Mediaboss Marketing

An unlikely coalition of progressive and hard-right conservative lawmakers came together this year to push for overhauling a powerful government spying authority. But as the time approaches to take action, cracks are starting to show.

Republicans and Democrats who have backed each other's ideas in hearings and collaborated on working groups are starting to stake out different positions about what reforms are really needed for the program, which allows government spies to snoop on the emails and other electronic communications of foreigners abroad.

The alliance between the far-right and the far-left is a marriage of convenience, one congressional aide involved in the reauthorization discussions said. The aide, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly about sensitive internal debates, added that the two camps have major policy differences when talking specifics.

Lawmakers have until the year-end expiration of the electronic surveillance power Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act to decide whether to renew it and with what changes.

Its expected to get renewed in some form, but splits along partisan lines could sap momentum for some of the most ambitious changes privacy hawks are pursuing.

Thats good news for the Biden administration.

President Joe Biden and his team have been pushing to get Section 702 renewed with as few added restrictions as possible, arguing its wide scope is essential for protecting national security. But theyve had difficulty making that argument in the face of government reports and court rulings showing the FBI misused data collected under 702 to spy on Americans.

Any fracturing inside Congress works in the administrations favor. And progressives are starting to worry that in the push to find consensus, theyll lose out on what they see as a key reform: requiring the FBI to obtain warrants to search the database of collected emails, text messages and the like for information on Americans.

Rep.Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.), a progressive privacy advocate, expressed wariness that the coalition between left and right would prove strong enough to push through major reforms, like the warrant requirement.

In the past, even though we've had sort of a left-right consensus on 702 reform, the national security forces always managed to derail the effort, Lofgren said. The question is, Will that happen again? And I don't know the answer to that.

Through multiple congressional hearings this year including two in the famously polarized House Judiciary Committee Republicans and Democrats have found common cause in blasting the FBI and Justice Department for abusing the FISA program.

The uncharacteristically strident calls for reform from the right traditionally the pro-law enforcement party have buoyed privacy-oriented lawmakers hopes that they finally have the support needed to pass significant changes to the 9/11-era spy program.

In particular, privacy advocates have been hoping to rally lawmakers to close what they consider a major loophole in the program: the fact that the government does not need a warrant to query the database for information on Americans.

I will only support the reauthorization of Section 702 if there are significant reforms. And that means, first and foremost, addressing the backdoor warrantless surveillance of Americans, Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, said in an emailed statement.

The argument for the warrant has been buoyed by the release of opinions from a special court overseeing the program, which found FBI personnel misused the database to search for the names of Jan. 6 rioters, political donors to a congressional campaign and individuals who demonstrated following the murder of George Floyd.

Those searches, and others like them, violated internal FBI rules requiring that a suspect must have a likely tie to foreign intelligence information to be searched in the database.

The Justice Department and the FBI have recently cut down on those improper searches by instituting stricter rules about when analysts can access the database. They have also invited lawmakers to codify those changes into law.

But the disclosures were enough to prompt a broad cross-section of lawmakers to express interest in the idea of a warrant or even something harsher throughout the year.

How about if we just get the FBI out of the business altogether? Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), chair of the House Judiciary Committee, asked witnesses during a hearing on FISA earlier this year.

The unusually strong alliance between right and left and the specter of major changes that come with it has rattled the Biden administration in recent months.

In a sign of just how concerned it is about preserving the program as is, the White House disclosed for the first time in February and March that it uses Section 702 to combata wide spectrum of threats, including fentanyl trafficking, cyberattacks and weapons proliferation.

It has also released new statistics about the value of the program to the intelligence community and tapped officials in a swath of federal agencies to deliver speeches outlining how heavily their jobs rely on the surveillance tool.

The full-court press appears to have swayed lawmakers away from the idea of quashing the program entirely, a prospect that unnerved the White House when the debate over the spy tool began in earnest this spring.

But the White House has continued to argue that several changes championed by civil liberties groups and the warrant requirement in particular would kneecap one of its most valuable spying programs.

An independent White House intelligence panel concluded in July that cutting or severely restricting the program to better protect Americans privacy would amount to one of the worst intelligence failures of our time.

But Republican support for progressive priorities may not be as robust as privacy advocates hope or as the White House fears.

Conservatives are quietly beginning to zero in on a different set of priorities around FISA reform.

Republican skeptics of the law have grown increasingly concerned about a separate portion of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act known as traditional or Title 1 FISA. And while that section of the law isnt technically up for renewal this year, they see the deadline for Section 702 as a vehicle to push through changes to it.

Traditional FISA involves the use of court orders to surveil individuals physically inside the United States. Conservatives allege that the Justice Department has abused it to unlawfully spy on allies of former President Donald Trump and in particular, former Trump campaign adviser Carter Page.

The DOJ used FISA to obtain court orders to surveil Page, orders an internal investigation found were riddled with errors. Hard-right conservatives point to the investigation as evidence of politicization within the Justice Department.

The Carter Page investigation is just one example of the FBI abusing FISA to surveil American citizens, Rep. Tom Tiffany (R-Wis.), a member of the House Judiciary Committee, said in a statement. I will be allowing FISA to sunset if we do not see significant reforms in the agency.

Conservative fixation on problems in Title I of FISA will ultimately eat away at some of the momentum behind the warrant requirement progressives have proposed, said Adam Klein, former chair of the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board.

Though some conservative have entertained the warrant requirement idea thus far, it wouldn't actually solve the problems animating most members of the Republican Conference," argued Klein, who has met with congressional staff about FISA reform.

Changes to FISA that address only Section 702 do nothing for the right, argued Stewart Baker, a former NSA general counsel who has met with lawmakers about renewing the program.

Instead, he said, conservatives want to make changes that are aimed at the perception of partisanship within the FBI and Justice Department. That could mean injunctions on domestic disinformation work by the intelligence community, stiffer penalties to discourage politically motivated leaks or limitations on how former intelligence officials can use their access to classified information to wade into political debates.

The differences between progressives and conservatives are likely to sharpen closer to the end of the year, argued Baker and Klein, when lawmakers on either side of the aisle have had more time to study up on the two portions of the notoriously arcane spy program.

As that happens, far-right lawmakers may find they have more support for changes to Title I of FISA from national security hawks in both parties and even the White House, both of which could view those fixes as more palatable than the warrant requirement.

A second congressional aide said that early support for the warrant requirement has been aided by outside civil liberties groups and that lawmakers who oppose the idea believe they have vastly understated the national security costs of the warrant, while overstating its privacy harms.

These outside groups don't have first-hand experience with the program, said the aide, who did not name any of the groups. So, they're operating off of, you know, second-, third- or fourth-degree information that can get lost in translation.

Privacy groups strongly objected to those characterizations.

All of our factual information comes from the government itself, along with other official sources such as FISA court opinions and the PCLOB report, said Liza Goitein, senior director of the Liberty & National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice.

The Constitution doesnt allow the government to conduct warrantless searches of Americans simply because spy agencies find that easier than getting a judges approval, added Patrick Toomey, deputy director of the ACLUs National Security Project.

A special federal court charged with overseeing the 702 program must certify on an annual basis that it is compliant with the Fourth Amendment. It has found that the government does not need to acquire an individualized warrant because U.S. data found within the repository is retrieved only as a consequence of collecting communications from targeted foreigners.

Civil liberties groups and national security-focused lawmakers disagree on whether that degree of judicial oversight offers sufficient protection to Americans. But it's an argument national security hawks are betting they can win as lawmakers start thinking more seriously about the program.

There are valid and legal reasons why the FBI should be able to access the 702 database without a warrant, the second aide argued.

When Congress returns from the August recess, lawmakers will have just four months to hash out the details of a package to renew FISA.

Much of that time will be eaten up by negotiations over funding to avoid a possible government shutdown at the end of September, disputes over a new aid package for Ukraine and ironing out the annual defense bills.

But civil liberties groups will also have a last chance to push for major changes to the 702 program and they could receive a major bump from the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, which is expected to submit a report on Section 702 later this fall.

Because the boards mandate includes privacy protection, there is a chance it offers more support for the idea of a general warrant requirement, which the presidents intelligence panel dismissed in July as both unnecessary and counterproductive.

But whether that is enough to sway Republicans remains a different question.

The changes that would be viscerally satisfying to left and right arent the same, argued Klein, the former PCLOB chair.

The bloodless, technical fixes to strengthen compliance and transparency are important and have wide support, but it will take more to fully address the loss of trust among conservatives," he said.

See more here:
A marriage of convenience: Why the pushback against a key spy program could cave in on progressives - Yahoo News

(Des Moines) The Iowa Public Information Board has accepted one public records complaint against the city of Sidney and rejected another.

During its monthly meeting Thursday afternoon, the IPIB officially accepted a complaint filed by City Councilman Don Benedict against the city. The complaint was filed after Benedict sent a public records request to the city on June 16th, seeking city email communications between Mayor Ken Brown and Riley Christie, Brown and RC Tree Service and Brown and former City Attorney Clint Fichter. Brown responded to the request, saying he would not comply with the request because he is conducting an official investigation of the city. Brown also argued that as mayor, his emails are confidential and that pulling them from a city server would be a violation of his fourth amendment rights. Speaking to the IPIB, City Attorney Bri Sorensen says the city has attempted to comply with the request.

"The city has made every effort to gain the mayor's compliance in a cooperative manner," said Sorensen. "He has refused and has threatened litigation against the city. He did indicate in an email to myself and I believe the council that if the Iowa Public Information Board would order him to do so, he would comply with providing the emails. Despite having received the suggested order from the board, the mayor has double down on his refusal."

In July, the Sidney City Council voted to comply with the request and access Browns emails to respond to the public records request in accordance with the citys email usage policy. Sorensen says the city is seeking assistance with complying to the request to avoid violating Iowa's public records laws.

"I am concerned about the city's ability to comply with the request, because it appears that many emails have been deleted," said Sorensen. "I would request from the board continued assistance in this matter to help us to comply as the city has attempted to do so, to provide us some guidance and to assist in mediating or providing services to help us to comply, including identifying emails that were deleted after the public information request was made. I think there is potentially some intentionality in destruction of public record in response to the request that was made."

Now that the request has been accepted, the IPIB can work with the city to reach an informal resolution to the case.

In another case involving the city, the IPIB rejected a complaint filed by Brown against the city. Brown alleges that he made several public records requests for numerous communications and employee records. The city responded with a timeline for processing the request and with an estimate of the cost of procuring the records. Under Iowa Code Chapter 22, public entities are allowed to charge reasonable expenses for producing the requested records.

"It is an intensive request that he has made," said Sorensen. "It will be very demanding on city staff to pull all of those records. Upon payment of the reasonable expense, we certainly will comply. I don't believe there's been any violation on the part of the city. The city has met its obligation and made every effort to cooperate and provide Mr. Brown the information that he's requested."

Under the complaint, Brown claims the fees should be waived since he is making his request in his official capacity as mayor. Following discussion, the IPIB dismissed the case, stating that the city has fulfilled its obligations under Chapter 22.

At KMA, we attempt to be accurate in our reporting. If you see a typo or mistake in a story, please contact us by emailing kmaradio@kmaland.com.

More here:
Iowa Public Information Board accepts one complaint against ... - KMAland

MEDIA COURTHOUSE Testimony concluded Tuesday in a Post-Conviction Relief Act hearing for three men seeking a new trial in the murder of a 70-year-old woman in 1997.

Derrick Chappell, 41; Morton Johnson, 42; and Samuel Grasty, 46; claim they had nothing to do with the death of Henrietta Nickens inside her home on the 3200 block of West 10th Street in Chester on Oct. 10, 1997.

Chappell and Grasty each received life sentences after being convicted of second-degree murder in jury trials, while Johnson received a de facto life sentence of 99 years after being convicted of second-degree murder in a bench trial.

They were 15, 20 and 18 years old, respectively, when the crime occurred. Chappell was later resentenced to 28 years to life after the U.S. Supreme Court retroactively changed the rules for sentencing minors.

The defendants have presented what they say is new exculpatory DNA evidence, though the Delaware County District Attorneys Office maintains it is merely cumulative evidence that was already known to two juries and one judge when all three men were convicted in 2000 and 2001.

Nickens daughter discovered her mothers body on the floor between the living room and bedroom of her apartment about 2 p.m. on Oct. 10, according to petitions filed by attorneys representing the three defendants.

The apartment was in disarray and Nickens appeared to have been beaten about the face and head. There was a large amount of blood on her bed, floor and a nearby wall, and her underwear was found lying on the floor.

Dr. Dimitri Contostavlos, medical examiner for Delaware County at the time, opined that Nickens died when the multiple blunt force injures she received, likely from a fist, aggravated her underlying lung and heart disease. He estimated her time of death was between 10 p.m. and 2 a.m.

Contostavlos also discovered a minor injury to the victims vagina and semen inside her rectum. He opined that the semen had likely been deposited within 24 hours, though he was unable to determine if it had been left pre- or post-mortem.

Contostavlos testified at Grastys trial that there was no evidence of trauma to the anus or evidence the victim had been anally raped, though Nickens daughter was adamant that her mother, who lived alone, did not have a boyfriend.

Investigators additionally found a green jacket at the scene on top of a television that Nickens daughter said was not there when she had visited her mother the night before. A baggie of cocaine and chewed plastic straw were found inside a jacket pocket.

No DNA or other physical evidence was found at the scene tying the defendants to Nickens murder.

Common Pleas Court Judge Mary Alice Brennan on Tuesday heard from Professor Timothy Palmbach, a crime scene investigation expert, and Pennsylvania State Police Forensic DNA Science Supervisor Jeffrey Fumea.

Palmbach, testifying for the petitioners, said that a previously unidentified stain on the bedsheet had been tested in 2022 and found to contain blood from the victim and semen from an unknown man identified as Unknown Male #1.

Though it was known when all three defendants were tried that there was DNA from another unknown person at the crime scene, Palmbach said this stain undercut prior prosecution theories that the beating and semen were not connected.

Former Deputy District Attorney Michael Galantino acknowledged during Chappells trial in 2000 that the DNA was a mystery and posited that the defendants had planted that evidence or returned later with another, unknown person.

But Palmbach said that based on his prior testing in 2006 and 2008, the blood, urine and semen making up the stain all had to be in a liquid form at the same time before soaking into and fixing to the bedsheet, undercutting the theory that the semen was left at some point before or after the assault.

Palmbach told Grastys attorney, Paul Casteleiro, legal director for the nonprofit Centurion in Princeton, New Jersey, that if the semen had been left on the sheet alone, it would have dried into a crusty stain with a peripheral edge.

Instead, he said, it mixed with wet blood and what he expected was urine, though that substance was not tested. He said urine is often expelled during assaults and that he had testified in about a dozen cases where he had seen similar stains.

They are mixed together while theyre still in their liquid form before theyve had time to soak into and then fix and dry on the bedsheet, he said. So that means with a reasonable amount of scientific certainty that at the time the victim was bleeding as a result of the beating, there was also a deposition of semen and a deposition of urine, and that all three took place very contemporaneously with one another.

Palmbach also opined that semen from the same unknown male found on the jacket was likely not deposited during the assault on Nickens, but it did contain DNA of more probative value in touch DNA left behind by the habitual wearer, identified as the same unknown man.

Palmbach said the assault likely began as Nickens was standing next to the bed. The first few blows to her head would have gotten the blood flowing, he said, which then transferred to other surfaces through impact spatter from subsequent blows, swipe transfers of a bloody object touching another object. Other directly vertical drops likely occurred as Nickens was being controlled from behind while laying prone, face-down, with her head between the bed and wall, he said.

On cross-examination by Assistant District Attorney Sarah Vanore, Palmbach acknowledged nearly all of the evidence he reviewed had been available in 2000 and 2001, except the bedsheet stain, saliva found on a straw in the jacket pocket and the touch DNA on the jacket. He said he had not reviewed any trial transcripts, spoken to any investigators or read any witness statements because they were not relevant to his examination of the scene.

Palmbach agreed with Vanore that Contostavlos found Nickens had no injuries below the neck and had testified there was no evidence she had been anally raped, but told her it was not possible in this case that the urine responsible for the majority of dilution had been deposited at some point prior to the assault due to the way the stain set.

Fumea, testifying via closed-circuit television, said that DNA samples of unknown actors in crime scenes are uploaded to a database maintained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

He said that the system had been updated over the years, but the sample of Unknown Male #1 would have been checked against known DNA samples in the system nearly 3,000 times over 22 years with no matches found.

On cross-examination by Innocence Project Director of Special Litigation Vanessa Potkin, representing Johnson, Fumea said there were about 1.2 million unknown contributors in that database as of November 2022. He said the fact that there had never been a hit on Unknown Male #1 did not undercut the probative value of that sample.

Brennan previously heard testimony from forensic biology and DNA expert Dr. C. Alan Keel, former director of the Forensic Analytical Crime Lab in California who retested some of the evidence in the case in 2022 using modern methods, or in some cases tested new pieces of evidence for the first time.

It was that testing approved by the Delaware County District Attorneys Office that revealed the new traces of semen on the victims bedsheet, along with DNA from that same individual on the straw in the jacket pocket and touch DNA on the jacket.

Keel previously noted Nickens underwear and nightshirt contained no traces of semen. The semen found inside Nickens was also of a fairly large quantity, he said, indicating it had been left there at or around the time of her death and had not had a chance to liquefy or leak from gravity.

Keel said there is no scientific merit to commonwealth theories presented at trial that the DNA evidence had somehow been planted or that Nickens had consensual sex at some point prior to her death. She was last seen alive about 8:30 p.m. Oct. 9 and had been on the phone with her daughter until 10:55 p.m. that night, according to the petitions filed by the defendants.

The fact that there is an abundance of semen on the anal swab which had to have been deposited at or near the time of her death and given that there is semen from the same source on her bedsheet and we have identified the source of the habitual wearer/owner of the green jacket as Unknown Male #1, and at the same time we have failed to detect any biology from any other potential person of interest as a perpetrator, in my opinion, this evidence, taken together, demonstrates that Unknown Male #1 raped and killed Miss Nickens, Keel said.

Brennan gave both sides 90 days to file simultaneous briefs for their respective positions. Both sides will also have an opportunity to respond to the others filings before she issues an order.

Visit link:
Testimony concludes in hearing for three men in 1997 murder - The Delaware County Daily Times

PORT WASHINGTON The Ozaukee County Sheriffs Office has announced its first-ever Citizens Academy. The course is perfect for anyone who finds law enforcement interesting, has questions about why police do what they do or ever wondered how deputies or police officers are trained.

The Citizens Academy will consist of the following topics: crime scene investigation, drug trends, impaired driving, traffic stops, firearms, specialty teams, Jail, Dispatch Center, the District Attorneys Office and much more.

Academy students will be introduced to the policy and procedures that drive police behavior. Academy students will use that gained knowledge to intervene in mock scenarios. The Citizens Academy is designed to have participants understand the authority and limitations of deputies, along with a basic understanding of how to handle situations deputies deal with daily.

Get daily updates from the News Graphic sent directly to your email inbox.

The academy will be held on Thursdays from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. starting Sept. 7 and ending Oct. 26, including one Saturday morning to spend at a gun range.

The Ozaukee County Sheriffs Office is accepting applications for its Citizens Academy. Sheriff Christy Knowles would like to encourage residents and people who work in Ozaukee County to apply for the Sheriffs Office Citizens Academy.

Applications will be accepted until Monday. To apply, go to https://tinyurl.com/5brfw8nu.

See the rest here:
Ozaukee County Sheriff's Office holding first citizen's academy - Greater Milwaukee Today | GMToday.com

Best known for his role as Gil Grissom, the forensic entomologist, and supervisor in the hit TV series CSI: Crime Scene Investigation, William Petersen is a beloved actor, producer, and writer with lots of film credits under his belt.

Moreover, fans also know Petersen in his other feature films, such as Manhunter and the remake of 12 Angry Men in 1997. Despite having a limited filmography in which he played a lead role, Petersen nevertheless shows himself to be a remarkable actor with a wide range of abilities, from psychological thriller to documentary; there is nothing he cannot do.

Fear follows a teenage girl named Nicole Walker (Reese Witherspoon) who becomes infatuated with a charming and seemingly sweet guy named David McCall (Mark Wahlberg). At first, David appears to be the perfect boyfriend, but as their relationship progresses, Nicole realizes that David has a darker and more dangerous side.

RELATED: 11 Essential Reese Witherspoon Performances, From Legally Blonde to Big Little Lies

Petersen played Steve Walker, Nicole's overprotective father. Petersen gives a strong portrayal as the kind and caring father in Fear who is increasingly doubtful about David's genuine motivations. Even though the relationship between Nicole and David is the major subject of the movie, Petersen's participation adds a new level of complexity to the story.

The Rat Pack is a television movie that tells the story of the legendary group of entertainers known as the Rat Pack, consisting of Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, Sammy Davis Jr., Peter Lawford, and Joey Bishop. Set in the 1960s, the film focuses on the rise and reign of the Rat Pack, their influence in the entertainment industry, and their personal lives.

Petersen portrayed the 35th President of the United States, John F. Kennedy. Reviews of Petersen's depiction of Kennedy in the movie were favorable since he successfully embodied the charisma and demeanor of the legendary leader. Additionally, it enhances how the Rat Pack members interact with politicians and how the era as a whole is portrayed.

Detachment revolves around Henry Barthes (Adrien Brody), a substitute teacher grappling with his own personal issues and emotional detachment. As Henry navigates through the profession, he connects with some students and tries to positively impact their lives.

The film has generally received positive reviews from critics for its raw and thought-provoking portrayal of the education system and the emotional struggles faced by its characters. Petersen appeared in a supporting role as Mr. Sarge Kepler, a teacher at one of the schools where Barthes substitutes. Despite having only a small amount of screen time, Petersen gives a strong, impactful performance showing his acting abilities.

This Old Club is a documentary film that follows Ron Santo, a legendary baseball player who maintains an optimistic outlook while managing his diabetes and pursuing jobs as a baseball player and commentator. The film also features lots of famous figures portraying themselves, including Petersen.

RELATED: The 30 Best Documentaries of All Time, Ranked

The documentary is essential for Cubs fans who have fond memories of Ron Santo. Even if you aren't a fan of the Chicago Cubs or a baseball fan in general, the documentary can still hold your interest thanks to its clever writing and captivating presentation.

Set during the intense and secretive Manhattan Project during World War II, Manhattan follows Dr. Frank Winter (John Benjamin Hickey), a brilliant physicist who is torn between his loyalty to the project, his moral concerns, and the potential consequences of creating such a devastating weapon.

Initially introduced in Season 2 of the show, Petersen played Colonel Emmett Darrow, a United States military officer. Despite having a small amount of screen time, Petersen makes the most of it by making his character one of the most memorable ones on the show. Manhattan also received plaudits for its excellent acting, screenplay, and fascinating depiction of the Manhattan Project and the ethical difficulties the individuals encountered.

The Contender, directed by Rod Lurie, follows Senator Laine Hanson (Joan Allen), who the President of the United States nominates as his Vice Presidential candidate. However, during the confirmation process, a scandal emerges involving allegations of sexual misconduct from her past. This creates a political firestorm and puts her nomination and credibility at stake.

Petersen plays Kermit Newman, one of the President's advisors. While his screen time may not be extensive, Petersen brings his talent and presence to the film, delivering a solid performance as a political strategist. The Contender was commended for its thought-provoking exploration of political and moral themes, as well as its strong performances from Allen, Jeff Bridges, and Gary Oldman.

Directed by William Friedkin, To Live and Die in L.A. follows Secret Service agent Richard Chance (Petersen), who is determined to bring down a highly skilled counterfeiter named Rick Masters (Willem Dafoe). As Chance gets closer to his target, he is forced to make morally questionable choices and encounters dangerous and deceitful individuals.

Petersen delivers a standout performance as Richard Chance and effectively captures the intricacy of his fixation with finding the counterfeiter by giving the character a mix of energy, recklessness, and fragility, solidifying his presence in the crime thriller genre. To Live and Die in L.A. also received positive reviews from critics and is considered a cult classic.

CSI: Crime Scene Investigation follows a team of forensic investigators working for the Las Vegas Police Department's Crime Scene Investigation unit. Led by their dedicated supervisor Gil Grissom, portrayed by Petersen in the early seasons, the team uses cutting-edge forensic techniques to uncover the truth behind each case.

Petersen's contribution to the show was significant, as his portrayal of Gil Grissom became one of the defining characters in the CSI franchise. Petersen left the show in its ninth season, but his impact on "CSI" is still remembered and appreciated by fans. Furthermore, the show's captivating plotlines, inventive forensic science application, and great ensemble cast contributed to its enormous appeal.

Adapted from the original teleplay written by Reginald Rose, 12 Angry Men takes place almost entirely in a small jury room, where the jurors must reach a unanimous decision about the defendant's guilt or innocence. As the deliberations unfold, tensions rise, and the jurors' personal biases and preconceptions come to light.

Petersen portrayed Juror #12 in the 1997 version. His performance and the rest of the ensemble cast, including actors such as Jack Lemmon and George C. Scott, received positive reviews. Moreover, the role helped to showcase Petersen's skill and nuanced interpretation, which added to the drama and tensions of the jury chamber scenes.

Based on the novel Red Dragon by Thomas Harris, which serves as a prequel to the popular Hannibal Lecter series, Manhunter follows FBI profiler Will Graham (Petersen) as he is reluctantly drawn out of retirement to track down a serial killer known as "The Tooth Fairy" (Tom Noonan).

Petersen shines in his role as Will Graham as he brings depth and intensity to the character, capturing Graham's internal struggle as he is drawn into a dangerous game with the enigmatic serial killer. Graham also becomes an engaging and understandable protagonist thanks to Petersen's portrayal, which skillfully captures his tenacity, mental struggle, and complex emotions.

KEEP READING:The 10 Best 'Doctor Who' Single-Episode Companions, Ranked

See original here:
10 Best William Petersen Movies and TV Shows - Collider