Archive for the ‘Ukraine’ Category

CXEMA and Rave Parties in Ukraine: Poor But Cool – PoliticalCritique.org

Cxema was born in Ukraine in a time of disillusionment by the Maidan, the countrys militarization, increased panic about impending war, counterrevolution, and economic crisis.

Frank Hoffman, journalist at Deutsche Welle and witness to the emergence of Berlins techno culture, once asked Slava Lepsheev whether he realized he was a revolutionary. Lepsheev protested: he did not see himself that way. Nevertheless, it was Slava who created Cxema (pronounced Skhema), the series of techno events which serve as spaces for Kyivs audiovisual and bodily revolution. Cxema was born in Ukraine in a time of disillusionment by the Maidan, the countrys militarization, increased panic about impending war, counterrevolution, and economic crisis. Raves became spaces for revolutionary pathos to maintain its validity despite the passing time, and on the contrary to grow stronger and reach increasing numbers of people. As it repeatedly brought together up to two thousand young progressives on a single dance floor, in the dreamy mood of total freedom, Cxema offered a space radically different from its surrounding reality.

Initially, what connected us was having no money and having the same friends. The only person that everybody knew was Vova Vorotniov, a graffiti artist. Vorotniov designed the symbol which integrated separate groups of party-goers into one movement, while defining its bounds and political meaning. Vovas t-shirts said poor but cool, with two Chanel logos in place of the double Os. Poverty, a particular sense of style, and a love for techno joined within a coherent symbol through which young people saw themselves as members of one community. The symbol let them forget the shame they felt about not having money.

The poor-but-cool youth culture in Kyiv took shape even before the Euromaidan, as with how Sergey Klimko and some of my other friends from the Visual Culture Research Center in Kyiv ran a DIY club at no. 31 Nizheyurkovska Street (NY31). The small building with a cul-de-sac, surrounded by mountains and woods, developed into a platform of the Centers alternative activities, including film screenings, DIY culture festivals, radical exhibitions and almost weekly dance parties. It was there that artists and activists, intellectuals and subculture representatives, electronic music scene members and simply cool people, would meet for the first time.

Once the hangar closed and Kyivs Maidan protests erupted, the poor-but-cool community went into temporary hibernation. First, it had lost its place in urban nightlife, and second, the revolution kept changing Kyivs political contexts daily. Notably, I went to my last rave before Cxemas creation straight from Maidan on the night of November 29th-30th, when militsya troops brutally crushed a student protest. The revolution reached its next stage.

After the revolutionary events, I agreed to Slava Lepsheevs proposal and went to work behind the bar at his parties. I had worked as a bartender in NY31, and it seemed like Slavas parties would rally the poor-but-cool crowd once again. I promptly quit my bartending job, though, in favor of employment in the post-revolutionary Ministry of Culture. I thought that there and then I would find opportunity for change. Six months in, I realized that this was the last place for revolution. I returned to Cxema. I was asked to join the team as a media relations coordinator, because the media was starting to take active interest in the Kyiv scene. The confident poor-but-cool community was becoming the cool crowd not just in Kyiv, but in also in an international cultural context.

Cxemas depressing setting was only apparent in a few of its aspects, including its drug of choice. While 1970s hippies experimented with LSD and 1990s ravers got their energy from ecstasy pills, amphetamine was the vice of Kyivs audiovisual revolution. Whereas NY31 raves had revolved around cheap drinks and cannabis, amphetamine use spread at Cxema parties. Things started to get a little uptight, but it did not stop us from having fun. In I-D Magazines documentary on Cxema, one partygoer gave a spot-on observation on the atmosphere: Cxema is not a party where you go to chill with friends. You go there the same way youd go to work.

There is another aspect to her words. Having incorporated the poor-but-cool culture, Cxema acts as a meeting place for fashion lovers who come meticulously dressed in their thrift store finds. The parties have turned into catwalks for showing off ones original image, the key element to being cool. This phenomenon is what brought Cxema to the attention of international fashion and pop culture media, such as Vice, I-D or Dazed & Confused. Although Euromaidan brought Ukraine into the public eye, nothing after the revolution fascinates international media quite like Kyivs partygoers in their hip 90s outfits. Their fashion savvy was accrued not only via blogs and fashion magazines, but also thanks to their digging through tons of visual production from decades past, piling up in Kyivs thrift stores. For those people, the return of 90s fashion was not so much the latest trend as a side effect of wearing second-hand clothes.

Cxemas inclusivity has raised the question about its own status in relation to the wide-spread radical right worldview among Kyivs youth. The issue initially arose when one party was attended by a small group of guys sporting Nazi tattoos. It was a fairly known crew connected to Kyivs soccer team Dynamo a former extreme right fan association. They had no intention of assaulting anyone, they just came to party. And because their presence was noted by the media, it could have resulted in an increased interest in Cxema among the radical right.

The question reappeared while discussing the fairly popular European record label, Berceuse Heroique. Its records are often accompanied by illustrations depicting successes of European far right organizations such as the Golden Dawn in Greece, the Right Sector in Ukraine, or mass riots on Polands Independence Day. Such an aesthetic had prevented the label neither from operating legally on European territory nor from signing deals with young progressive artists. The possibility of collaboration caused my temporary departure from the project.

When I worked for Cxema, I stood for preserving its revolutionary enthusiasm. The projects development in Ukraine and abroad foreshadows an increase in moral responsibility and the need to work out new principles, adapted to the current challenges facing Kyivs musical and visual revolution. To me, such principles are feminist and anti-fascist. If Cxema were to ever abandon them, that would be the end of it.

Translated from Polish by Aleksandra Paszkowska.

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CXEMA and Rave Parties in Ukraine: Poor But Cool - PoliticalCritique.org

How to overcome corruption in Ukraine – New Eastern Europe

Published on Friday, 28 April 2017 11:34 Category: Articles and Commentary Written by Valerii Pekar

Ukraine: The European frontier- a blog curated by Valerii Pekar.

Ukraine is currently considered one of the most corrupt countries in Europe. Some argue that this is just a perception, as Ukraine is also one of the most transparent countries in Europe, ever since it established an unprecedented openness of public data and private data of public servants (known as e-declarations). Countries with less data transparency could be very corrupt as well, but this is not a permanent focus of internal and international public opinion. Furthermore, corruption in Ukraine has been brought into focus since the Revolution of Dignity (EuroMaidan), which had a clearly pronounced anti-corruption orientation.

Nevertheless, corruption in Ukraine remains high both subjectively and objectively; therefore discussions on how to overcome it are much more productive than discussions about whether it is as high as may be perceived.

There are two principal approaches to the issue.

The first one, known in Ukraine as anti-corruption reform, is to ensure the inevitability of punishment for corruption. Traditionally in Ukraine corrupt bureaucrats, tax and custom inspectors, militiamen (an old name for police officers), prosecutors and judges are members of the same close-knit clans, so a corrupt state servant would never be punished, except in the rare occasions of aggravated clan wars. This is why a number of new independent institutions have been created. The National Anti-corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialised Anti-corruption Prosecutors Office were introduced to investigate cases of high-level corruption, while the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (NAPC) analyses the integrity of public servants and politicians.

By the beginning of 2017, NABU had initiated some 264 criminal cases and the NAPC had gathered 107,000 e-declarations of MPs, top government officials, judges, prosecutors, etc. Nevertheless, public activists are concerned about severe problems, and even rollbacks, in this sphere.

There are several major issues that have emerged as a result. The first major is that an independent and new anti-corruption court has not been established, as was demanded by the law. NABU cases, hence, go to the traditional corrupt courts and stop dead there. Second, the NAPC has not yet started a full-scale examination of the e-declarations, and the online register of e-declarations has many bugs and often does not work as it should. Third, some politicians have tried to undermine the independence of NABU by blocking the assignment of independent and trustworthy auditors. Fourth, until now NABU has had no legal right to wiretap communications and, in order to initiate wiretaps, it has to go to the traditional corrupt institutions which often immediately inform the suspects. Fifth, the law demands that investigation functions be transferred from the Prosecutor Generals Office to the newly established State Bureau of Investigations, but its head has not yet been assigned. Sixth, the mandates of the members of the Central Election Committee, one of the most corrupt institutions, expired long ago and new members have not been elected. Seventh, civil society organisations, the business community and international financial organisations have all demanded the dismissal of the extremely corrupt tax militia (a part of the fiscal service) and the establishment of an analytical demilitarised Financial Investigations Service under the auspices of the Ministry of Finance. Last, but not least, there are rumours that the examination of candidates to the reconstructed Supreme Court of Ukraine is not honest, and civil activists are demanding the publication of the tests of the applicants together with the grades, and to organise an online live stream of the interviews and to make public and transparent the attempts of the High Qualifying Commission of Judges to tackle the veto by the Public Integrity Council. All of these issues mentioned above, and some additional demands, were included to the Anti-corruption Declaration, signed on April 10 by dozens of authoritative NGOs and political parties.

Perhaps, the most important point is that the NAPC does not show any desire to organise the examination of e-declarations of state servants and MPs, while the parliament has adopted a law which forces the representatives of anti-corruption civil society groups to submit the same kind of e-declarations. Many NGOs consider this last fact as a declaration of war by corrupt politicians on the civil society.

While anti-corruption reform is slowing down and in some areas have even been rolled back, we have to consider another way to fight corruption, which is as important as the first method. This one is about undermining the sources of corruption, rather than catching individual corrupt officials.

The freer the economy is; the less space is available for corruption. Ukraines economy remains extremely "un-free" (166th rank in the Heritage Foundations Economic Freedom Index), and even the very efficient NABU, NAPC and Anti-corruption courts are not able to eliminate corruption in this turbid water.

State-owned enterprises are the greatest source of corruption. There are still approximately 3,500 of such enterprises in Ukraine; ten times more than the average European country. Their privatisation has been postponed for years by political clans which extract money from them. In addition, opening the agricultural market has been blocked again and again. Deregulation, an area where many achievements have been reached in previous years, has now slowed. Ministries and other state agencies still have a lot of obsolete and redundant functions, often concentrating powers like rules setting, inspection, administrative services, policy development and state property management. Verification of social subsidies has failed, because there are many ways to extract corrupt money from them. Tax systems remain complicated and non-transparent (at present the Ministry of Finance is fighting for automatic VAT refund to exporters, whereas the traditional manual refund is a major source of corruption). Education and public health remain very corrupt spheres due to their post-communist models of financing.

From this point of view, every reform in Ukraine is an anti-corruption one. Indeed, there have been some important breakthroughs. Gas market reform eliminated corruption in this sphere. The new patrol police, created from scratch, enjoy much greater public trust than the former militia due to its new practices. The National Bank has cleansed the financial system of many money-laundering banks. Deregulation has deprived corrupt bureaucrats from many important sources of income. Public procurements have been completely remade with the new online platform, the award-winning ProZorro. But comparing the successes of the three years since the EuroMaidan with the long to-do list, tasks set by civil society organisations, the EU and IMF, we see that the pace of change is unsatisfactory.

This is why we need to unite the efforts of the civil society and Ukraine's international partners to overcome this rollback and to increase the pace of reforms dramatically. Only joint pressure will work effectively.

Valerii Pekaris a co-founder of the Nova Kraina Civic Platform, a lecturer at the Kyiv-Mohyla Business School and a former member of the National Reform Council. He curates a blog titledUkraine: The European frontier.

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How to overcome corruption in Ukraine - New Eastern Europe

Who is Ukraine’s Eurovision Song Contest 2017 entry? O. Torvald set to perform Time – The Sun

Ukraine is pinning its hopes on O. Torvald but will they be able to bring it home?

UKRAINE has chosen O. Torvald to represent them at this years Eurovision Song Contest.

But what is their background, how were they selected and what is O. Torvald singing?

Alamy

O. Torvald is a Ukrainian rock band formed in 2005.

The group recorded their first album named O.Torvald in 2008 after being signed by Moon Records.

The current line up of the metal group includes:Yevhen Halych, Denys Myzyuk, Oleksandr Solokha, Mykyta Vasylyev and Mykola Rayda.

In order to be selected as Ukraines contestants for EurovisionO. Torvald had to take part in a number of rounds of the national competition.

They were second in both the judges vote and the public vote during the semi-final on February 18, enough to see them through into the final.

During the final, they once again came second in both the judges votes and the televote awarding them enough points to claim victory, after a tense tiebreak.

As the current winners Ukraines entry will go straight into the final and will not need to compete in the semi-finals.

EPA

O. Torvald will perform theirtrack Time.

The song is written in and will be performed in English.

Sunbets Eurovision odds currently list Ukraine winning at 22/1.

Slow down Give me some time Turn down The volume of your cry Let's take time to find A place without violence Lets listen and hear The true meaning of silence

Getty Images

Ukraine have competed in the competition a total of 13 times since their 2003 debut.

They've taken the top spot twice in that time, impressive considering they only recently joined the competition.

Ukraine's first victory came in 2004 in their second year when singer Ruslana was victorious with Wild Dances.

They also won last year's contest with singer Jamala taking first place with the song 1944.

They are the first Eastern European country to win the competition twice.

The Eurovisionfinal is due to take place on Saturday May 13, with semi-finals held on May 11 and 13.

The event will be broadcast live from the International Exhibition Centre in the countrys capital Kiev.

The reigning champion Jamala will be in attendance on the night to hand over the honour to this years winner performers.

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Who is Ukraine's Eurovision Song Contest 2017 entry? O. Torvald set to perform Time - The Sun

Donald Trump forced to tread carefully over Ukraine amid ongoing Russia probe – The Independent

The death of an American member of an international monitoring team in eastern Ukraine in a landmine blast, which also injured a Czech colleague, is the latest act of lethal violence putting enormous stress on the countrys fragile ceasefire.

The response of the US State Department has, so far, been restrained, praising the courage of the monitors, expressing shock and sadness, and urgingRussia to use its influence with the eastern separatists to allow a full, transparent and timely investigation to take place.

Every move by the US in Ukraine is being watched anxiously by the countrys president, Petro Poroshenko. It is not just that he is worried that Washingtonmay weaken its backing for his country against Russia; the President is seeking to rehabilitate himself with Mr Trump after his government made little secret of backing Hillary Clinton in the US presidential election.

Mr Poroshenko and his ministers had been alarmed by Mr Trumps expressions of admiration for Vladimir Putin and remarks suggesting that he would accept the Russian annexation of Crimea. Ms Clinton, on the other hand, has long taken a combative stance towards the Kremlin in the Ukraine crisis.

There is evidence that Ukrainian officials helped the Democratic Party attemptsto uncover alleged illicit links between Mr Trump and Moscow. This included the activities of Paul Manafort, his former campaign manager, who had previously filled the same role with Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraines former president and an ally of Vladimir Putin.

Ukrainian ministers and officials openly attacked Mr Trump during the election campaign. Internal Affairs Minister Arsen Avakovcalled him a clown and described his comments on Crimea as the diagnosis of a dangerous misfit on Twitter.

Yuriy Sergeyev, Ukraines permanent representative to the UN, posted: It seems that clown Trump has finally gone monkey s***amidst his circus tour. He is a bigger menace to the US than terrorism.

And Vadym Denysenko, an MP in the Poroshenko Bloc in Parliament, had no doubt that Trump has shown himself as a thick idiot who speaks whatever is needed to fit the mood of the crowd.

After Mr Trumps victory, Mr Sergeyev claimed his Twitter account had been hacked, while the others hastily deleted their posts. But anger in the Trump team has not been so easy to erase.

Mr Poroshenko is yet to see the US President. Efforts by the Ukrainian ambassador to Washington, Valeryi Chaly, to arrange a meetinghave been hampered by the belief of Trump team members that much of the collusion with the Democrats was by people connected to the embassy.

During the election campaign Mr Chaly had declared: Trumps future policy is about the aggressors appeasement and maintaining of the violation of territorial integrity of the sovereign nation and other breaches of international law.This changed, after the result, to: Republican Trumps electoral victory can have a positive impact for Ukraine It will happen much faster with Trump coming to power.

The Poroshenko government recently signed a contract rumoured to be worth $50,000 a month with a Washington lobbying firm with Republican connections in an effort to repair the damage. Their task is to set up meetings with Trump administration officials to strengthen relations between the US and Ukraine.

But it is Mr Poroshenkos rival, Yulia Tymoshenko, who got to see Mr Trump and was quick subsequently to publiciseto Mr Poroshenkos chagrin the meeting and the supposeddiscussion about Ukraines future.

A few days laterthe Ukrainian president finally managed to speak to the US President on the phone. But the talk, according to both American and Ukrainian officials, was somewhat general, dwelling on the need to end the violence in the east of the country, andlacking the robust backing for Kiev which used to come from the Obama administration.

President Poroshenko visited London last week and announced that Theresa May and Boris Johnson had assured him of full support against Russian aggression. But there is uncertainty about the Wests willingness to confront Moscow at this time. Mr Johnson failed in his much publicised attempt to get the G7 group to back tough new sanctions against Russiaover chemical strikes in Syria blamed on its allies, the Assad regime. Any new punitive measuresover Ukraine are highly unlikely in the near future.

Relations between the US and Russia have been strained by Mr Trumps ordering of air strikes on a regime airbase in Syria. But Mr Trump continues to send out the contradictory signals which have been the trademark of his administration. A day after saying relations with Russia were at an all time low, the US President declared things will work out fine between the USA and Russia.

Meanwhile, the various investigations into Mr Trumps Russian links continue with the spotlight once again on Ukraine. One recent allegation is that Mr Manafort received vast sums in suspicious payments from Mr Yanukovych.

Prosecutors in Kiev want to question Mr Manafort and say they have requested the assistance of James Comey, the director of the FBI, which is carrying out its own investigation into Russian links. The Poroshenko government would preferthis was not pursued, it is believed, so as not to further fray relations with the Trump team. But the prosecutors, who have been accused of covering up corruption by, among others, EU officials, are keen to show they are active and autonomous.

It seen as a sign of the Trump teams nervousness about what may unfold that it appears to be trying to distance itself from Mr Manafort. At a recent briefing to journalists, the White House spokesman Sean Spicer brought up Mr Manaforts name unprompted, and claimed, to general incredulity, that he played a very limited role, very limited amount of time in the presidential campaign.

But the investigations are not going away and the Ukrainian connection is likely to remain under critical scrutiny. The chill between the Poroshenko government and Mr Trump looks unlikely to thaw anytime soon.

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Donald Trump forced to tread carefully over Ukraine amid ongoing Russia probe - The Independent

Ukraine’s battle for freedom will be highlighted at weekend concert – Buffalo News

Ukraine has been engaged in a war to defend its borders for the past three years, leading to the deaths of more than10,000 volunteers, soldiers and civilians and creating an estimated 2 million internal refugees.

A benefit concert illustrating Ukraine's fight for freedom, dignity and independence will be held Saturday night in Buffalo.

The Ukrainian American Civic Center will present the concert, "Perseverance: A Visual & Musical Journey," at7:30 p.m. Saturday in theDnipro Cultural Center, 562 Genesee St. Organizers say amusical expressionof traditional Ukrainian and modern English tunes will be enhanced by a visual journey from the pastto the present situation in Ukraine.

The event will featureUkrainian performers plus Americans and Canadians of Polish or Ukrainian descent.Making a special guest appearance from Ukraine will be Serhiy Foma Fomenko, a soloperformer and lead singer of the band Mandry.

The proceeds from this non-profit production will go directly toward medical supplies for Ukraine through the Ukrainian American Freedom Foundation.

Tickets are available on-line at http://www.perseverance.bpt.me. Additional information can be found atwww.perseverance.buzz.

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Ukraine's battle for freedom will be highlighted at weekend concert - Buffalo News