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Drag bans like the one passed in Tennessee rely on fearmongering tropes about protecting children and traditional values.

Tennessee recentlypassed legislationthat bans drag from being performed in public spaces, as well as in the view of children. Although Tennessee is the first state to enact such a ban, it is unlikely to be the last, as others with conservative legislatures arecurrently considering similar action. Some states proposing bans haveexplicitly targeted Drag Story Hour, which involves drag performers reading books to children in public spaces, such as libraries.

So why does the American public suddenly need to be protected from drag?

The answer to this question has deep roots in modern U.S. history.

Tennessees ban on drag is not an isolated event. Rather, it is only the latest volley in the broader culture war between American conservatives and progressives to define the values of the country.

In 1991, sociologistJames Davison Hunteralerted Americans that the nation was in the midst of a perpetual culture war that would continue to have reverberations not only within public policy but within the lives of ordinary Americans everywhere.

Examples of early culture war battles include the 1925Scopes Monkey Trial, in which a Tennessee high school science teacher was prosecuted for violating anti-evolution laws, and the 1962Supreme Court rulingthat deemed school-sponsored prayer unconstitutional.

Culture war conflict came to a head in the 1980s and 1990s, with Senate hearings over the perceived dangers ofheavy metal musicand obscenity inrap music.

Social scientists largely thought theculture wars had recededat the turn of the 21st century. Then, former President Donald Trumps battle cry to Make America Great Again rallied troops back into action.

As Hunter noted in his monumental tome, culture war disputesusually intensify during times of upheaval, such as changes in the countrys demographics and shifts in the distribution of political power. These shifts lead people to wonder exactly whose values, languages, religions, and opportunities are respected or promoted by the government, law, and popular culture.

Not surprisingly, cultural conflict tends to emerge within institutions that have practical implications for Americans lives: family, public schools, popular media, public art, and law.

The first Drag Story Hourtook place in 2015. It was organized by author and queer activist Michelle Tea and the San Francisco-based literacy nonprofit RADAR Productions. Theofficial missionof Drag Story Hour is to celebrate reading through the glamorous art of drag and create diverse, accessible, and culturally-inclusive family programming where kids can express their authentic selves.

Because these performances take place in public spaces and in front of children, they hit upon a couple of important culture war triggers.

First, public performances can spark cultural conflict because they can signify exactly whose values are prioritized over others. Second, art and performances that reach audiences of children are often perceived as a threat to the family as an institution.

For example, in the 1980s, some activists and politicians viewed profane music as a threat to the family. This led to the introduction ofparental advisory labelsto identify music deemed inappropriate for children.

As social scientists who study gender and culture, we recentlyanalyzed reactions to Drag Story Hourthat were posted on social media forums.

In our analysis, we found that many grievances centered on institutions and values crucial to the culture wars.

We found that conservatives reminisced about a time when their values were dominant in American society and rehashed old culture war narratives about threatened children.

They specifically expressed nostalgia for a time when American culture was anchored by conservative values, and progressive views existed on the periphery of public life. As one forum member lamented, When I was a kid, the librarians were nice Christian ladies and there was an American flag outside. My current public library [has] scary levels of liberal posters and talks.

Some conservatives also used rhetoric reminiscent of the Satanic Panic of the 1980s and 1990s by claiming that drag performers were satanic pedophiles who sought to recruit, groom, and sexually abuse children. Others argued that parents who take their children to Drag Story Hour should be jailed or lose their parental rights.

In our view, its no accident that Tennessees ban on drag specifically targets drag performed in front of children.

Emphasizing threats to children is a well-established strategy for conveying the decline of American culture and values. As sociologists Joel Best and Kathleen Bogle have noted, adults oftenproject their anxieties and fearsconcerning a perceived disintegration of traditional norms onto younger generations, whom they believe need to be shielded.

In the 1970s, anti-gay activist Anita Bryant launched her Save Our Children campaign. Claiming that gays and lesbians were recruiting children to their cause,she successfully pressed voters to opposeanti-discrimination statutes.

And in the 1980s,fears over changing family structures, such as rising divorce rates and an influx of working mothers, fueled a moral panic thatday care staffers were ritualistically abusing children.

Almost half a century later, fears regarding advancements in LGBTQ+ rights haveproduced legislation restricting discussions of gender identityin schools and stoked claims that drag performers are satanists who terrorize children.

The deployment of these well-worn narratives is unlikely to end with legislation like Tennessees drag ban. Rather, it will continue as long as conservatives and progressives battle to define American values.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Drag Bans Are Rooted in Conservative Culture Wars - YES! Magazine