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As Chinas military and economic power has grown, so has its ambition to shape global norms to suit its priorities. China believes that the UnitedStates currently dominates the international system, and sees growing Western opposition to China as evidence that the current order is now a threat to the continued security of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). As such, Chinas leadership has come to see its ability to reshape the international orderor, at least, to decenter US power within itas essential to the partys future.

Chinas leaders have clearly articulated that they believe that Western countries, and especially the United States, have been able to exert global dominance because they possess what China terms discourse power (): a type of narrative agenda-setting ability focused on reshaping global governance, values, and norms to legitimize and facilitate the expression of state power.

For the CCP, gaining discourse power translates into an ability to increase Chinas geopolitical power by creating consensus around an alternative, China-led international orderone that privileges state sovereignty over civil liberties, and that subordinates human rights to state security. China has identified both the digital realm and the geographic regions of the Global South as arenas of opportunity in advancing its goals and gaining a discourse-power advantage over the United States.

Chinas leadership has been transparent in outlining its goals for both gaining discourse power and implementing a strategy for doing so. Chinese government scholars believe that discourse power comprises two, mutually reinforcing components: the power to speak, or to articulate a coherent vision for the world order, and the power to be heard, or to have audiences have exposure to, and then to buy into, this message. This involves embedding cultural values within a system so that it comes to structure the relations between statesin both subjective terms (such as norms) and objective terms (such as rules and standards). To operationalize its strategies for gaining discourse power, China has embarked on a major restructuring of the party-state to ensure that the CCP Central Committeethe seat of CCP leadership, of which Xi Jinping is the headretains direct oversight over the bodies responsible for carrying out Chinas discourse-power goals.

Chinese official and academic writings also show that the CCP has come to see the digital arena as crucial in its discourse-power strategy, seeing the opportunities brought about by the Fourth Industrial Revolution as offering a chance to disrupt the hegemony of the West. As one Chinese government official wrote in July 2020, technological changes in different periods throughout history not only bring about economic changes, but also affect changes in the global power structure [] The digital economy is prompting a reshuffle, and China has the opportunity to gain a first-mover advantage. Beijing has made clear its intentions to command the digital world, announcing its aims to dominate advanced-technology manufacturing by 2025, to lead in international standards setting by 2035, and to become a cyber superpower by 2050.

As such, China has embarked on a concerted strategy to gain discourse power via the digital domain. It has done so through several mechanisms: by shaping local information ecosystems via social and digital media platforms, by promoting CCP-approved norms for digital governance and Chinese-developed international technical standards, and by offering the physical digital and Internet infrastructure on which these information ecosystems rely at an affordable cost, and with no conditions for how it is used.

China also sees the Global South as potentially more receptive to its norms and governance principles, and as an attractive market for Chinese digital-infrastructure offerings. Chinas external propaganda narratives couch Beijings activities in the digital sphere as ultimately aimed at granting countries more power over the development and direction of their digital economies.

China has promoted the norm of cyber sovereignty ()in Chinas definition, the right of each country to exert total control over the Internet within its bordersin various international organizations, technical standards-setting bodies, and its commercial relations with countries interested in Chinese products and services. In its external propaganda messaging, China often targets audiences with narratives that erode the legitimacy of the liberal democratic framework and that resonate with local experience; for example, in the Global South, Chinese messaging on digital cooperation emphasizes a shared distrust of Western governments or a shared experience as developing (to use Chinas term) countries.

In actuality, however, Chinas strategy is less about a true attempt to make the digital world more inclusive, and more about supporting the Chinese governments leadership goals. While boosting its economic growth and protecting its ability to exert political control domestically are two major goals of Chinas promotion of cyber sovereignty, Beijing sees laying the necessary groundwork for gaining a discourse-power advantage over the West as another key objective. As Adam Segal puts it, cyber sovereignty represents a pushback against the attempted universalization of [Western] norms [regarding privacy, free speech, access to information, and the role of regulation] that has become the default of the current operating system, as well as a reassertion of the priority of governments over non-state actors.

China sees engaging in targeted messaging, and gaining support for its normative framework across various audiences, as better positioning it to gain the discourse power it sees as essential for reshaping the international environment in a way that better facilitates the expression of Chinese power. Additionally, Chinas leaders fundamentally do not believe that the Chinese perspective can be heard unless they can make the soil fertile globally for their message to seed.

As such, Chinas strategy around discourse power should not be understood as an attempt to turn the world into an authoritarian stage. China is clear in emphasizing its agnosticism with regard to the domestic political characteristics of the governments with which it engages. To this end, it is less important to China whether countries support cyber sovereignty because it offers them more freedom in determining their digital futures, or whether governments see support for this approach as an opportunity to clamp down on Internet freedoms. In either case, China gains discourse power by increasing buy-in for its vision of the global digital order, bringing it closer to achieving its aims of gaining a comparative advantage over the West.

Lastly, while China has advanced presence and strategy in standard-setting bodies, normative spaces, the digital information ecosystem, and the provision of physical infrastructure, the Western worlds approach has been more piecemeal and reactive. Notably, China is advancing much of this strategy through the very mechanisms the UnitedStates and its allies created to govern and shape a free, open, secure, and interoperable digital world. Chinese leaders have taken a bet on the Wests overconfidence in its systems and have built a relatively successful strategy of quietly shaping, repurposing, and encircling them to advance Chinas discourse power. Any effort to counter this reshaping, therefore, relies on the democratic world reinvigorating its engagement in these spaces, more clearly defining mutually reinforcing industrial, commercial, and geopolitical strategies, and doubling down on creating a more geographically inclusive, multistakeholder, collaborative system.

Related Experts: Kenton Thibaut, Iain Robertson, Graham Brookie, Emerson T. Brooking, Andy Carvin, Kat Duffy, Rose Jackson, Naima Green-Riley, Tuvia Gering, and Jessica Batke

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Chinese discourse power: Ambitions and reality in the digital domain - Atlantic Council

Size, morphology and replicative capacity differ between organoids derived from small intestine and colon

Intestinal organoids were established from isolated crypts obtained from the small and large intestine regions of male and female NF-B-RE-luc transgenic mice. The same procedure and the biopsy size (3cm pieces of tissue) were used for obtaining duodenum, jejunum, ileum, and colon-derived crypts. Nevertheless, the efficiency of the isolating procedure varied between the intestinal regions, being the ileum the segment with the lowest number of crypts recovered (data not shown).

After 24h of culture, crypts closed themselves, leading to a cyst or a spherical cellular structure (spheroid) (Fig.1a, Day 1). By day 4 of culture, spheroids grew in size and complexity, leading to the characteristic 3D architecture of cyst with a central lumen flanked by a simple polarized epithelium and the basal side of the cells oriented toward the outside. Organoids derived from the small intestine showed multiple new crypt-like structures or buds emerging from the center to the surrounding matrix, whereas organoids derived from the colon showed a symmetric spherical shape (Fig.1a, Day 4).

Culture of intestinal reporter organoids for NF-B activity. Intestinal organoids were obtained from crypts isolated from duodenum, jejunum, ileum and colon of the NF-B reporter mice as described in Methods section. (a) Representative bright-field images of organoids at day 1 and day 4 of culture. (b) Replicative capacity of organoids expressed as spheroids generated from 1000 seeded single epithelial cells was quantified on day 4. (c) Growth was evaluated by measuring the area of the organoids at days 4 and 8 of culture; *P<0.05, significant differences between the same intestinal region-derived organoids at day 4 and 8 of culture. (d) The number of buds per organoid was manually estimated at day 8 of culture and the percentage of organoids without buds, with 13 buds or with more than 4 buds was compared between each type of organoid; *P<0.05, significant differences in the percentage of organoids with more than 4 buds; #P<0.05, significant differences in the percentage of orgnaoids without buds. (e) Circularity factor was measured in organoids at days 4 and 8 of culture. A value of 1.0 indicates a perfect circle. *P<0.05, significant differences with respect to the same intestinal region-derived organoids at day 4. Two biological replicates (organoids from two different animals) for each intestinal region were analysed. Each biological replicate was done in triplicate.

To better characterize the different types of organoids, morphological and growth parameters were analyzed from single-cell dissociated organoid cultures (Fig.1be). The number of organoids generated from 1000 single epithelial cells seeded, was evaluated after 4days in culture. This parameter ranged between 11.339.15 to 7.354.20 organoids, with no statistically differences among the different intestinal organoids (P=NS) (Fig.1b). Regarding growth parameters, organoids developed from single cells took more days to grow in size, compared with the culture isolated from crypts. By day 8, all organoids had increased their area several times compared with day 4 (Fig.1c) and their aspect resembled those of organoids derived from intestinal crypts at day 4 of culture (data not shown). There was a significant difference between jejunum and colon-derived organoids with respect to the numbers of buds developed in each organoid. Jejunum-derived cultures presented a higher percentage of organoids with more than four buds (55.025.76%, for jejunum; 26.257.86% for colon, *P<0.05), whereas colon-derived organoids showed a higher percentage of structures without buds (29.123.82% for jejunum; 49.732.82% for colon, #P<0.05) (Fig.1d). Circularity was in accordance with these results; small intestinal derived-organoids significantly decreased their circularity at day 8 of culture compared with day 4 (P<0.05), whereas colon-derived organoids maintained the highest value for this parameter (day 8, 0.720.19 circularity factor) throughout the evaluated period (Fig.1e).

Histological analysis of organoids derived from jejunum and colon revealed multiple well-differentiated and preserved ductal structures, organized from the outside by a delicate basement membrane (Fig.2). In colonoids a remnants of a strongly eosinophilic, amorphous matrix with a diffusely vacuolated appearance is observed. In both organoids the epithelial ducts have at least one-cell continuous layer of columnar-type epithelial cells, supported at their basal pole by a subtle eosinophilic extracellular matrix, with round to ovoid strongly basophilic nuclei. In those cases where clusters of ductal structures were observed, the epithelium were constituted by a epithelial cell multilayer (from 2 to 5 cells thickness), with similar histologic appearance to the previous description, always maintaining the ductal organization. Frequently, on the luminal border of these ducts, other less abundant rounded cells were observed, interspersed among the epithelial cell layers. These cells were identified by their clear eosinophilic foamy cytoplasm, with the presence of larger vacuoles, reminiscent of goblet cells. In the lumen of the ducts, it was also frequent to observe detachments of necro-apoptotic cellular masses, being rounded in appearance, with cariolisis, and with abundant and foamy cytoplasm (ghost cells).

Histological analysis of NF-B reporter intestinal organoids. Colon-derived (ac) and jejunum-derived (df) organoids. (a) Cluster of colonoids of several sizes. Multiple epithelial ductal structures (columnar epithelium), associated by amorphous eosinophilic matrix (arrowhead). Hematoxylineosin staining (HE), 10. Bar=200m. (b) Colonoid epithelial duct showing different cell types described. Columnar epithelium organized from the subtle eosinophilic extracellular matrix (arrow), with amorphous and diffusely vacuolated eosinophilic material (asterisk), presence of some goblet-like cells in the luminal ductal surface were typical (arrowhead). HE, 40. Bar=50m. (c) High magnification of (b), showing epithelial cells (typical rounded and intense basophilic nuclei), interspersed with goblet-like cells with vacuoles in the luminal ductal surface (arrowhead). HE, 100. Bar=20m. (d) Cluster of jejunum-derived organoids of several sizes. Multiple epithelial ductal structures (columnar epithelium).HE, 10. Bar=200m. (e) Epithelial ducts showing similar cell types described in (b), with detachment of necroapoptotic cells in the ductal lumen. HE, 40. Bar=50m. (f) High magnification of (b), showing epithelial cells organized from the basal extracellular matrix (arrow), with less abundant goblet-like cells (arrowhead). HE, 100. Bar=20m.

Characterization of the epithelial cell population was performed by quantitative analysis of mRNA expression from organoids and intestinal tissue samples. Five specific genes, representative for the main intestinal epithelial cell types were evaluated, Lgr5 (intestinal stem cell), Lysozyme (Paneth cell), Villin (enterocytes), Chromogranin A (enteroendocrine cells), and Mucin 2 (Goblet cells). As shown in Fig.3a, the expression pattern of Villin, Chromogranin A and Lysozyme were similar between tissue and organoids from the same intestinal region. Lysozyme could not be detected in samples from tissues and organoids derived from the colon, since Paneth cells do not populate this intestinal region. Mucin 2 expression was reduced in colon-derived organoids, compared with the same tissue (P<0.05). Of note, except for ileum, Lgr5 levels were higher in organoids compared with the corresponding tissue (P<0.05). The presence of Paneth cells in small intestine-derived organoids were corroborated at the protein level by immunodetection of Lysozyme, whereas actively proliferating cells were found in both organoids, as indicated by the presence of Ki67 positive cells (Fig.3b).

Specific intestinal markers for cell populations in organoid cultures. (a) The presence of the major intestinal cell types where analyzed by qPCR for specific intestinal markers: intestinal stem cells (Lgr5), enterocytes (Villin); Paneth cells (Lysozyme), Goblet cells (Mucin 2) and enteroendocrine cells (Chromogranin A). The mRNA levels of each marker were normalized by actin expression. Data was expressed as meanSD of two (tissue) or at least three (organoids) different animals. *P<0.05, significant differences between the intestine tissue and the corresponding derived-organoid. (b) Detection of Paneth cells (Lysozyme positive cells in magenta) and proliferating cells (Ki67 positive cells in green) in organoids derived from small intestine and colon by immunofluorescence. Nuclei in blue; actin in gray. Scale bar=20m.

The activation of the NF-B transcription factor was evaluated by stimulating transgenic and wild-type organoids derived from the small intestine with different concentrations of Tumor Necrosis Factor-alpha (TNF-) as the pro-inflammatory stimulus. After 24h of incubation, luciferase activity was measured. As shown in Fig.4a, luciferase activity was only detected in NF-B-RE-Luc organoids, which showed a concentration-dependent response to the inflammatory stimulus. The maximum NF-B activation levels were attained at 100ng/mL TNF-, with more than 20 fold change increase compared with the control value (un-stimulated organoids) (P<0.05), confirming the ability of the organoids to report the activation of NF-B signaling pathway.

Response of NF-B reporter intestinal organoids to TNF-. Organoids were stimulated with different concentrations of TNF-. Luciferase activity was evaluated after 24h of incubation, and NF-B activation was expressed as fold change with respect to the unstimulated control. (a) Reporter activity from small intestine-derived organoids was specific for organoids obtained from NF-B reporter mice (white), as wild type organoids (gray) did not show luciferase activity; (b) NF-B reporter responsiveness varied among the different intestine region-derived organoids. The jejunum-derived organoids showed the higher response, whereas colon organoids were unresponsive. Results from one representative experiment are shown in a and b, and data was expressed as meanSD of triplicates; (c) both colon- and jejunum-derived organoids expressed mRNA for TNF receptors. The mRNA expression levels of each receptor subtype were normalized by actin expression and data was expressed as meanSD of at least three organoids obtained from different animals. *P<0.05, significant differences with respect to the unstimulated control.

To better characterize the model, the responsiveness of organoids derived from duodenum, jejunum, ileum and colon were also evaluated with TNF-. The sensitivity of the reporter response varied between the intestinal regions and within the same region, among different cultures (see supplementary material, Table S1 and Figs. S1 and S2). Ileum- and jejunum-derived organoids were the most sensitive to the stimulus, showing a significant increase in the reporter signal with concentrations equal or higher than 1 and 2.5ng/mL of TNF-, respectively. On the opposite side, it was not possible to detect any reporter signal from colonic organoids. Organoids obtained from duodenum produced a detectable luciferase reporter response only at higher concentrations of TNF- (at 10 and 100ng/mL) (Fig.4b).

Organoids obtained from a responsive (jejunum) and unresponsive (colon) intestinal region were further studied for the presence of TNF- Receptor 1 and TNF- Receptor 2 (TNF-R1 and TNF-R2). Both intestinal organoids were able to express mRNA from TNF-R1 and TNF-R2 (Fig.4c), which suggests that they could bind the TNF- and respond to this stimulus.

Regarding the stability of the reporter system over time, the NF-B reporter activity of jejunum-derived organoids was evaluated with different concentrations of TNF- at different passages. As indicated in Table 1, the concentration of TNF- that gives half-maximal response (EC50 values) were similar among all the passages, indicating a stable reporter activity at least during 16 passages. Beyond this fact, we defined passage 12 as the maximum passage number for other assays.

Direct measurement of NF-B pathway functionality was evaluated by comparing TNF--induced translocation of NF-B in jejunum- and colon-derived organoids. Organoids were stimulated with 50ng/mL of TNF- for 3h and the nuclear translocation of NF-B p65 subunit was analyzed by confocal microscopy (Fig.5). Images show that in TNF--stimulated organoids, NF-B p65 signal is more homogeneously distributed between the nucleus and the cytoplasm, while in unstimulated controls, p65 signal predominate in the cytoplasm, being more evident the presence of non labeled-nuclei (Fig.5a, jejunum and colon). These findings suggest that TNF- induced the translocation of the p65 subunit to the nucleus, while in non-stimulated cells, NF-B was mainly detected in the cytoplasm. Nuclear translocation was quantified by calculating the ratio between the signal intensity of the nucleus and the cytoplasm (N/C ratio). In both jejunum and colon-derived organoids, the N/C ratio was increased (P<0.05) in the TNF--stimulated organoids compared to non-stimulated conditions, indicating nuclear translocation of NF-B transcription factor, a key step in the performance of the reporter assay (Fig.5b,c).

TNF- induces NF-B translocation into the nucleus of intestinal organoids. Organoids derived from jejunum and colon were stimulated with TNF- (50ng/mL) during 3h. Unstimulated organoids were used as control. NF-B was detected by using an anti-p65 antibody (green). Nuclei were stained with methyl green (blue). In both stimulated organoids, the NF-B signal was more homogeneously distributed between nucleus and cytoplasm compared to the controls, where non-labeled nuclei predominate (a). Nuclear translocation of NF-B was quantified using the green signal intensity ratio between the nuclei and the cytoplasm (N/C ratio) (b, c). Individual values in the graph represent one organoid measurement. Scale bar=20m. Data was expressed as meanSD. *P<0.05, significant differences with respect to the unstimulated control.

These results confirmed the presence of a functional NF-B signaling pathway in both jejunum- and colon-derived organoids. Thus the lack of reporter activity in colon-derived organoids would not be associated with an alteration of this signaling pathway.

In addition to TNF-, the intestinal epithelium is frequently exposed to other inflammatory stimuli. We next evaluated the ability of organoids to respond to three well known intestinal inflammatory compounds: Lipopolysaccharide (LPS), a heat-inactivated Salmonella enterica extract22 and interleukin 1 beta (IL-1). Neither of them induced a detectable reporter response in the NF-B-RE-Luc organoids, regardless of the intestinal region analyzed (Fig.6).

Activation of NF-B with different proinflammatory stimuli. NF-B reporter organoids derived from jejunum (a) and colon (b) were stimulated during 24h with LPS, IL-1 and heat-inactivated Salmonella enterica. NF-B activation was determined as previously described. There were no significant differences between the stimulated conditions and the unstimulated group. Data was expressed as meanSD of triplicates from one representative experiment.

Based on our results, TNF- induced a potent luciferase response at 10ng/mL in reporter organoids derived from jejunum. Therefore to validate the model, we selected this system and tested synthetic and natural compounds known to interfere with the NF-B signaling pathway.

Dexamethasone (Dex) and Bay11-7082 (Bay) significantly reduced TNF--induced NF-B activation, as indicated by the decrease in the luciferase activity (NF-B activation as fold change with respect to the unstimulated control: TNF-=5.921.12; Dex=3.110.89; Bay=4.050.27) (Fig.7a). The natural peptide Vioprolide A (VioA) as well as Lactobacillus plantarum and L. reuteri conditioned media (CM), all were able to significantly reduce the TNF--induced NF-B activation as indicated by the reduction in the reporter response, without altering the basal value, when compared with the unstimulated control (NF-B activation in fold change respect to the unstimulated control: L. reuteri CM=2.570.71; L. plantarum CM=2.070.27; VioA=3.450.36) (Fig.7b).

Validation of the NF-B-RE-Luc organoids with anti-inflammatory compounds. NF-B reporter organoids were stimulated with TNF- 10ng/mL and incubated with synthetic and natural antiinflammatory compounds for 24h. NF-B activation was determined as previously described. Cells without treatment and cells treated only with TNF- or the different compounds were included as controls. (a) Known synthetic inhibitors of NF-B pathway Dexamethasone and Bay 11-0782; (b) conditioned medium from probiotic L. plantarum and L. reuteri and the compound Vioprolide A were used as natural anti-inflammatory compounds. Data was expressed as meanSD of triplicates from one representative experiment *P<0.05, significant differences with respect to unstimulatedorganoids for compounds alone, or to TNF- 10ng/mL for compounds co-incubated with proinflammatory stimuli.

Read more here:
Jejunum-derived NF-B reporter organoids as 3D models for the study of TNF-alpha-induced inflammation | Scientific Reports - Nature.com

Editors Note: Click the link below for results from the Aug. 23 primary runoff election.

The runoff election on Tuesday, Aug. 23 will narrow the candidate pool for several federal and state offices such as, superintendent, treasurer, U.S. Senate and U.S. House races.

The latest data from the Oklahoma State Election Board shows that as of the end of July, there was a gain of nearly 30,000 registered voters since the end of April, for a total of 2,267,047. Of that total, Republicans accounted for nearly 51% of voters registered, while Democrats made up nearly 31%, Independents made up 17% and Libertarians made up nearly 1%.

Below, we highlight some of the races.

The Race to Replace Inhofe

Congressman Markwayne Mullin racked up a large portion of the early and absentee vote in the Republican primary in June, but did not clear the 50-percent mark. He is facing former state House speaker T.W. Shannon in this runoff.

The two candidates outlasted a field of 13 in the primary, as they hope to fill the remainder of longtime Senator Jim Inhofe's term. Inhofe, who has been in office since 1994, announced in February he was retiring from Congress.

Both candidates are enrolled citizens of tribal nations Mullin is Cherokee and Shannon is Chickasaw. If either is elected in November, they will become the only current Indigenous U.S. Senator, and just the fifth in the history of the Senate.

The eventual Republican nominee will face former Democratic Congresswoman Kendra Horn, Libertarian candidate Robert Murphy and Independent candidate Ray Woods in the November general election.

The Other Senate Race

In Oklahomas other Senate race, incumbent Senator James Lankford won his primary race in June.

Still needing to be decided is the Democratic challenger between Stilwell-native cybersecurity professional Madison Horn and Oklahoma City lawyer Jason Bollinger. The winner of that runoff will appear on the ballot against Lankford, Libertarian Kenneth Blevins and Independent Michael Delaney in the November general election.

Congressional District 2

State representative Avery Frix and former state senator Josh Brecheen are facing each other in the Republican runoff race for Congressional District 2.

The seat, which is currently held by Senate candidate Markwayne Mullin, represents much of the eastern part of Oklahoma, with more than 791,000 residents according to the U.S. Census. The congressional district also covers a good portion of Native land.

Frix and Brecheen were the top two vote getters out of a field of 14 Republican candidates in the primary, which included the former chairman of the Oklahoma GOP, law enforcement officers and other current and former state lawmakers.

A News On 6 / News 9 poll shows a tight race between the two, with Frix holding a six-point lead and a large portion of Republicans polled still self-identifying as undecided.

The winner advances to the November general election to face Democrat Naomi Andrews and Independent Ben Robinson.

Superintendent of Public Instruction

State Secretary of Education Ryan Walters will face Shawnee Public Schools Superintendent April Grace in the Republican runoff for State Superintendent of Public Instruction. The winner squares off against Democrat Jena Nelson in November.

In the June primary, Walters won among four GOP candidates with 41 percent of the vote to second place finisher Graces 30 percent.

Walters is a Stitt cabinet appointee, but hes also the executive director of Every Kid Counts Oklahoma, a nonprofit that pays him at least $120,000 a year, according to a recent investigation from The Frontier and Oklahoma Watch. Much of the nonprofits funds come from school privatization efforts.

The Frontier also found Walters failed to report campaign expenditures in his bid for State Superintendent a violation of state ethics laws.

Grace is a longtime Oklahoma educator. According to her campaign website, her vision for education opposes the teaching of what she calls critical race theory. She also wants less regulation on federal education dollars coming to Oklahoma and touts how many in-person days Shawnee Public Schools had during the height of the pandemic.

An Amber Integrated poll released earlier this month shows Walters holds a 14-point lead among likely Republican voters.

State Treasurer

Term-limited state representative Todd Russ will face former State Tax Commission Chairman Clark Jolley in the Republican runoff.

Russ is currently serving his sixth term in the state House, representing Cordell in southwest Oklahoma. He said his 35 years of banking experience have prepared him to take on the position. If elected, he said he plans to look into the states Unclaimed Property Program, according to NonDoc.

Jolley served 12 years as a state senator and as the States Secretary of Finance. If elected, he plans to advance the Treasurer offices use of technology.

In recent news, Russ has been defending his banking record when he managed a small bank in western Oklahoma. Russ told The Oklahoman he wasnt responsible for what was called unsafe and unsound banking practices by the Federal Deposit Insurance corporation in 2009.

At a debate between the candidates hosted by News 9 and NonDoc, the candidates took digs at one another Russ accused Jolley of raising taxes on fossil fuels, and with prompt from moderators, they talked about remarks made by Russ in 2016 where he said Native Americans are predisposed to alcoholism. Russ apologized for the comment soon after.

The winning candidate will face Democrat Charles De Coune and Libertarian Gregory Sadler in November.

Current State Treasurer Randy McDaniel announced in 2021 that he would not be seeking reelection in order to prioritize his family. The candidate who takes over his seat will oversee about $22 billion of state money each year.

Labor Commissioner

During primary elections in June, Republicans narrowed their candidate field for a new Labor Commissioner, a position that oversees workplace rights and safety issues within Oklahoma.

Incumbent Leslie Osborn will try to defend her seat in the runoff against term-limited representative Sean Roberts. In the June primary, Osborn secured a vote of 48% to Roberts 38%.

Osborn is wrapping up her first term as labor commissioner and previously served a decade in the state legislature as a representative. In an interview with NonDoc, Osborn said she was proud to have helped develop the Occupational Safety and Health Administration Consultation Service Program.

Roberts is currently serving his sixth term in the state House. He sponsored a bill this legislative session that would have required Oklahoma voters to re-register to vote.

Earlier this month, five Republican lawmakers also cited decades-old court documents that detail alleged domestic abuse in Roberts previous marriage and called for him to drop out of the race. Roberts called the abuse allegations a political hit job by Osborn. A press release from Roberts campaign managers says his ex-wife has nothing bad to say about him.

The winner will face Democrat Jack Henderson and Libertarian Will Daugherty in November.

Oklahoma County District Attorney

Oklahoma County voters selected Vicki Behenna as the Democratic candidate for District Attorney in June. On the Republican side, Oklahoma County Commissioner and former state lawmaker Kevin Calvey fell just barely short of the 50 percent, and is headed to a runoff against Assistant District Attorney Gayland Gieger.

In recent news, the Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation is looking into Calveys campaign related to investigate campaign-related expenditures from his campaign.

Calvey accused Oklahoma County District Attorney David Prater of having him investigated as part of a political agenda, according to The Oklahoman. Prater said the information referred to other agencies and entities is being looked at in an independent manner.

Oklahoma Corporation Commission

Senator Kim David and former Rep. Todd Thomsen face off in the runoff to fill a seat on the Oklahoma Corporation Commission. The seat is currently held by Dana Murphy, who is term-limited and cannot run for a third six-year term.

The OCC is the regulatory agency for the state, particularly for oil and gas, public utilities and transportation.

David, who received 45 percent of the vote in June, is at the end of a 12-year run as a state Senator out of Porter in eastern Oklahoma. Thomsen served in the state House from 2006 to 2018, including a stint as the chair of the Utilities Committee and on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee. He received nearly 27 percent of the vote in June.

Oklahoma County Commissioner

Oklahoma County Commissioner of District 1 incumbent Carrie Blumert faces a runoff election against former state lawmaker Anastasia Pittman in the Democratic race. Pittman received nearly 600 votes more than Blumert in the June election, but did not secure 50 percent of the vote required to win. The winner will face Republican Willard Linzy in November.

Myles Davidson and Amy Alexander will face off in the Republican race for Oklahoma County Commissioner of District 3. The winner will face Democrat Cathy Cummings, a former city council member of The Village, in November.

Tulsa City Council

All nine seats on the Tulsa City Council are up for a vote on Tuesday. The Tulsa World recently asked the same set of questions of all candidates. You can find their answers, broken down by each race, here.

Propositions

Newcastle Public Schools - Voters in Newcastle will decide on two propositions, totaling $79.7 million. The school bonds would fund updated school security, new storm shelters and additional classrooms to alleviate overcrowding and prepare for future growth. New school buses, textbooks and playground equipment are also included in the bonds. This bond would replace an expiring bond, so there is no projected tax increase for residents.

Bridge Creek Public Schools - Voters in Bridge Creek will cast ballots on a school bond proposition to the tune of $10.8 million. The bond will fund new classrooms at each school site and a science lab at the high school. There is no proposed tax increase for residents.

The City of Bethany - Voters in Bethany will decide on four bond propositions, totaling $15 million. The GO Bond would fund improvements to roadways, five city parks and stormwater drainage. There would also be maintenance and upgrades done at the citys police station, fire station and animal welfare facility. Passage of all four bonds would increase property taxes by $3.83 per month for homes valued at $100,000.

Garfield County - Garfield County residents will vote on a sales tax increase to expand and renovate the countys jail. The nearly $8.5 million bond would help with overcrowding by adding 82 beds and 16,000 square feet, in addition to renovations to the current building. The county sales tax would increase by 0.3 percent to 9.65 percent, which would still keep it in the lower third of county sales taxes in the state.

City Charter amendments for Tulsa and Norman - Tulsa voters will see three propositions on their ballot and Norman voters will see nine propositions. These are amendments to their city charters, regarding powers, functions and procedures of its government. More information can be found here: Tulsa | Norman.

There are many more races and issues being decided by voters on Tuesday. You can view a full list here.

Here is the original post:
Who and what's on the ballot for the August 23rd runoff election in Oklahoma - KOSU

By Kayla Ross, Back Page Editor

The two-party system is a fact of life in America; politicians are Democrats or Republicans. Or at least, to have any success, a politician must first choose if they are a Democrat or Republican.

Sure, other political parties exist and are recognizable by name: the Green party, the Libertarian party or the Socialist party. But, no politician identified as a member of any party other than the Democrat party or Republican party will ever be elected in our current voting system. As someone who identifies more heavily with the left, I currently see the two American political parties as two choices that truly do not differ greatly from each other. The current options are a conservative party and an extremist conservative party.

George Washington always warned against political parties, or factions. Other founding fathers, such as Thomas Jefferson, found it important to provide citizens with an outline of issues they may or may not agree with. Yes, political parties give Americans an idea of what they may want to vote for. However, from my perspective, political parties are no longer just a factoid about someone. They are categories that now seem to blindly guide voters into what they think they support.

For example, many Republicans would not appreciate the 14 Republican representatives who voted against healthcare protections for veterans. On the flipside, many Democrats would likely prefer to see more action from our current president on issues such as the climate crisis, the status of womens reproductive rights and the state of our Supreme Court. Right now, it often feels that Biden is making statements about such issues as if he does not have the power to change them. He sends his thoughts and prayers, like to the rest of us, as if he does not have the executive capabilities.

Gen Z loves politicians like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Its not a coincidence. This woman was voted into office because she is one of us. She doesnt come from money. She has student debt. She has been sexually assaulted on the streets of New York City. Oh, and she is only 32 years old. But beyond all that, she is willing to admit how flawed the Democratic party is, as well as the two-party system entirely. To outwardly admit this as a politician is very unique. Young voters want honesty. We have seen the gilded lies of trickle-down economics, and we have watched and listened helplessly in the past two presidential elections as the oldest possible politicians debated over fundamental human necessities. We want honesty, and we want it from people who have not made politics their only career and livelihood.

Generally, the expectation is for surgeons to retire before the age of 70. The people we trust to shape our physical health are given a limit. Perhaps its time to put a limit on the people we trust to shape the health of this nation as well. Old politicians have made their money from picking their political party and sticking to it whether the politics have aged or not. As these old politicians die, Gen Z will not vote in similar replacements. Gen Z will move to vote in representatives who speak with priority of honesty, in place of priority of money and staying power. No matter where the younger voters identify politically, most can agree the two party system leads to hatred and keeps the same politicians in power.

As older politicians die, the hard and fast two-party system will die with them. Young voters first priority is not aligning with a party; young voters are ready to align with the promise of change.

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Aging out of the two-party system - Xavier Newswire

Boston voters ballots will have an array of choices, thanks to a state election year with contested races for governor, lieutenant governor, secretary of state, attorney general and auditor.

Because Massachusetts is a predominantly Democratic state, most competitive races will be settled in the Sept. 6 primary. Yet primaries in Massachusetts tend to draw out fewer voters than the final elections.

State Sen. Sonia Chang-Diaz pulled the plug on her gubernatorial campaign in June, telling reporters she does not see a path to victory, leaving Attorney General Maura Healey the sole Democrat in the race for governor. Polling has placed Healey comfortably ahead of the Republicans in the race former 7th Plymouth District state Rep. Geoff Diehl and Wrentham businessman Chris Doughty. Unenrolled candidates who will appear in the Nov. 8 general election are right-wing firebrand Diana Ploss, an Independent, and Libertarian Kevin Reed.

Running for lieutenant governor on the Democratic ballot are Salem Mayor Kim Driscoll, state Rep. Tami Gouveia and state Sen. Eric Lesser. Republican candidates for that office are former state representatives Kate Campanale and Leah Cole Allen.

In the race for secretary of state, corporate attorney and Boston Branch NAACP President Tanisha Sullivan is taking on 28-year-incumbent William Galvin. Sullivan is running on a platform of expanding voting rights and making government more transparent and accessible.

Former Boston City Council President Andrea Campbell has consistently polled ahead of the competition in the race for the attorney general seat soon to be vacated by Healey. Campbell is running against labor attorney Shannon Liss-Riordan and former U.S. Department of Commerce General Counsel Quentin Palfrey. The winner in the Democratic primary will face off against Rayla Campbell, a Trump supporter.

Running for state auditor are Democrats Chris Dempsey, former executive director of the Transportation for Massachusetts coalition and a former Mass Department of Transportation official under the Deval Patrick administration, and state Sen. Diana DiZoglio. The winner of the Sept. 6 primary will face off against Republican Anthony Amore, an author and security expert.

In Boston, the chain reaction set by a race for an open governors seat has produced several hotly contested races. The bid last year by 2nd Suffolk District incumbent Sen. Sonia Chang-Diaz for the governors seat set off a chain reaction of down-ballot vacancies.

2nd Suffolk District

Running for Chang-Diaz 2nd Suffolk District seat are state Reps. Nika Elugardo and Liz Miranda; former HUD regional counsel Miniard Culpepper; former 2nd Suffolk Sen. Dianne Wilkerson; and James Grant, a church deacon making his first run for office. The four-way race has claimed much of the campaign oxygen, with staff, volunteers and consultants working on behalf of the candidates. Culpepper, Elugardo and Miranda have each raised more than $120,000, claiming the lions share of campaign cash in the city. No other non-incumbent candidates in Boston have raised more than $35,000.

15th Suffolk

After Elugardo announced her candidacy for the 2nd Suffolk Senate seat last December, four candidates emerged in the race for her House district, which includes most of Jamaica Plain and Mission Hill. Former Jamaica Plain Neighborhood Development Corporation organizer Samantha Montano, former director of Youth Homelessness Initiatives for the City of Boston Roxanne Longoria, Northeastern University grad student Richard Fierro and environmental attorney MaryAnn Nelson are all knocking doors in the district.

5th Suffolk

Liz Miranda was the first to announce for the 2nd Suffolk District race in November, leaving vacant her Dorchester-based House seat (which now includes precincts in Roxbury). Vying for that 5th Suffolk seat are Christopher Worrell, director of diversity, equity and inclusion at the Boston Planning and Development Agency; Danielson Tavares, chief diversity officer for the city of Boston; and former one-term state Rep. Althea Garrison, who also completed the last year of at-large City Councilor Ayanna Pressleys seat after Pressley was elected to Congress. The Rev. Roy Owens is running a long-shot write-in campaign for the seat as well.

6th Suffolk

Five-term incumbent Russell Holmes is facing clothier Haris Hardaway, who is making his first run for elected office. Hardaway reported $2,085 raised as of the June 30 reporting date for campaign contributions. Holmes reported $53,655 in his campaign account at the July 31 reporting date.

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Election guide: Whos on the ballot? - BayStateBanner