to retire from elected office tells us a different story.

I can't say I'm surprised at the development.

I argued that the writing was on the wall for Becker's political career two weeks ago.

Let's consider the situation he finds himself in.

This spring the Bastiats attempted to organize a takeover of the NDGOP's district-level leadership. They threw everything they had at the effort, and got almost nothing for it .

Redistricting wasn't kind to Bastiat lawmakers. People such as Sen. Jason Heitkamp, Rep. Mike Schatz, Rep. Terry Jones, Rep, Gary Paur, Rep. Kathy Skroch, Rep. Sebastian Ertelt and Rep. Jeff Magrum saw their district lines redrawn in ways that diminish their chances of re-election.

The Bastiat ranks will almost certainly be diminished when the Legislature's 2023 session convenes.

A publicity stunt at a recent meeting of the NDGOP's state leadership fizzled when some Bastiat-aligned district chairs marched out of the room in protest of proposed rule changes to the party's endorsement process. Few joined them , and the Bastiats ended up standing outside the meeting in the cold while the rest of the party went about its business inside.

When the NDGOP picked a new chair last year, they didn't choose Bob Wheeler , an outspoken anti-vaxxer and Facebook keyboard warrior who had the backing of the Bastiat wing.

Meanwhile, Becker was facing a challenge to his endorsement for re-election on the NDGOP ticket by a leader of his own district party. Retha Mattern, the vice-chair of the District 7 Republican Party, announced a campaign for the House before Becker , the incumbent.

I don't have to tell you, dear readers, that a party leader challenging their own incumbent is not something that happens very often.

On a professional level Becker, a plastic surgeon by trade, is now facing calls for action against his medical license because of his pandering to anti-vaxxers and COVID-19 conspiracy theorists. While I think such an action would be a mistake , there's little doubt in my mind that the criticism factored into Becker's decision to give up his political career.

Photo by Will Kincaid / Bismarck Tribune

Becker was left with few good options. The ranks of his allies have been thinned, he's alienated vast swaths of his own political party, he's earned the enmity of leaders in the state's medical community, and the Trump-driven political shift that fueled his metamorphosis from thoughtful libertarian into a populist culture warrior isn't aging well .

Who can blame him for opting out?

As for what's next, I've had many speculate that Becker will attempt to lead his movement as a political pundit.

Color me dubious.

The ratings for his television show are so low they're difficult to measure through the traditional surveys, and his digital audience doesn't seem much larger. On Facebook, his videos garner maybe a few hundred views per episode . The last episode he put on the show's YouTube channel garnered seven views after more than a week online.

You read that right.

Seven.

There's a video of a guy farting on a snare drum that has almost 9,000 views.

I'd be surprised if Becker was still doing his television show a year from now.

It would shock me if he were a relevant figure in North Dakota politics at all.

We have a long way to go yet, but I suspect his decision not to run for the Legislature is the first sign that the Trump-era of politics in North Dakota, for all its sound and fury, is coming to an end.

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Port: Nobody wants to be the king of the clowns - INFORUM

Neighbors in the Town of Cicero petitioning to allow sales and consumption of marijuana – WSYR

CICERO, N.Y. (WSYR-TV) More than 400 towns and villages across New York have opted out of allowing marijuana dispensaries and consumption sites within their jurisdiction.

One of those towns in Onondaga County is Cicero, and some neighbors feel like their town is missing out on the benefits of being able to sell and consume marijuana.

After a heated board meeting on December 8, the Cicero Town Board decided against allowing marijuana sales and consumption.

Before the vote, neighbors were given the opportunity to weigh in. Town councilors, except for one, voted to opt-out.

We absolutely think Cicero is missing out here, both from a revenue perspective and making things more difficult for seniors and those that need to get this as a form of medicine, pain relief, to treat their anxietyWe are absolutely missing out.

Nate Riley is an attorney by trade, and Joyce Villnave is a community activist. Both knew not everyone in Cicero wanted the town to opt-out.

With the help of volunteers, Riley and Villnave created a petition requiring at least 1,500 signatures that call for a special election. The goal is to have the people decide the towns future of marijuana sales and consumption.

OPT IN CICERO: More than 400 NY towns & villages have opted out of allowing marijuana dispensaries and lounges within their jurisdiction.

Neighbors in Cicero strongly believe their town is missing out.

More on the push to opt *in* tonight on @NewsChannel9 at 6:00 #LocalSYR pic.twitter.com/MUY4Bkb2ij

The signatures have been collected in person at public libraries, at the Town of Ciceros COVID-19 test kit and KN95 mask distribution, and by word of mouth.

The group, Opt-in Cicero, didnt reach the goal of 1,500 signatures, but Riley says the organizers learned something.

We view this as a success in that we raised the awareness about it and now were going to have the ability to hold our public officials accountable, to hold their feet to the fire when it comes to opting back in, as they have promised they want to do.

According to Opt-in Cicero, of those who signed, approximately 40% were registered Republicans, 50% were Democrats, and the remainder were Unaffiliated, Independent, or Libertarian.

About 80% were over the age of 40. Most signed for one of two reasons: tax revenue and to shorten the trip to obtain legal medication.

According to the New York Association of Towns, seven other towns and villages in Onondaga County have chosen to opt-out of marijuana sales and/or consumption.

Those towns and villages are Fabius, Lafayette, Liverpool, Manlius, Otisco, Pompey, and Tully.

To learn more about Opt-in Cicero or get in touch with an organizer, visit the groups Facebook page here.

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Neighbors in the Town of Cicero petitioning to allow sales and consumption of marijuana - WSYR