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Cormann was not just a powerful finance minister. In his home base, he worked closely with two conservative factional allies in the state upper house leaders of the group known as the clan to increasingly control local branches and pre-selections. Key to that was the recruitment of socially conservative Christians as members.

McGowan couldnt have asked for better political opponents in targeting the Liberal Party for being out of touch with the electorate, A series of leaked WhatsApp messages last year demonstrated both the clans impact and the crudeness of its tactics. Cormann may have departed for a more sophisticated life, but his local lieutenants remain in place.

Liberal Party woes in the west are just the most dramatic demonstration of a state-by-state decline evident across most of Australia.

Many moderate party members or supporters including senior business figures who used to back the popular Julie Bishop in the seat of Curtin are by now totally alienated from the party. That has obvious results for the evaporation of their previous financial support. One obvious result is yet another loss of what used to be a blue ribbon seat to a new teal MP, Kate Chaney, as well as far more limited fund-raising prospects in future.

In what used to be a Coalition powerhouse state, there is no clear route back. Ahead of the May election, for example, the Coalition held 11 of 16 seats. That was before the states swing against the Morrison government rocketed to over 10 per cent on a two party preferred basis nearly three times the national average.

As well as Curtin, Liberals were shocked to lose another four WA seats far more than the two, maximum three, they expected. Combined with a former Liberal seat being abolished, it has reduced the Liberals to five out of 15. At the same time, Labor has converted previously marginal Labor seats like Cowan into much safer harbours for the Albanese government next time.

But Liberal Party woes in the west are just the most dramatic demonstration of a state-by-state decline evident across most of Australia. With the loss of the Marshall government in South Australia in March, only Tasmania and NSW remain in Liberal hands.

True, the continuing implosion of the Tasmanian Labor Party gives new Liberal Premier Jeremy Rockliff lots of leeway, with the federal Liberal Party also keeping its two lower house seats last month. But this is a rare and modestly sized show of electoral stability among Liberal state divisions.

NSW Premier Dominic Perrottet certainly faces a tough re-election in March, as well as the need to manage bitter factional dysfunction in the party. The factional games inexcusably paralysed pre-selections in several crucial NSW federal seats for months. At a state level, the government is determined to present a different direction and image to either Scott Morrison or Peter Dutton.

NSW Treasurer Matt Keans budget last week is designed to show a progressive government able to lead on issues such as renewable energy and increased opportunities for women. But that task is much harder due to self-inflicted wounds, such as appointing the former state Nationals leader, John Barilaro, to a plum trade post in New York while also facing a moderate, appealing NSW opposition leader, Chris Minns, in the mould of South Australian Premier Peter Malinauskas.

In Victoria, Daniel Andrews retains absolute control over his party and the governments public messaging. He will use the resignation of several of his key ministers on Friday to sell the image of new dynamism and a future agenda under new ministers in what is now an old government.

His task is made much easier by the fact so few Victorians would be able to even name the Liberal leader, let alone understand what Matthew Guy stands for other than being the anti-Dan candidate. And with the defeat of Josh Frydenberg, the partys most prominent and popular leader and its most effective fund-raiser is also lost.

Its true that in Queensland, Labor failed to make up any ground, even losing an inner-city seat to the Greens while the Liberal National Party lost two.

With the backing of the Nationals, Dutton as opposition leader retains his appeal in much of regional Queensland and Labor holds only five of 30 seats. But despite growing disillusion with Annastacia Palaszczuk, theres no evidence Queensland voters are interested in any return of a state LNP government. Nor that Dutton will be able to extend his Queensland grip further south.

His focus on instead winning more of the Labor heartland and tradies and small business in middle and outer suburbia across Australia is widely disparaged by his few remaining, and many former, moderate colleagues.

They insist the Liberal Party cant revive any broad appeal by giving up on wealthier suburban seats and the middle ground that used to sustain it.

But whos listening?

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Liberal Party looks for love in all the wrong places in the aftermath of the May federal election - The Australian Financial Review