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Jimmy Fallon imagines Trump, DeSantis making pudding-themed … – USA TODAY

Jimmy Fallon feels Met Gala signifies new hope after COVID

Tonight Show host Jimmy Fallon walked the carpet at the Met Gala, an event he has attended "for probably almost 20 years now," and said "we're on our way back" about returning to normal after the coronavirus pandemic. (Sept. 13)

AP

Jimmy Fallon haslooked into his election 2024 crystal ball and is seeing politicalattack ads in the future.

The late-night show host spent his monologue on Monday's "The Tonight Show" imagining a potential commercial battle between former President Donald Trump and Florida Gov.Ron DeSantis,who have been clashing as Trump rallies for his Republican presidential run with DeSantis as a potential rival.

In one recent attack ad coming from a pro-Trump superPAC, the group goes afterDeSantis and how he reportedly eats pudding with his fingers.

"That is real," Fallon said after playing a clip from the attack ad.

Fallon then manufactured a series of attack ads between the two which devolved from pudding, to tequila, to Go-Gurt jokes.

DeSantis visits DC:Ron DeSantis visits Republican allies in DC amid attacks from Trump

"Then the DeSantis super PAC replied with 'OK, yes, he ate pudding with his fingers one time. But only because he didn't have a spoon,' " Fallon joked before playing the fake commercial.

For Trump's faux-reply: "Oh, snap. You just admitted it. Everyone knows that when you don't have a spoon you just toss that pudding cup back like a shot of tequila."

Fallon went on to create commercials for the candidates about tequila, and methods of eatingGo-Gurt before landing on a fake Trumpad calling DeSantis a brown noser.

Late night: Stephen Colbert says Fox News-Dominion settlement 'does nothing for our democracy'

The final fabricatedadfrom DeSantis replied: "That was just pudding on my face."

Rumors of DeSantis' pudding habit spread after a report from The Beast said that the Republican presidential hopeful "enjoyed a chocolate pudding dessertby eating it with three of his fingers."

TheMake America Great Again Inc. super PAC released the pudding ad against DeSantis in March, tweeting the video with the caption "pudding fingers."

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Watch: Adam Lambert embodies Cher while singing 'The Muffin Man' on 'That's My Jam'

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Jimmy Fallon imagines Trump, DeSantis making pudding-themed ... - USA TODAY

The Donald Trump indictment isn’t as novel as many claimed – Los Angeles Times

Even before the unprecedented indictment of former President Trump, Manhattan Dist. Atty. Alvin Bragg was widely accused of relying on a dubious legal theory. Many observers said the idea that a New York grand jury could charge Trump with covering up a federal crime was untested. They were wrong.

In the days before the indictment, some legal analysts warned that New York lacked jurisdiction to charge Trump with efforts to hide federal crimes such as illegally financing and influencing the presidential election. Bragg was criticized across the political spectrum for trying out a novel legal theory in a historic indictment. Even those hoping to see Trump held accountable were concerned that the questions surrounding the case could exacerbate national polarization.

When the indictment was unsealed, sighs of relief greeted the revelation that Trump could also be charged with concealing state tax crimes, which are well within Braggs jurisdiction. But the fact is that Bragg is on solid legal ground in accusing the former president of covering up federal crimes, too. There is nothing remotely novel about charging a defendant in one jurisdiction for trying to commit a crime in another.

Take the 1894 case in which two men, William Hall and John Dockery, fired shots from North Carolina across the border into Tennessee, where the bullets struck and killed someone. They were convicted of murder in North Carolina, but the conviction was overturned on the grounds that the killing took place in Tennessee, where they should have been brought to trial.

But what if Hall and Dockery had missed? In that case, the court made clear, North Carolina would have been within its rights to prosecute them for attempted murder. The attempted crime can take place in a jurisdiction other than the one that would rightly prosecute if the attempt were successful.

Or consider a much more recent case in New York. In 2009, Theophilis Burroughs took a deposit from undercover New York police officers and agreed to meet them in South Carolina, where he would sell them illegal guns. Had the plan been completed, Burroughs would have violated South Carolinas gun laws, not New Yorks. On these grounds, Burroughs claimed that New York had no right to prosecute him for the attempted illegal sale.

But a court rejected his argument. If you try to break South Carolinas laws in New York, the reasoning went, you are committing a crime in New York: the crime of the attempt.

Trump, likewise, is not charged with successfully influencing a federal election. That would require showing that the election would not have proceeded as it did if he had not paid hush money to Stormy Daniels and Karen McDougal, which would be a very tall order. Trump may well have won in 2016 even if Daniels and McDougal told their stories before the election. If success would have required flipping the election his way, there would be at least reasonable doubt about such a charge.

Trump is really being charged with an attempt to illegally influence the election. To prove Trump is guilty of the crimes he is charged with, Bragg needs to show he was trying to hide something illegal by falsifying business records. And the crime Trump tried to commit that way need not be a crime in New York. That is, its as if he fired a shot across the border and, for all anyone can tell, missed.

This isnt to say we know how the case will turn out. People with the money to hire first-rate defense attorneys are regularly acquitted of quite ordinary charges. And judges are sometimes moved by specious arguments to the effect that ordinary charges are extraordinary.

But there is nothing extraordinary, much less new, about being charged with attempting to commit a crime in the jurisdiction where you made the effort even if the successful crime would have taken place elsewhere.

Gideon Yaffe is a criminal law professor and a member of the Justice Collaboratory at Yale Law School. He is the author of Attempts: In the Philosophy of Action and the Criminal Law.

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The Donald Trump indictment isn't as novel as many claimed - Los Angeles Times

He’s rattled Donald Trump. Could Ron DeSantis’s ‘war on woke’ take him to the White House? – ABC News

There are several easily recognisable ways of knowing when Donald Trump feels threatened by a political opponent.

And, without having even entered the race for the Republican presidential nomination, it's clear Florida Governor Ron DeSantis has got inside the former president's head.

First came the nicknames "Ron DeSanctimonious", among others followed by Trump's claim the governor would be working in a pizza parlour without his earlier endorsement.

A fundraising body backing Trump has alreadyreleased TV ads arguing DeSantis is "just not ready to be president" and even mocking him for how he reportedly ate a messy dessert with his fingers.

Trump remains for now, at least in a strong position heading into the race to be the Republican nominee.

While criminal charges over payments to a porn star would derail most political careers, he's using his unprecedented indictment in New York to rally Republican support.

He has extended his sizeable lead over DeSantis in recent polls and picked up a string of endorsements from members of Congress.

However, as Trump has been engulfed by legal dramas, his potential rival has been crisscrossing the United States,selling his new book and his vision for the country.

One of its chapters is titled Make America Florida, a slogan that appears on "DeSantis 2024" merchandise worn by his supporters.

It's a reference to the winning political playbook DeSantis has honed in his home state, including his so-called "war on woke".

It's also aclue to his larger ambitions.

With a potential showdown for the Republican nomination looming, the question now is whether DeSantis's "war on woke" will resonate beyond Florida's borders and help him succeed on the national stage.

DeSantis has built a national profile, partly by making Florida the epicentre of America's culture wars.

The 44-year-old secured a landslide victory in last year's governor's race and argues the result gave him a mandate to reshape Florida as he sees fit.

He now proudly proclaims his state as the place where"woke goes to die".

"A lot of people have no clue what 'woke' means," said Susan MacManus, a political analyst who has spent decades observing Florida politics.

"But they often assume, if they're conservative, if it's coming out of the governor's mouth, woke must be really liberal. And they don't like it."

In Florida, DeSantis has made education his battleground, pursuing changes over issues like race and gender which have divided parents, teachers and students.

They include legislation, signed by the governor last year, banning classroom instruction on sexual orientation or gender identitybetween kindergarten andyear three.

Officially called the Parental Rights in Education Act, it was quickly dubbed "Don't say gay" by critics.

The state's education department has now expandedthe ban to all year levels, except where it's "expressly required" by state standards, orduring reproductive health classes, from which parents can withdraw their children.

"In the state of Florida we're proud to stand for education, not indoctrination, in our schools," DeSantis said in a speech earlier this year.

The state legislature is also considering a bill that would restrict the use of preferred pronouns in schools.

DeSantis's position on these issues has only made him more popular with conservative parents group Moms for Liberty, an organisation founded in Florida as part of the pushback against classroom COVID-19 measures, such as mask mandates.

"He defends freedom, he defends education and the innocence of our children," the group's director of Hispanic outreach, Catalina Stubbe, told Foreign Correspondent.

"Parental rights are the rights that God givesyou when your child is born.

"That means you are the only one taking all the decisionsover your children, being medical, education, morality, religion, everything."

She claims students are being subjected to a "radical left agenda", echoing the governor's message of "education, not indoctrination".

"When an adult talks to children about sexuality and genitalia and how they feel today about coming out of the closet, and whatever, this is child abuse," she said.

"They're using the taxpayer to push a radical agenda."

Florida schoolteacher Anita Hatcher finds the accusation outrageous.

She argues LGBT staff and students are being further marginalised for political purposes.

"I believe that it comes from a place of fear," she said. "Fear breeds prejudice and prejudice breeds hate.

"And he's tapping into this fear that other people have and he's making a political career out of it."

Anita's 17-year-old son is transgender and moved to live with family interstate after he was allegedly told that his identity would not be respected at his Florida school.

She feels like the concept of parental rights does not apply to everyone in what DeSantis describes as the "free state" of Florida.

"If you line up with Ron DeSantis, you'll have his type of freedom," she said.

"He's disregarding and through legislation, trying to cancel anyone who doesn't see 'free' the way he sees it."

The governor's intervention in the public school system has sparked major controversy in Florida, but it's also prompted similar legislation in a number of other Republican-held states.

His ability to energise voters on the issue of education has already ensured it's becoming a major focus of the 2024 presidential race, including with his chiefRepublican rival.

"I said the other day I will bring back parental rights into our school system, right, and the place went crazy," Donald Trump recently told a crowd in Iowa.

"The place goes crazy because our country has gone crazy."

Trump did weigh into education while he was still in office, but now he's pledging to abolish the federal Department of Education and has also proposed that school principals should be elected by parents.

While Trump has moved to neutralise the issue, some voters still see DeSantis as the stronger candidate to take on Joe Biden in 2024.

The governor'sthumping election victory last year stood in starkcontrast to the underwhelming performances of many Trump-backed candidates at the midterm elections.

Some supporters argue he not only brings a recent track record of electoral victories, but also is a far less polarising figure than the former president, making him more appealingin a general election.

"If it came down to choosing between Ron DeSantis and Donald Trump, I would choose Ron DeSantis any day of the week," said Marius Mocan, a realtor who moved to Florida during the pandemic.

"No matter where you stand politically, I think people would be more content with him and feel more at ease."

Critics say the governor has adapted and even sharpened the former president's own playbook of divisive politics.

"I call DeSantis 'Baby Trump'," said Marvin Dunn, an academic who is challenging changes to the way racial history can be taught in Florida.

"DeSantis may be more effective because he's not as foolish and as narcissistic as Trump is."

Dr Dunn has criticised legislation known as the Stop WOKE Act, which would mean the state's history cannot be taught in a way that "indoctrinates" students or instructs them to feel guilty because of their race.

"We are not going to tell some kindergartener that theyre an oppressor, based on their race, based on what happened 100 or 200 years ago," DeSantis said.

Dr Dunndenies that's happening in Florida schools and, instead, sees the law, and the broader anti-woke argument, as a strategic ploy.

"Intentionally pitting people, one against the other, intentionally creating a monster, just so [DeSantis] can be the one that slays it," he said.

While Trump fights various legal battles, DeSantis is trying to lean into his moniker of "Trump without the chaos".

Theformer presidentis at the centre of several investigations, including federal probes into the January 6 Capitol riots and allegations of election interference in Georgia.

He's dismissed all of them as being politically motivated, butany additional charges would further complicate his campaign and could steer some voters towards an alternative candidate with less baggage.

"I voted for [Trump], twice, but I don't know if I can again," said Michael Carr, a 26-year-old who was waiting in line to see the governor at one of his book-signing events.

"[Trump's] gotten too much with the conspiracies and DeSantis has actually won with results that can get things done."

DeSantis has made the most of Republican super-majorities in Florida's legislature, racking up a list of achievements he could point to in a primary fight with Trump, including loosening gun laws and tightening abortion restrictions.

"One of my first orders of business after getting elected was to have my transition team amass an exhaustive list of all the constitutional, statutoryand customary powers of the governor," DeSantis wrote in his autobiography.

"I wanted to be sure that I was using every lever available to advance our priorities."

That has included using his authority to open up another front in his "anti-woke" battle: Florida's higher education system.

The governor appointed six conservative allies to the board of New College, a small liberal arts school that he hasaccused of being captured by leftist ideology.

Thatnew board swiftly replaced the college president and scrapped the campus's office for diversity, equity and inclusion, known as DEI.

It's part of a broader pushback against DEIwhich, DeSantis argues, creates division.

He has also extended his influence at the most-local level, becoming the first governor in Florida to endorse candidates for school board races.

Many of his candidates won, ensuring more support for his agenda on the boards thatgovern how schools in their districts operate.

"Now's not the time to be a shrinking violet," he told a Moms for Liberty event last year. "You've got to stand up and you've got to fight."

DeSantis has historic levels of support as Florida's governor, but among his biggest backers in that role are those who don't want him to run for president just yet.

"The Trump-era movement is strong and it got people very passionate," MsStubbe said. "So, I think [DeSantis] can wait until Trump is done with that."

Some of the former president's most loyal fans have also warned DeSantis would be punished by voters if he cut his term as governor short.

Paula Magnuson is part of a small group of Trump supporters who regularly wave signs and flags near the former president's Mar-a-lago property in Florida.

"I feel [DeSantis] made a promise and he's going to destroy his own career if he runs against Trump," she said. "He's young, he has time."

The governor is reportedly waiting until the state legislative session ends in May before announcing whether he's entering the race.

In the meantime, he's continuing to point towards a presidential bid by touring states that will be critical to building early momentum in the primary.

Regardless of whether DeSantis secures the Republican nomination or not, his "war on woke" has already redrawn the battle lines in the coming fight for the White House.

The first votes won't be cast for another 10 months, but the divisions inside the party are stark.

If Trump does go down to DeSantis, it won't be without an almighty fight.

Watch The War on Woketonight on Foreign Correspondent, 8pm on ABC TV, ABC iview and YouTube.

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He's rattled Donald Trump. Could Ron DeSantis's 'war on woke' take him to the White House? - ABC News

Donald Trump and the dying art of the courtroom sketch – The Conversation

For the first time in its history, The New Yorker featured a courtroom sketch on its cover.

The image, which appears on its April 17, 2023, issue, gives viewers a glimpse of a historic court proceeding that could not be captured by cameras: the arraignment hearing of Donald Trump two weeks earlier.

Because Trump is the first former U.S. president to be criminally indicted, there is immense public interest in this case. However, when Trump pleaded not guilty to 34 felony counts of falsifying business records, his reactions and expressions could be visually recorded only by three approved courtroom artists.

In a way, it was a throwback to an era when only artists could provide the public with visual records of court proceedings. Yet with more and more jurisdictions allowing cameras into courtrooms, courtroom artists now find themselves working in a dying field.

Having studied both courtroom sketches and tabloid crime photography, I sometimes wonder what might be lost if courtroom art were to become extinct.

Despite their dwindling numbers, courtroom artists are still able to pursue their craft because many judges continue to forbid photography in their courtrooms.

Yet a national standard for banning cameras in U.S. courtrooms is less than 100 years old.

When news photography flourished after World War I, courtroom photographs became a staple of tabloids such as the New York Daily News. These newspapers regularly sent their reporters to cover high-profile trials, taking advantage of the uneven patchwork of judicial positions on whether cameras should be allowed in courtrooms.

The trial of Bruno Richard Hauptmann spurred a wave of regulations against cameras in courtrooms.

In 1935, Hauptmann was tried for kidnapping and murdering the child of Charles Lindbergh. To cover the so-called Trial of the Century, an estimated 700 reporters and more than 130 cameramen rushed to Flemington, New Jersey, leading to reports of photographers climbing on the counsels table, shoving their flashbulbs in witnesses faces and jockeying with one another to take pictures of Hauptmann.

After investigating the sensational publicity surrounding the Hauptmann trial, the American Bar Association went on to ban courtroom photography in Canon 35 of its 1937 Canons of Judicial Ethics. Following the American Bar Associations lead, Congress enacted Rule 53 of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in 1944, which prohibited photography in federal courtrooms during judicial proceedings.

This statutory ban remains in place today in American federal criminal courts and in the U.S. Supreme Court.

The bulky cameras of the past, along with their cables, microphones and wires, required judges, witnesses, lawyers and jurors to navigate around them. Todays cameras, however whether in their compact, portable form or as remotely controlled, permanently mounted features in courtrooms operate as less physically disruptive recorders of court proceedings.

Although cameras can give the general public direct access to what happens during a trial, they can also threaten what the American Bar Association has termed the fitting dignity and decorum of court proceedings. When cameras are permitted, as they were in the O.J. Simpson trial, judges and lawyers sometimes worry that the proceedings will turn into a circuslike spectacle.

Because the history of courtroom sketches cannot be separated from the history of prohibiting photography in the courtroom, cameras and human artists are often positioned as competitors in the production of courtroom images.

Working with a print or television news agency, freelance courtroom artists need to draw quickly to meet news deadlines. Notably, courtroom artist Mary Chaney was able to depict, through more than 260 sketches, the criminal and civil trials of the four Los Angeles police officers charged with beating Rodney King.

When courtroom illustrators, such as David Rose, assert that the camera sees everything, but captures nothing, they are arguing that the cameras mechanical eye is a poor substitute for as Chicago courtroom artist Andy Austin puts it the human eye, the human hand, dealing with a human subject for viewing by humans.

While the camera can immediately generate highly detailed images of a trial, it cannot capture the emotional resonance of a courtroom moment. By funneling the emotional highs and lows of a trial through their body, courtroom artists can bring to their work irreplaceable sensory and dramatic insights.

Part of the drama stems from a courtroom artists ability to compress hours of court action into a single drawing. Artists can also manipulate the composition and perspective of their drawings to create artistic pull. Even though judges, lawyers, witnesses and the defendant may be physically spread out in the actual courtroom, the artist can bring them into close proximity with one another and the viewer.

It is in this way that courtroom sketches can make viewers feel the emotional pull of the trials main characters.

This is what happened in Jane Rosenbergs viral courtroom sketch of Trump.

Compared with the drawings made by Christine Cornell and Elizabeth Williams, Rosenbergs image is the only one that depicts Trump looking glum, with his arms crossed as he eyes Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg.

Because Bragg is not visible in the image, it appears as though Trump is fully facing the viewer with an expression that has been simultaneously described as despondent, disdainful and pissed off.

To allow viewers to focus even further on Trumps facial expression and body language, the New Yorker cover crops Rosenbergs illustration, so that it becomes a portrait of a former president in criminal court. Made up of energetic pastel-chalk lines that are suggestive but ultimately unfinished, the rough sketch aesthetically aligns with the moral sketchiness that has long dogged Trump.

When Reuters tweeted Rosenbergs courtroom sketch of Trump, it jump-started the images afterlife.

Even though the practice of courtroom illustration has been described as a dying art form, courtroom sketches, like other cultural artifacts, are not only preserved in special collections and exhibits; they can also evolve through successive framings and interpretations.

In our current digital world, courtroom sketches can go viral on social media, especially if the artist fails to accurately capture the likeness of a high-profile, celebrity defendant.

Rosenberg herself is no stranger to creating viral courtroom sketches. When covering Deflategate the deflated ball controversy involving NFL star Tom Brady she drew a portrait of the then-New England Patriots quarterback that elicited comparisons to Quasimodo, Lurch and Thriller-era Michael Jackson.

Courtroom sketches can also be creatively transformed into online memes. Rosenbergs Trump sketch has been photo-edited to evoke Edvard Munchs The Scream, to include a bucket of KFC fried chicken and to appear as if hed been caught by the Scooby Doo gang.

Trumps fans and foes may not have gotten their mugshot. But they have a viral courtroom sketch, and what started as an image drawn under a courtrooms tightly regulated conditions has since taken on a life of its own.

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Donald Trump and the dying art of the courtroom sketch - The Conversation

Trump calls on Rupert Murdoch to back false 2020 election fraud … – USA TODAY

What's different about Dominion's lawsuit against Fox News

Dominion Voting Systems is suing Fox News for $1.6 billion. Media expert explains why this defamation suit could have a different outcome.

Claire Hardwick, USA TODAY

Former President Donald Trump on Mondaycalled on Rupert Murdoch to backfalse information about the 2020 presidential election ahead ofthe $1.6 billion defamation lawsuit Dominion Voting Systems has pursued against Fox News and its parent company.

Trump on Truth Social alleged that Fox Newsis in big trouble if they do not expose the truth on cheating in the 2020 election. There is no evidence of widespread voter fraud that would have impacted the outcome of the 2020 race for the White House.

The former president suggested that the media tycoon and chair of the Fox Corporationshould say that he just didnt know, but that is hard to believe.

Rupert, just tell the truth and good things will happen, Trump added.

Delaware: Dominion defamation trial in lawsuit against Fox delayed to Tuesday

OnPolitics: Behind the contentious House GOP hearing in New York: Crime? Or Trump?

Top executives and hosts at Fox News have privately shared that they didnt believe Trumps allegations of election fraud in the 2020 race, according to a court filing in Dominion Voting Systems defamation lawsuit against the network.

Murdoch called false voter fraud claims damaging in a text following a press conference from Trump allies Sidney Powell and Rudy Giuliani, according tofilings. He also told Fox News CEO Suzanne Scott "It's been suggested our prime time three should independently or together say something like 'the election is over and Joe Biden won,'" saying the comments "would go a long way to stop the Trump myth that the election stolen, the filing says.

Trumps comments come the day before the defamation lawsuit that Dominion Voting Systems is waging against Fox News and its parent company is set to start. Dominion filed a lawsuit against Fox in 2021 after the network reported on unproven claims that the voting machine company played a role in rigging the 2020 race.

Fox News has denied wrongdoing and called the lawsuit a political crusade in search of a financial windfall.

Contributing: Ella Lee, USA TODAY;Meredith Newman, Delaware News Journal

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Trump calls on Rupert Murdoch to back false 2020 election fraud ... - USA TODAY