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America is made up of two chief political parties, the Republicans and the Democrats. Of course, there are other political parties, such as Libertarians and Independents. Since the time of FDR, however, there has been a discussion of progressive policies. Yes, these policies are chiefly associated with the Democratic Party, but, the average person typically may not be able to decipher the differences in a a progressive or liberal. Mistakenly, there are those who believe that progressives and liberals are one and the same.

The polarization of America is thought to be split between two factions: the Conservative right (thought to be Republican) and the Progressive left (thought to be Democrat). However, the Democratic party of today is really becoming more split as Progressive Democrats and Liberal Democrats no longer share the same views on typical Democratic policies.

In short, the answer is both yes and no.

First, the Democratic Party is associated with both liberals and progressives. There is some debate as to why more individuals are beginning to gravitate more towards the term progressive rather than being called a liberal. A Georgetown University study found that many individuals believed the liberal term carried a negative connotation, therefore, it became more acceptable to be called a progressive.

However, this is not accurate. While some traditional Democrats carry the label of liberal with pride (think renowned attorney Alan Dershowitz), others prefer to be labeled a progressive, and it has nothing to do with a negative connotation.

Progressives have distinct policy ideas when it comes to economics.

A liberal may believe in the concept of using taxpayer money to assist those in need or to overall better society. They may not believe in a large government; in fact, many of them favor a smaller government, particularly where the everyday life of individuals is concerned.

Progressives want the government to not only utilize taxpayer money to correct an issue, but they want government regulation to correct the problem as well.

When asked, a progressive will likely agree with this distinction; most progressives are said to favor individuals over corporate interests. The liberal is more likely to embrace free speech and equality for all.

Classic liberals are influenced by the writings of those such as John Locke, and they are more supportive of individual freedoms and chief supporters of the Constitution and the rights given to Americans via the Bill of Rights.

Progressives are beginning to be aligned with Collectivism. Ironically, liberals of just a decade ago were beginning to acquire such a label, and this is likely why the group began using the term progressive to describe their policies.

In answer to the original question, a registered Democrat may be more moderate, given to individual freedom but fiscal responsibility (Senator Joe Manchin is a good example). This Democrat may identify as a liberal. However, there are registered Democratic voters who identify as progressives (Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez proudly identifies as a progressive Democrat). These individuals favor not only social spending initiatives, such as free daycare for families making less than a certain amount, but they also believe the government should have an active hand in regulating certain industries.

There are multiple factors in this split in the Democratic Party. When Bernie Sanders ran for president in 2016, his successes (albeit small ones) told the nation that more and more voters particularly younger voters firmly believed in the more progressive policies embraced by the Vermont Senator, who has often referred to himself as a Democratic Socialist.

However, the Democratic Party nominee, Hillary Clinton, used many more liberal-sounding phrases in her campaign speeches. A reference to cooperative solutions to societal problems such as Together We Can or Build Back Better focus on the more liberal ideas that individuals working together can improve the country.

Progressives believe that certain institutions (the banking industry, for example) are holding those who are marginalized back. The only way to prevent this is to set up government regulations that monitor the activities of said institutions.

As of late, more establishment Democrats tend to support increasingly progressive policies. However, in the case of the Build Back Better legislation, some more moderate Democrats have deemed the bill fiscally irresponsible. President Joe Biden who used to be consider more of a moderate liberal Democrat, has been pulled more towards the progressive left as he has sought support for his agenda.

Progressivism is a political philosophy that supports social reform. Ironically, it is not a new term in politics. It can be traced back to the Age of Enlightenment, when proponents of the idea believed that an individuals life could be improved based on the advancement of technology, social organization, and economic development.

In the twentieth century, progressivism morphed once more as industrialism brought about social change in both America and in Europe. In America, President Franklin Roosevelt offered progressive policies such as the social programs he promoted in the New Deal (the Works Progress Administration, for instance).

It was during the twentieth century that progressivism began to take the form it holds today. Economic inequality was a huge focus of progressivism; they cited monopolistic corporations as a part of the problem and sought to increase regulation that would give the government more control over how these businesses operated.

One must note that some factions of progressive supporters also supported certain controversial tenets such as eugenics, which proponents believed would benefit overall public health.

The most modern version of progressivism is one in which supporters aim to represent the interests of ordinary people through political change and the support of government actions.

Some believe that the term liberal garnered a negative connotation when Newt Gingrich used it repeatedly to describe his Democratic opponents. They also infer that the term progressive has been adopted as a more acceptable label.

However, while Gingrich might have made the term liberal a bad word in politics, a progressive and a liberal are truly different in their philosophies.

Liberalism came into favor during the Age of Enlightenment as well. Philosophers such as John Locke wrote about the ills of a monarchy as well as a state religion, among other topics.

Liberals are like progressives in that they favor ending monopolies in businesses, but they believe in free trade as well as a market economy.

Traditional liberals believe in individual rights. They support a democratic government that allows for freedom of speech and freedom of the press as well as promotes civil rights of every person.

Before 1920, the main opponents of liberalism were communism and socialism; however, after WWII and the Great Depression, liberalism was more associated with the expansion of the welfare state.

Liberals of the twentieth century can be credited with many improvements to the American way of life, such as the promotion of civil rights for all (regardless of race or gender) and universal access to education.

Liberals today still believe in the civil rights of all individuals regardless of race, socioeconomic status, ethnicity or gender. Liberals also fight for some government regulation of corporations and government entities as they initially did.

Progressives may hold the same idea regarding equal rights for all, but, when progressives today speak, they tend to speak of the marginalized individual.

The problem often lies in the approach that liberals and progressives take when tackling a problem.

Most liberals are not comfortable taking progressive stances against large corporations. Some say this is because the big corporations fund the liberal Democratic candidates campaign, and this may be somewhat true. However, most liberals understand how a free market society works. They also understand that numerous regulations cost businesses large and small a great deal of money money that will be recouped somehow, usually in the price of goods. This hurts consumers, and liberals understand that this will not improve anyones economic status.

However, progressives believe that, overall, they are standing up for the little guy, even if that means taking on large corporations or other establishment entities. Some progressives are left-leaning, and want to distinguish themselves from other Democrats. At the same time, there are others who support legislation that is meant to both progress society as well as provide economic progress.

Even Bernie Sanders has lamented that a person cant be both a moderate (liberal) or a progressive.

Progressives in Congress have worked further to separate themselves from the moderates and Classical liberals of the Democratic Party. The Progressive Caucus has been a part of Congress since 1991; there are about 100 members, mostly from the House of Representatives. One Senator serves on the committee. The current caucus is chaired by outspoken Representative Pramila Jayapal and includes individuals such as Ilhan Omar and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

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The biography for President Trump and past presidents is courtesy of the White House Historical Association.

Donald John Trump was born in Queens, New York, on June 14, 1946. His father, Fred Trump was a successful real estate developer. Trump was educated at the New York Military Academy and the Wharton School of Finance and Commerce at the University of Pennsylvania.

In 1971, he took over his fathers real estate company, renaming it the Trump Organization. The business soon became involved in variety of projects, including hotels, resorts, residential and commercial building, casinos, and golf courses. His first of many books wasThe Art of the Deal, published in 1987. In 2004, he launched the reality television showThe Apprentice.

In 2005, Donald Trump married Melania Knauss. They have one son, Barron. Trump also has four adult children from previous marriages: Donald Jr., Ivanka, Eric, and Tiffany.

During the 2016 primary, Trump defeated more than a dozen rivals to win the Republican nomination. While he lost the popular vote, Trump defeated former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in the general election by winning a majority of Electoral College votes. His campaign slogan was Make America Great Again.

Without previous elected political experience, President Trump used unconventional methods to communicate his priorities. Most notably, he used the social media platform Twitter as a primary mechanism for direct communication with the American public, other politicians, and the press corps.

As president, he signed a major tax reform bill into law and oversaw a reduction of federal regulations. His protectionist trade policies included tariffs in foreign aluminum, steel, and other products. The Trump administration also renegotiated trade agreements with Mexico, Canada, China, Japan, and South Korea. Other domestic priorities included Supreme Court and federal judiciary appointments, increased military budgets, aggressive border and immigration control, criminal justice reform, and the reduction of prescription drug prices.

In foreign policy, the Trump administration moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and brokered normalization agreements between Israel and a number of countries. In 2018, President Trump attended a summit with Kim Jong Un, marking the first time a sitting president met with a North Korean leader.

In 2018, there was a partial government shutdown as Trump disagreed with Congress over funding for a border wall between the United States and Mexico. The funding lapse lasted thirty-five days before it was resolved.

In 2019, a federal whistleblower filed a complaint that Trump had pressured Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate former Vice President Joe Bidens son Hunter, who had served on the board of Bursima Holdings, a natural gas company in Ukraine. Later that year, the House of Representatives impeached President Trump based upon allegations of obstruction of Congress and abuse of power. In 2020, the Senate acquitted Trump on both articles of impeachment.

The first confirmed case of COVID-19 was reported in the United States on January 20, 2020. The remainder of Trumps presidency was consumed with the coronavirus pandemic. Critics argued that Trumps response to the pandemic was delayed and did not sufficiently encourage public health practices to reduce the spread of the virus. However, the Trump administrations program Operation Warp Speed assisted in the private sector development of two approved vaccines. Nonetheless, by the time Trump left office, more than 400,000 Americans had died of COVID-19.

Trump lost reelection to Democratic candidate Joe Biden, but publicly claimed widespread voter fraud had affected the outcome. Supporters of President Trump traveled to Washington, D.C. for a Save America rally on January 6, 2021. Trump spoke to the large crowd on the Ellipse near the White House and encouraged attendees to protest the counting of the Electoral College votes in Congress. The rally turned violent when the presidents supporters overwhelmed law enforcement, breaching the United States Capitol and disrupting the vote count. Five people died as a result of the violence, and the Capitol complex suffered millions of dollars in damage.

On January 13, 2021, Trumps actions resulted in the House of Representatives approving another article of impeachment: the incitement of insurrection. He is the only president in American history to be impeached twice by Congress.

Learn more about Donald Trumps spouse, Melania Trump.

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Former President Donald Trump wanted reporters to cover a private event he was hosting.

Advisers then had to explain why he could no longer call on a press pool for his events.

Advisers found reporters who happened to be working near the area for his event, the Washington Post reported.

Aides and advisers to former President Donald Trump said he had a difficult time transitioning from the White House to life as a private citizen, according to a new report from the Washington Post.

According to the Post, one example of this was when Trump wanted his team to call on a press pool reporters who travel with presidents for an event at Mar-a-Lago. Advisers had to break the news to Trump that this was no longer a possibility.

"We had to explain to him that he didn't have a group standing around waiting for him anymore," an unnamed former aide told the Washington Post.

The advisers ended up pulling reporters who were near Mar-a-Lago for other reasons, two sources told the Post.

Once Trump left office, he was frustrated at his downsized life, which included a smaller number of Secret Service, no access to Air Force One, and little press coverage compared to when he was president, four unnamed advisers to Trump told the Post.

Trump has spent most of his post-presidency in isolation at Mar-a-Lago, playing golf six days a week and using dinner at the club as an opportunity to revel in the attention of admiring fans who applaud his entrances and exits from the dining room.

The praise he receives from guests at his Palm Beach, Florida, and Bedminster, New Jersey, clubs is how he gets the attention he became used to as president, an aide told the Post.

"The appetite for attention hasn't waned, but that's where he gets it now," an unnamed Trump confidant told the Washington Post."The networks don't carry his rallies. He doesn't get interviews anymore. He can't stand under the wing of Air Force One and gaggle [with reporters] for an hour."

He has also spent less time being challenged by aides and listening to opposition from political opponents, colleagues, and independent journalists, the Post reported.

Story continues

Trump is now seeking a second term in theWhite House. On November 24, he announced his bid for president in 2024. Meanwhile, he continues to face mounting legal and political challenges.

The January 6 committee investigating Trump's role during the 2021 insurrection at the US Capitol is expected to recommend at least three criminal charges insurrection, obstruction of an official proceeding, and conspiracy to defraud the US government against the former president to the Department of Justice.

Although the recommendations hold nolegal weight, the committee hopes the action will influence Attorney General Merrick Garland to take action against the former president, Politico reported.

Trump is also still facing an investigation from the Department of Justice after the FBI, executing a search warrant, found classified documents that the former president took with him from the White House to his Mar-a-Lago home.

A representative for Trump did not immediately respond to Insider's request for comment.

Read the original article on Business Insider

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Donald Trump had to be told a pool of reporters would no longer follow ...

1. Donald Trump: Pence is 'innocent' after classified records discovery  Business Insider
2. How Pence's classified documents storm could be good news for Biden and Trump  CNN
3. Bidens Handling of Secret Documents Complicates the Case Against Trump  The New York Times

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Donald Trump: Pence is 'innocent' after classified records discovery - Business Insider

It should be instructive to consider how the problem of censorship has been dealt with in the ancient world, in premodern times, and in the modern world. Care must be taken here not to assume that the modern democratic regime, of a self-governing people, is the only legitimate regime. Rather, it is prudent to assume that most of those who have, in other times and places, thought about and acted upon such matters have been at least as humane and as sensible in their circumstances as modern democrats are apt to be in theirs.

It was taken for granted in the Greek communities of antiquity, as well as in Rome, that citizens would be formed in accordance with the character and needs of the regime. This did not preclude the emergence of strong-minded men and women, as may be seen in the stories of Homer, of Plutarch, of Tacitus, and of the Greek playwrights. But it was evident, for example, that a citizen of Sparta was much more apt to be tough and unreflective (and certainly uncommunicative) than a citizen of Corinth (with its notorious openness to pleasure and luxury).

The scope of a city-states concern was exhibited in the provisions it made for the establishment and promotion of religious worship. That the gods of the city were to be respected by every citizen was usually taken for granted. Presiding over religious observances was generally regarded as a privilege of citizenship: thus, in some cities it was an office in which the elderly in good standing could be expected to serve. A refusal to conform, at least outwardly, to the recognized worship of the community subjected one to hardships. And there could be difficulties, backed up by legal sanctions, for those who spoke improperly about such matters. The force of religious opinions could be seen not only in prosecutions for refusals to acknowledge the gods of the city but perhaps even more in the frequent unwillingness of a city (no matter what its obvious political or military interests) to conduct public business at a time when the religious calendar, auspices, or other such signs forbade civic activities. Indicative of respect for the proprieties was the secrecy with which the religious mysteries, such as those into which many Greek and Roman men were initiated, were evidently practicedso much so that there does not seem to be any record from antiquity of precisely what constituted the various mysteries. Respect for the proprieties may be seen as well in the outrage provoked in Sparta by a poem by Archilochus (7th century bce) in which he celebrated his lifesaving cowardice.

Athens, it can be said, was much more liberal than the typical Greek city. This is not to suggest that the rulers of the other cities did not, among themselves, freely discuss the public business. But in Athens the rulers included much more of the population than in most cities of antiquityand freedom of speech (for political purposes) spilled over there into the private lives of citizens. This may be seen, perhaps best of all, in the famous funeral address given by Pericles in 431 bce. Athenians, he pointed out, did not consider public discussion merely something to be put up with; rather, they believed that the best interests of the city could not be served without a full discussion of the issues before the assembly. There may be seen in the plays of an Aristophanes the kind of uninhibited discussions of politics that the Athenians were evidently accustomed to, discussions that could (in the license accorded to comedy) be couched in licentious terms not permitted in everyday discourse.

The limits of Athenian openness may be seen, of course, in the trial, conviction, and execution of Socrates in 399 bce on charges that he corrupted the youth and that he did not acknowledge the gods that the city did but acknowledged other new divinities of his own. One may see as well, in the Republic of Plato, an account of a system of censorship, particularly of the arts, that is comprehensive. Not only are various opinions (particularly misconceptions about the gods and about the supposed terrors of death) to be discouraged, but various salutary opinions are to be encouraged and protected without having to be demonstrated to be true. Much of what is said in the Republic and elsewhere reflects the belief that the vital opinions of the community could be shaped by law and that men could be penalized for saying things that offended public sensibilities, undermined common morality, or subverted the institutions of the community.

The circumstances justifying the system of comprehensive thought control described in Platos Republic are obviously rarely to be found. Thus, Socrates himself is recorded in the same dialogue (and in Platos Apology) as recognizing that cities with bad regimes do not permit their misconduct to be questioned and corrected. Such regimes should be compared with those in the age of the good Roman emperors, the period from Nerva (c. 3098 ce) to Marcus Aurelius (121180)the golden times, said Tacitus, when everyone could hold and defend whatever opinions he wished.

Much of what can be said about ancient Greece and Rome could be applied, with appropriate adaptations, to ancient Israel. The stories of the difficulties encountered by Jesus, and the offenses he came to be accused of, indicate the kinds of restrictions to which the Jews were subjected with respect to religious observances and with respect to what could and could not be said about divine matters. (The inhibitions so established were later reflected in the manner in which Moses Maimonides [11351204] proceeded in his publications, often relying upon hints rather than upon explicit discussion of sensitive topics.) The prevailing watchfulness, lest someone say or do what he should not, can be said to be anticipated by the commandment You shall not take the name of the Lord your God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless who takes his name in vain (Exodus 20:7). It may be seen as well in the ancient opinion that there is a name for God that must not be uttered.

It should be evident that this way of lifedirecting both opinions and actions and extending down to minute daily routinescould not help but shape a people for centuries, if not for millennia, to come. But it should also be evident that those in the position to know, and with a duty to act, were expected to speak out and were, in effect, licensed to do so, however cautiously they were obliged to proceed on occasion. Thus, the prophet Nathan dared to challenge King David himself for what he had done to secure Bathsheba as his wife (II Samuel 12:124). On an earlier, perhaps even more striking, occasion, the patriarch Abraham dared to question God about the terms on which Sodom and Gomorrah might be saved from destruction (Genesis 18:1633). God made concessions to Abraham, and David crumbled before Nathans authority. But such presumptuousness on the part of mere mortals is possible, and likely to bear fruit, only in communities that have been trained to share and to respect certain moral principles grounded in thoughtfulness.

The thoughtfulness to which the Old Testament aspires is suggested by the following counsel by Moses to the people of Israel (Deuteronomy 4:56):

Behold, I have taught you statutes and ordinances, as the Lord my God commanded me, that you should do them in the land which you are entering to take possession of it. Keep them and do them; for that will be your wisdom and your understanding in the sight of the peoples, who, when they hear all these statutes, will say, Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people.

This approach can be considered to provide the foundation for the assurance that has been so critical to modern arguments against censorship (John 8:32): And you will know the truth, and the truth will make you free. Further biblical authority against censorship may be found in such free speech dramas as that described in Acts 4:1321.

It should be remembered that to say everything one thought or believed was regarded by pre-Christian writers as potentially irresponsible or licentious: social consequences dictated a need for restraint. Christian writers, however, called for just such saying of everything as the indispensable witness of faith: transitory social considerations were not to impede, to the extent that they formerly had, the exercise of such a liberty, indeed of such a duty, so intimately related to the eternal welfare of the soul. Thus, we see an encouragement of the privateof an individuality that turned eventually against organized religion itself and legitimated a radical self-indulgence.

Perhaps no people has ever been so thoroughly trained, on such a large scale and for so long, as the Chinese. Critical to that training was a system of education that culminated in a rigorous selection, by examination, of candidates for administrative posts. Particularly influential was the thought of Confucius (551479 bce), with its considerable emphasis upon deference to authority and to family elders and upon respect for ritual observances and propriety. Cautiousness in speech was encouraged; licentious expressions were discouraged; and long-established teachings were relied upon for shaping character. All in all, it was contrary to Chinese good taste to speak openly of the faults of ones government or of ones rulers. And so it could be counseled by Confucius, He who is not in any particular office has nothing to do with plans for the administration of its duties (Analects [Lunyu], 7:14). It has been suggested that such sentiments have operated to prevent the spread in China of opinions supportive of political liberty.

Still, it could be recognized by Confucius that oppressive government is fiercer than a tiger. He could counsel that if a rulers words are not good, and if people are discouraged from opposing them, the ruin of the country can be expected (Analects, 13:5). Blatant oppressiveness, and an attempt to stamp out the influence of Confucius and of other sages, could be seen in the wholesale destruction of books in China in 231 bce. But the Confucian mode was revived thereafter, to become the dominant influence for almost two millennia. Its pervasiveness may well be judged oppressive by contemporary Western standards, since so much depended, it seems, on mastering the orthodox texts and discipline.

Whether or not the typical Chinese government was indeed oppressive, effective control of information was lodged in the authorities, since access to the evidently vital public archives of earlier administrations was limited to a relative few. In addition, decisive control of what was thought, and how, depended in large part on a determination of what the authoritative texts weresomething that has been critical in the West, as well, in the establishment of useful canons, both sacred and secular. Thus, Richard McKeon has suggested, Censorship may be the enforcement of judgments based on power, passion, corruption, or prejudicepolitical, popular, elite, or sectarian. It may also be based on scholarship and the use of critical methods in the interest of advancing a taste for literature, art, learning, and science.

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