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Ideology & Indoctrination: Manufacturing a More Radical Generation

Another unconventional feature of the IRGC that is consistent with its Islamist militia DNA is the emphasis it places on ideological indoctrination. Since its inception, the Guard has had a formal program of ideological-political training that seeks to radicalize its members, recruits, and their families. Over time the scope of this training has significantly increased and today it accounts for more than half of the required training for both incoming recruits and existing members.

Indoctrination in the IRGC became a key focal point for Khamenei following the 1997 Iranian presidential election after reports emerged that 73% of IRGC members had voted for the so-called reformist Khatami, despite the supreme leader endorsing hardline Islamist Ali Akbar Nategh-Nouri. Khamenei interpreted this as a sign that the Guards second generation (1990-2000) was less loyal to his authority and less ideologically committed. In response, in 2002, indoctrination for all Guardsmen and their families was rapidly increased to 20% of overall training in the IRGC. This figure would increase to 30% by 2007-08 and would account for around 50% after the 2009 anti-regime protests. It is worth noting that ideological assessments are at the core of the IRGCs promotion system, with preference being given to ideological commitment (tahhod) rather than technical expertise (takhasos).

This investment in increasing indoctrination has paid dividends for Khamenei and his hardline followers as the third (2000-10) and forth generations (2010-20) of IRGC members are among the most ideologically radical in the Guard. This extreme zeal has been demonstrated both outside and inside of Iran. The majority of Iranian volunteers who fought in the Syrian civil war to uphold the Assad regime, for example, were third- and fourth-generation IRGC members. The fact that the number of volunteers surged after Khamenei transformed Iranian intervention into a Shia jihad to Defend the Holy Shia Shrines is a strong indication of the ideological commitment of this younger IRGC cohort. Similarly, the unprecedented use of violence against protestors in Iran by the IRGC and Basij in the November 2019 anti-regime protests, which resulted in the killings of as many as 1,500 civilians over several days, compared to the Green Movement protests in 2009, when only 100 were killed over a month, also indicates that the IRGC is becoming more extreme.

IRGC Ideological Worldview

So what are the core tenets of the IRGCs ideology and indoctrination program? The Shia Islamist concept of velayat-e faqih (clerical rule) and clerical superiority underpins the IRGCs worldview. Tied to this is the key ideological pillar of exporting the Islamic Revolution to neighboring Muslim nations (ummah) through what is described as jihad in the path of God. The IRGC rejects the concept of the nation-state as a Western construct and instead divides territories between the dar al-Islam (land of Muslims) and dar al-Kufr (land of infidels). The ummah must be under the authority of the Imam or in his absence, his deputy: the supreme leader, thus legitimizing efforts to export the Islamic Revolution. A quick examination of the IRGCs ideological-political textbooks also reveals the way in which it views the U.S.: as an evil regime hellbent on world domination. This worldview sees the U.S. as the representation of all that is evil (jebeh-e batel) and puts the Islamic Republic of Iran on the side of everything good (jebeh-e hagh). Linked to this notion is the IRGCs other key ideological pillar of eradicating the State of Israel and Zionism. Like other Islamist ideologies, the IRGCs Shia Islamist worldview regards Israel as an illegitimate, oppressive, and usurping entity created in the heartland of the Muslim world to enable the West to achieve its supposed colonial goals. The liberation of Palestine through the destruction of Israel remains one of the IRGCs main objectives, and antisemitism pervades every aspect of its ideology. The IRGC itself has been explicit about its identity and what its members represent. A March 2022 publication entitled what is identity of the Revolutionary Guard outlined three characteristics in order of preference: 1) Guardians of Islam; 2) Soldiers of the Velayat (supreme leader); and 3) Sacrifices for the Revolutionary People. On the latter, the IRGC is clear that it serves the revolutionary people namely, pro-regime supporters and not ordinary Iranians.

It is important to note that the IRGCs Islamist ideology has also practically shaped its military tradition, doctrines, and strategy. More specifically, the Alavi and Ashurai pillars of the clerical regimes Islamist ideology have served as the foundation of the IRGCs overarching military strategy since its inception. Alavi refers to Ali, the first divinely ordained Shia imam, whose forces lost the Battle of Siffin in 657 CE against Muawiyah, the first caliph of the Umayyad empire. The Shia critique suggests that Ali was defeated because his army did not display loyalty to his orders. This is manifested in the IRGCs military doctrine as a demand for total obedience to the supreme leader and his orders (velayat-e madari). The Ashurai pillar is derived from the date on which Imam Hussein, the third Shia imam, led his small band of fighters against the massive army of the Umayyad Caliph Yazid at the Battle of Karbala in 680 CE. Although Hussein knew defeat was preordained, he sacrificed himself and his men to defend true Islam by taking on the Umayyads. The IRGC adopted this logic that oppressors must be challenged, whatever the result into Irans militia doctrine through a belief in acting on areligious commandment regardless of potential outcomes (taklifgarai). These ideological doctrines have been incorporated into the IRGCs overarching military strategy, in part to make up for its lack of advanced military technology and its reliance on human capital.

While all of these pillars of the IRGCs belief system have been assessed to varying degrees, one fundamental value of its ideology that makes up a significant aspect of its indoctrination has yet to be explored: the concept of Mahdism. Mahdism in the IRGC remains a complete blind spot for Western policymakers and experts, and yet its implications could have major consequences.

As a Shia Islamist force the IRGCs worldview hinges on Mahdism: the return of the 12th divinely ordained Shia imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi (or the Hidden Imam), whom Shia Muslims believe was withdrawn into a miraculous state of occultation (hiddenness) by God in 874 CE. The concept of Mahdism is rooted in the belief that Imam Mahdi will one day return to rid the world of evil and injustice. His coming will bring about "one final apocalyptic battle between two armies, in which Shias believe that Mahdi and his forces will prevail over evil.

The concept of Mahdism and the occultation of the 12th Imam emerged during the rule the Abbasid Caliphate (Al-Mutamid al 'llh) from the Shia ulema (clergy) primarily based in modern-day Iraq, Bahrain, and Lebanon. Muhammad al-Mahdi would assume the mantle of imam over the Shia ummah after his father, the 11th imam, Hasan al-Askar, was killed by the Sunni Abbasid Caliphate in 873 CE. Imam Mahdi was withdrawn into a state of occultation to protect him from suffering the same fate as his father. During this period (874-941) known as the Minor Occultation (gheybat-e soghra) Mahdi would appoint four special deputies (navab-e khas), who would act as his representatives and through which he would communicate and rule. In 941 CE, however, the fourth deputy would announce that after his death there would be no more specific deputies a message he claimed to have received from Imam Mahdi. The death of the fourth deputy in 941 CE would trigger the Major Occultation (gheybat-e kobra), whereby Mahdi would no longer have a specific deputy but all Shia clerics would become his representatives (nayeb-e aam).

Quietist Shia Political Doctrine: From the Safavids to the Pahlavis

Shia Islam was formally recognized as Irans official state religion during the Safavid Dynasty in 1501. Determined to attain religious legitimacy for their rule, the Safavids invited Shia clerics from Iraq, Bahrain, and Lebanon to consolidate Shiism in Iran and bless their leadership. However, even after the Safavids made Shia Islam the official state religion, the Shia political doctrine followed by the majority of the clergy ruled that any form of government during the Major Occultation was illegitimate. According to this notion, the only form of legitimate government was an Imamate (Shia Islamic state) and this could only exist under the leadership of the divinely ordained infallible imams. The consensus among the clergy was that the 12th Imam (or Lord of the Age) would appear upon his own accord, when injustice and evil captures the world. He would be accompanied by 313 special fighters, who would defeat evil in an apocalyptic battle, and act as the Shia ummahs savior against the non-believers. During the occultation, however, the clergys role would be to uphold Shia Islams interests only in the spiritual and religious realm, refraining from any political activism. This quietist political Shia doctrine, which began during the Safavid period, would last up until the fall of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavis rule in 1979.

Irans Islamic Revolution: Preparing for Mahdis Return

The 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran led by Ayatollah Khomeini would fundamentally change the Shia political doctrine and Mahdism.

In the years leading up to Irans revolution, then exiled cleric Khomeini developed a theory of Islamic government that would transfer all political power to the Shia clergy. Khomeini outlined his plans for the creation of an Islamic state by reconceptualizing the doctrine of velayat-e faqih to legitimize clerical guardianship of the state. The ayatollah claimed that God had made Islam for it to be implemented as shown by the creation of divine law (sharia). Given that no one knew Islam better than the clergy (Islamic jurists), Khomeini argued, it was natural that they should rule as guardians of the state until the return of the 12th Imam. In the absence of the 12th Imam, velayat-e faqih would transfer all political and religious authority to a supreme clerical leader (mujtahid), who would have custody over the Shia ummah as the imams deputy (nayeb-e Imam) and Gods representative on Earth.

Khomeinis theory also reconceptualized Mahdism, reversing centuries of clerical quietism during the Major Occultation. Rather than silently waiting for the 12th Imams return, Khomeini argued, the 12th Imam was waiting for Shia Muslims to prepare the ground for his arrival. Shia Muslims, in turn, had to be politically active and form an Islamic government to prepare for Mahdis global revolution. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, velayat-e faqih would be enshrined into Irans constitution and would underpin the Iranian state, with Irans supreme leader ruling as the 12th Imams deputy. Under this interpretation, the Islamic Revolution in Iran marked the first stage before the return of the 12th Imam.

Khamenei and the Mahdism Doctrine

Preparations for the return of Mahdi became more serious after Ayatollah Khamenei assumed the mantle of supreme leader in 1989. This appetite was initially shaped by the influence of Ayatollah Mohammed-Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi, a hardline Islamist cleric who was one of the main proponents and theorists of Khomeinis reinterpretation of Mahdism. This influence began to manifest itself in the late 1990s where Khamenei developed a doctrine around Mahdism. To prepare for the 12th Imams return, the ayatollah claimed it was necessary to create an ideal Islamic society based on Mahdism (jaameh-e mahdavi). Khamenei further developed this thesis a few years later. To lay the ground for the 12th Imams return, the supreme leader outlined five necessary revolutionary stages: an Islamic Revolution, an Islamic regime, an Islamic government, an Islamic society, and an Islamic civilization. According to Khamenei and his allies, Iran had only achieved the first two stages and was stuck on completing an Islamic government.

Ahmadinejad: The Government of Mahdi

The election of the hardliner Ahmadinejad as president in 2005 turbocharged Mahdism across the Islamic Republic. Ahmadinejad a member of the Basij was obsessed with the doctrine of Mahdism and finding ways to speed up the return of the 12th Imam. This is perhaps unsurprising given the fact that his spiritual leader was none other than Mesbah-Yazdi. As the new president declared, We have a mission to turn Iran into the country of the Hidden Imam.

Ahmadinejad would give special importance to the Jamkaran Mosque, which hosts the Well of Jamkaran, where some Shia Muslims believe the 12th Imam will return. Ahmadinejads administration would allocate$17 million in state funds to Jamkaran Mosque as well as expand its facilities, transforming it from a small mosque to a multimillion-dollar shrine. His administration would also spend around $8 million on refreshments for pilgrims visiting the Jamkaran Mosque for the celebration of Mahdis birthday. Ahmadinejad would go as far as constructing the Jamkaran Highway to connect Jamkaran Mosque directly to Imam Khomeini Airport in Tehran. In a meeting with the supreme leader, the president reportedly insisted on its construction so that in case Imam Mahdi reappears he could travel directly from Jamkaran to Tehrans airport without getting stuck in traffic.

While Ahmadinejads assertions were perhaps comical for audiences beyond Irans Islamist support base, the number of pilgrims to Jamkaran would reach in the millions during his presidency. The Ahmadinejad period would also result in the significant growth of grassroots heyats (Islamist institutions) and ideological preachers (maddahs or eulogists) across Iranian society. Maddahs are usually not clerics and have no religious education; rather, they are individuals who perform Shia mourning processions such as self-flagellation ceremonies and are known for their ability to evoke religious emotion. After the Islamic Revolution, maddahs became a central component of the ideological radicalization of IRGC and Basij members, and were instrumental in preparing Iranian soldiers often volunteers to launch martyrdom-seeking, human-wave attacks during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-88). Whereas the traditional Shia clerical establishment devotes more attention to Imam Ali and Imam Hussain, the maddah culture and class are fixated on Mahdism and praise for the Hidden Imam. The apocalyptic and revolutionary environment is fundamental to heyati and maddah culture. After the 2009 unrest period, the IRGC began to organize, mobilize, and promote maddahs by establishing the Basij Maddahs Organization, with the goal of monopolizing the heyat network across Iran.

The combination of increasing poverty and desperation would provide fertile ground for the emergence of a new form of state-backed radicalism among Irans hardline Islamist constituency, not least the youth. This new form of radicalism can be described as a Cult of Mahdism. This would go as far as proclaiming that Ahmadinejad was Shuayb bin Salih and Khamenei was Seyed Khorasani two individuals, who, according to historic Shia Islamic narrations, appear before Imam Mahdis return.

The Emergence of the Cult of Mahdi

The aftermath of Irans 2009 anti-regime protests, triggered by the rigging of that years presidential elections, would result in the Islamic Republic doubling down on its hardline Islamist ideology. To mitigate against future waves of protests, it was believed that the regime needed to nurture a more ideologically zealous generation of youth. This would provide fertile ground for radical proponents of Mahdism to fill. The rise of Ali Akbar Raefipour, the anti-Semitic conspiracy theorist and staunch advocate of Mahdism, would be a direct consequence of this. Raefipours extreme interpretation of Mahdism would gain huge traction among Irans Islamist youth (javanan-e hezbollahi) the core constituency from which the IRGC recruits. The rise of Raefipour was the direct result of support from the Ahmadinejad government and the IRGC. Today, his organization, the Masaf Institute, which states it has a goal of acquainting Muslims with Mahdist topics and teachings, is the direct recipient of IRGC financial support.

Perhaps more importantly, the post-2009 landscape also injected a new dose of radicalism about Mahdism into Khameneis close circle. This inner elite of hardline clerics began to view, understand, and communicate all contemporary world events in the context of Mahdism and its apocalyptic end of the times worldview (akhar al-zaman). Hojatoleslam Alireza Panahian, a hardline cleric in the Office of the Supreme Leader, close confident of Khameneis son Mojtaba, and an ideological trainer for the IRGC, would be instrumental in this regard. Like a younger version of Mesbah-Yazdi, Panahian would become one of the regimes key propagandists about Mahdism, placing particular emphasis on the warning signs of the nearing of the end of the occultation. For example, in 2020, he claimed the outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic was the preamble to the reappearance of Mahdi, drawing parallels between COVID-19 and the all encompassing plague that Islamic scripture describes as a sign of the nearing of the end times. Such predictions were by no means restricted to Panahian though. In fact, in March 2022, Ayatollah Golpayegani, the head of the Office of the Supreme Leader, asserted support for Putins invasion of Ukraine and described it as a prelude to the reappearance of the Lord of the Age (Imam Mahdi).

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Iran's Revolutionary Guard and the Rising Cult of Mahdism: Missiles and Militias for the Apocalypse - Middle East Institute