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The Trump-normalizing going on now has long since passed the rationalizing that were happening mid-campaign.CreditPHOTOGRAPH BY TY WRIGHT / GETTY

Thats crazy! That is the instant, intuitive, and, one might think, only possible response of a sane person to a weeks worth of tweets from President Donald Trump. Only crazy people make reckless charges, without any plausible foundation, and then simply shrug and sit on them. Take one recent example: How low has President Obama gone to tapp my phones during the very sacred election process. This is Nixon/Watergate. Bad (or sick) guy! This charge is mindboggling, not least for being self-exploding. For Obama to have wiretapped Trump (put aside that thats not, technically speaking, what is done any longer; the President may have been moved by vague memories of how the feds brought down John Gotti), Obama would have needed his own private team of plumbers to break into, or hack the systems of, Trump Tower. And no one in his right mind suggests that Obama ever had such a team. The most obvious alternative would be that it was done by the F.B.I., in response to a court order spurred by genuine suspicion of grave wrongdoing. In that scenario, Trump would be asserting that someone in the Department of Justice had grounds for such suspicion, sufficient to convince a judge. But he couldnt possibly have intended to say that. All this suggests that he may not be capable of the normal logic of normal people, of any kind of political bent. And that, folks, would be crazy.

Of course, we are quickly counselled never to say this, in part because calling Trump crazy would be, in plain English, an insult to crazy people. Diagnosis should be left to those with expertise in it; mental illness is not a category to be used casually to describe those whose behavior we find squalid or even abhorrent. And calling people crazy, to take it to the next dimension, is what totalitarian societies do when they want to lock dissidents away.

Understood. But it is still important, for the sake of sanity, to assert that there is a meaningful sense of the word crazy that doesnt demand medical diagnosis. It arises, instead, from an intelligent description of the normal workings of human minds and human relationships. And its important to preserve that sense for common usage, because we often need to distinguish between normal people we disagree with or even think may be actively doing wrongsay, taking health insurance away from millions of people in blind pursuit of an ideological passionand people who are dangerous because they have passed beyond the ability to actively reason with evidence about the world.

When Patsy Cline sings about being crazy for loving you, it doesnt mean that shes clinically diagnosable, and we would be as blind as, well, the guy in the song is to warn others from calling her so. It means that her love has robbed her (or himWillie Nelson wrote the song) of all rationality. Its crazy to be in love with the object of the song because he (or she) isnt capable of reciprocating that love.It is less than a diagnosis, but is more than a metaphor. When it happens in real life, we sound more impatient, but we use the same language: Youre crazy to go on texting that guy/girl after everything he/she has put you through. (And then they always do. And then we sigh.)

Crazy lovers are pitiful, or pathetic, or, often enough, poignant figures. Crazy politicians are not. The Trump-normalizing going on now has long since passed the practice we might call rationalizing up to the closest reasonable position, which was happening mid-campaign. That was when his talk of a border wall paid for by Mexico was imagined as, really, a mere reinforced fence, while a Muslim ban became a more watchful eye on refugees, just as sexual predation became locker-room talk. The normalizing that goes on now is the normalizing that one sees in old tales of crazy monarchs making pronouncements that everyone, including those closest to the ruler, knows are pure fantasy, unhinged from realitythree million illegal voters and the evil conspiracy of Barack Obamabut are talked around or through or about or down or all around until the mad king is placated, for a moment.

One theory, of course, has it that this is a strategic form of crazy, a way of distracting the public from Trumps circles Russian connections or the disastrous dismantling of Obamacare. But something similar happens with all the patent untruths Trump tells. Just as the media have a hard time calling crazy things crazy, we are also now reluctant to call lies, lies, even when it doesnt seem that theres anything else youcancall them. Again, the rationale is not ridiculous: a lie is more grave than an untruth, which can be merely a mistaken conviction, and it implies conscious intention to deceive rather than inward-turning self-deception. But, really, the word lie isnt an accusation when it comes to things like the Obama wiretapping; its a description. The alternative, of course, is to believe that extravagantly obvious untruths are sincerely held, in which case they could only be called crazy.

The great enablers in this business are not so much members of the media, who struggle every day between familiar practices and wild times, but the Republican representatives and senators who, by shrugging off the loony on a daily basis, do more than anyone else to make it normal. And here, perhaps, lies a link too easily overlooked. Its not just a tribal reflex on the part of the Republicans to defend a President of the same party; its a necessity of the numbers. (There were three million more votes for the Democratic candidate for President and approximately six million more votes for Democrats in Senate racesyes, it was designed to be unjust, but that does not make it less unjustand this was, of course, the second time in five elections that the Presidential candidate who won the most votes was denied the office, a previously unprecedented thing.) As Timothy Snyder explains in his fine and frightening recent pamphlet On Tyranny, a minorityparty now has near-total power and is therefore understandably frightened of awakening the actual will of the people. Snyder writes, The party that exercises such control proposes few policies that are popular and several that are genuinely unpopularand thus must either fear democracy or weaken it. This is a toxic combination: a screw-loose leader ready to say anything, an unpopular party that wants to keep him from being exposed for what he iseven as the door swings wildly on whatevers left of its hingesfor fear of having its policies exposed for what they are. Its, well, crazy. And where we are.

See the article here:
The Words We Use About Donald Trump - The New Yorker